
Book M^Ja-. 




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TlIK 



UNITED STATES MANUAL 



BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY: 

COMPRISINQ 

LIVES OF THK PRESIDKXTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED 
STATES, AND THE t'AHlNET lIFFIl'EKS, 

FROM TIIK ADOPTION OK THK C'ONSTITITION TO TlIK rilKf^KNT DAY. 
ALSO, LIVKS OK 

THE SIOXKRS OF THE DECLARATION OF IXDEPE\DE\(E, 

AND OF THE OLD ARTICLES OF CONFEDtKATlON, 
OF THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, 

AND 

OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE ST'PKEME COURT 
OF THE UNITED STATES. 

WITH AUTHENTIC COPIES OF THE 

DECLARATION OF IXDFrENnK.Mi:, THE AIITICLES OF CuN FEDERATION, AND TIIK 
C'ONSTITLTIUN 0¥ THE UNITED iJTAIES. 

TO WHICH 18 PREFIXED 

A\' LVTRODICTORV IIISTOBV OF IDE IMTED STATES. 



Bt JAMES V. MARSHALL. 



I L L r .•< T R A T »: I) WITH 
PORTKAITS OF ALL TH£ PRESIDENTS, FROK ORIGINAL DESIGNS. 



PniLADELPITIA : 
PUBLISHED BY JAMES B. SMITH & CO. 

No. 140 CIIK8TM'T STREET. 

1856. 






K&tered •ocordlng to Act of Congress, im the yew 1866, hf 

JAMES B. SMITU A CO. 

In the Clerk's Offloe of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern 
DUtriet of Pennsylvania. 






PREFACE. 



The object of the author of the " United States Manual" 
is to furnish his countrymen with a complete compendium 
of biography of the distinguished statesmen who have taken 
part in public affairs from the colonial period of our history 
to the present day. 

At the same time, the work will be found to afford a his- 
tory of the country, as well as a complete series of biogra- 
phies of its public men. The Introductory History extends 
from the discovery of America, by Columbus, to the Decla- 
ration of Independence. The life of Washington carries for- 
ward the national history to the close of his administration ; 
and the lives of the other Presidents comprise the histories 
of their respective administrations, thus rendering the na- 
tional history complete. 

In examining the list of public men whose lives are com- 
prised in this volume, the reader will not fail to perceive 
that it comprises all who have taken a very prominent part 
in our national affairs. These men have been required, by 
the exigencies of the times, to sign the old articles of Con- 
federation or the Declaration of Independence, or to assist 
in framing the Constitution of the United States, or to act as 

3 



4 PREFACE. 

Presidents, Vice-Presidents, or Cabinet Ministers, or Chief 
Justices of the Supreme Court. 

The author has endeavoured not only to be accurate in 
giving historical facts and dates, but also to render the 
volume as entertaining and readable as possible. Its value 
and convenience as a book of reference to the reader of his- 
tory, or to the citizen taking a part in politics, must be 
obvious to every one. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTORY HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES Page 9 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 33 



BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS OF THE 
INDEPENDENCE. 



DECLARATION OF 



John Hancock Page 37 

Josiah Bartlett 39 

William Whipple 40 

Matthew Thornton 41 

Samuel Adams 42 

John Adams 44 

Robert Treat Paine 45 

Elbridge Gerry 46 

Stephen Hopkins 49 

William Ellery 50 

Roger Sherman 51 

Samuel Huntington 53 

William Williams 55 

Oliver Wolcott 56 

William Floyd 57 

Philip Livingston 58 

Francis Lewis 59 

Lewis Mori'is 60 

Richard Stockton 61 

John Witherspoon 62 

Francis Hopkinson 64 

John Hart 66 

Abraham Clark 67 

Robert Morris 68 

Benjamin Rush 71 

Benjamin Franklin 74 

John Morton 81 

George Clymer 82 



James Smith Page 84 

George Taylor 85 

James AVilson 86 

George Ross 87 

Ctesar Rodney 88 

George Read 89 

Thomas McKean 90 

Samuel Chase 94 

William Paca 96 

Thomas Stone 96 

Charles Carroll 97 

George Wythe 98 

Richard Henry Lee 102 

Benjamin Harrison 108 

Thomas Jefferson 109 

Thomas Nelson, Jun 109 

Francis Lightfoot Lee Ill 

Carter Braxton 112 

William Hooper 113 

Joseph Hewes 113 

John Penn 114 

Edward Rutledge 115 

Thomas Heyward, Jun 116 

Thomas Lynch, Jun 117 

Arthur Middleton 118 

Button Gwinnett 120 

Lyman Hall 121 

George Walton 122 



ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION 123 



CONTENTS. 



BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS OF THE ARTICLES OF CON- 
FEDERATION. 



John Wentworth, Jun Page 132 

Francis Dana 132 

James Lovell 133 

Samuel Holten 134 

Henry Marchant 135 

John Collins 135 

Titus Hosmer 135 

Andrew Adams 136 

James Duane 136 

William Duer 136 

Gouverneur Morris 137 

Nathaniel Scudder 139 



Daniel Roberdeau Page 139 

Jonathan Bayard Smith 140 

William Clingan 140 

Joseph Reed 141 

John Dickinson 143 

Nicholas Van Dyke 144 

John Hanson 145 

Henry Laurens 145 

William Henry Drayton 147 

Richard Hutson 149 

John Matthews 150 

Edward Telfair 150 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 151 



BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 



George Washington Page 164 

John Langdon 164 

Nicholas Oilman 165 

Nathaniel Gorham 165 

Bufus King 166 

William Samuel Johnson 168 

Alexander Hamilton 169 

William Livingston 174 

David Brearley 175 

William Patterson 176 

Jonathan Dayton 177 

Thomas Mifflin 177 

Thomas Fitzsimmons 278 

Jared IngersoU 178 



Gunning Bedford, Jun Page 179 

Richard Bassett 179 

Jacob Broom 179 

John Blair 180 

James Madison, Jun 180 

William Blount 181 

Richard Dobbs Spaight 181 

Hugh Williamson 182 

John Rutledge 183 

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney 185 

Charles Pinckney 187 

Pierce Butler 188 

William Few 188 

Adam Baldwin 189 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, 

WITH BIOGRAPHIES OF THE VICE-PRESIDENTS AND MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. 



George Washington Page 190 

Henry Knox 216 

Edmund Randolph 219 

Oliver Wolcott, Jun 220 

JohnM'Henry 220 

Timothy Pickering 221 

William Bradford 222 

Charles Lee 223 

Joseph Habersham 223 



John Adams :Page 225 

Samuel Dexter 233 

George Cabot 234 

Thomas Jefferson 236 

Aaron Burr 255 

George Clinton 256 

John Marshall 259 

Albert Gallatin 266 

Henry Dearborn 268 



CONTENTS. 



LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, &c. 
(Cotitiniied.) 



Robert Smith Page 2G9 

Levi Lincoln 270 

John Breckenridge 270 

Caesar A. Rodney 272 

Gideon Granger 272 

James Madison, Jun 273 

James Monroe 356 

George W. Campbell 357 

Alexander James Dallas 357 

William Eustis 359 

John Armstrong 359 

William H. Crawford 302 

Paul Hamilton 3G4 

William Jones 364 

Benjamin W. Crowninshield 365 

William Pinckney 365 

James Monroe 369 

Daniel D. Tompkins 379 

George Graham 379 

Richard Rush 380 

Return Jonathan Meigs 381 

William Wirt 381 

John Caldwell Calhoun 383 

Smith Thompson 388 

John Quixcy Adams 389 

Henry Clay 395 

Samuel L. Southard 406 

John Rodgers 407 

John McLean 409 

James Barbour 410 

Peter B. Porter 411 

Andrew Jackson 416 

Louis McLane 430 

Edward Livingston 431 

John Forsyth 432 

Samuel D. Ingham 432 

William J. Duane 433 

Roger Brooke Taney 433 

Levi Woodbury 434 

John II. Eaton 435 

Lewis Cass 436 

Benjamin F. Butler 438 

.John M. Berrien 438 

William T. Barry 439 

John Branch 439, 



Martin Van Buren Page 440 

Richard M. Johnson 445 

Joel R. Poinsett 450 

James Kirke Paulding 451 

IMahlon Dickerson 452 

Felix Grundy 458 

Henry D. Gilpin 454 

Amos Kendall 455 

William Henry Harrison 456 

Daniel Webster 463 

JohnC. Crittenden 467 

Thomas Ewing , 468 

John Bell 469 

George E. Badger 469 

Francis Granger , 470 

John Tyler 471 

Abel P. Upshur 477 

Walter Forward 478 

John C.Spencer 479 

George M. Bibb 480 

James M. Porter 481 

William Wilkins 481 

David Henshaw 482 

Thomas W. Gilmer 482 

JohnY. Mason 483 

Amos Kendall 484 

Hugh S. Legarg 484 

James Knox Polk 491 

George M. Dallas 547 

James Buchanan 548 

Robert J. Walker 549 

William L. Marcy 550 

George Bancroft 552 

Zachary Taylor 556 

John M. Clayton 610 

William M. Meredith 611 

George W. Crawford 612 

William Ballard Preston 612 

Reverdy Johnson 612 

Jacob Collamer 613 

Millard Fillmore 614 

Edward Everett 623 

Thomas Corwin c 625 

Alexander H. H. Stewart 626 

Charles M. Conrad 626 

5 



CONTENTS. 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, &c. 
(^Continued.) 



William H. Graham Page 628 

John P. Kennedy 628 

Nathan K. Hall 629 

Franklin Pierce 630 

William R. King 653 

Robert McClelland 654 



James Guthrie Page 654 

Jefferson Davis 655 

James C. Dobbin 656 

Caleb Gushing 657 

James Campbell 658 



LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE 
UNITED STATES. 

John Jay Page 660 I John Marshall Page 712 

JohnRutledge 662 Roger Brooke Taney 712 

Oliver Ellsworth 710 



|iitrokd0rj '§hkx^ of i\t MnM State. 



The earliest knowledge of this continent, according to traditionary claims, but 
supported by respectable CTidence, was had by the Northmen. Near the close 
of the tenth century, as the Icelandic authorities allege, Eric the Red emigrated 
from Iceland to Greenland, and formed a settlement there. Among those who 
accompanied him was Heriulf Bardson, who had a son named Biarne, absent on 
a trading voyage in Norway, at the time of his departure. Biarne, on returning, 
sailed in pursuit of his father ; but his vessel was soon enveloped in fogs, and he 
was carried for many days in an unknown direction. At length the fog cleared 
away, and the voyagers saw land to the left, while sailing with a south-west 
wind. As it did not correspond with the descriptions of Gi-eenland, they sailed 
on two days, when they again came in sight of land. Still sailing with a south- 
west wind, they kept out to sea, and three days afterward saw a third land, 
which they discovered to be an island. After four days more sailing with fresh 
gales, they reached Ileriulfsness, in Greenland. It is conjectured that Biarne 
had been carried by a north-east wind and currents to the American shores ; but 
sailed back along the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador, and thence to his 
destination. Some years afterward, he made known his voyage and discovery to 
Eric, earl of Norway, who censured him for not having explored that unknown 
region. On his return to Greenland, a voyage of exploration was determined 
upon. Leif, a son of Eric the Red, bought for this purpose Biarne's ship, and 
sailed with a crew of twenty-five men in the year 1000. They came first to the 
tract last discovered by Biarne, and landed. They again put out to sea, how- 
ever, and sailed, as is supposed, along the coast of Nova Scotia, where they also 
went ashore. Sailing from thence for two days with a north-east wind, they 
are from their account believed to have coasted along the New England shores, 
spending the winter in the region of Rhode Island and Massachusetts. Hei-e a 
German in their company discovered wild grapes. They returned to Greenland, 
and from that time various voyages of exploration were undertaken, as the Ice- 
landers assert, and a colony planted in Vinland — the name given to the new 
region last described. It is also said that traces of the colony left by the North- 
men were found so late as the fourteenth century, by two Venetian navigators, 
sailing in the service of a Norman prince of the Orcades, and who visited 
Vinland. 

Whatever may be the truth of this account — which, however, has never been 
relinquished by the Icelandic scholars, and was revived, not many years since, 
by the Royal Society of Antiquaries at Copenhagen — the discovery of the North- 
men was not attended with lasting results ; and if real, originated in mere acci- 
dent. The merit of discovering a New World belongs, undoubtedly, to another 
name and people. 

9 



10 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

Christopher Culumbus, to whom the honour of discovering this continent is 
pre-eminently due, was born in Genoa, in 1435. His early acquaintance with 
geometry, astronomy, and cosmography, and his rare attainments in those 
branches, were the foundation of that distinction as a navigator which he after- 
ward acquired ; and fostered in his mind, for many years of patient research, the 
conception of that bold enterprise, which finally gave a new hemisphere to the 
nations of the globe. 

Passing over his personal history and adventures, which are familiar to 
almost every reader, we come at once to the period of the discovery, in 1492. 
The continent was not, however, reached in this voyage, but the adjacent 
Islands, to which he gave the name of the West Indies. The purpose of his 
voyage had been to find a western route to the Indies, and thence the name 
given by him to this group. Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine, who soon after- 
wai'd visited the newly discovered land, was the first to proclaim that another 
continent had been found; and in compliment to him, it was called America. 
But the first adventurers who actually coasted along its shores were John and 
Sebastian Cabot, in 1498. The English name, therefore, wears the honour, 
second only to that rightfully earned by Columbus, of exploring a far-off hemi- 
sphere ; and from the bold enterprise of her native sons sprang the wide empire 
which so long bore her sway, and to which she bequeathed the immortal impress 
of her greatness. 

Although, during the first quarter of the sixteenth century, several voyages of 
exploration were prosecuted to the new-found region — those of chief importance, 
subsequent to the adventures of the Cabots, were undertaken by the French. 
The Banks of Newfoundland were visited by their fishermen as early as 1504 ; 
and in 1523, John Verrazani, a Florentine, was sent on a voyage of discovery by 
Francis I. He explored the American coast from North Carolina to Nova 
Scotia, and held friendly intercourse with the natives. The French claims to 
their American territories were founded upon his discoveries. In 1534 and '5 
the gulf and river of St. Lawrence were explored by James Cartier, and the 
country declared a French territory. He gave to it the name of New France. 
Some attempts were made a few years afterward, under commission from Francis 
I., to colonize this country ; but it was not till the beginning of the seventeenth 
century that any permanent settlement was made by the French. Champlain, 
in 1608, occupied the site of the city of Quebec, and also explored the lake now 
bearing his name. 

Florida was discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Spanish adventurer, in 
1512. He landed at the site of St. Augustine, and took possession in the name 
of the king. The various efi'orts made to conquer this country from the Indians 
were, however, long unsuccessful. The great object of which the Spaniards 
were in quest was gold ; and the unexampled resources of soil and climate were 
passed unheeded. But before the middle of that century, these adventurers had 
pushed their explorations as far as the Mississippi, and even the Missouri. Thus 
far, however, no settlement had been efi'ected by the Spaniards. It was not un- 
til the French attempted this object, in the quarter where so much Spanish blood 
and toil and treasure had been expended, that the importance of such a measure 
to the establishment of their claim was realized. 

Settlements by the French were attempted in 1562 and '4, under Charles IX., 
but with only partial success. These colonists were Protestants. An expedition 
was now fitted out by Spain for the permanent occupation of Florida. This 
reached its destination, under the command of Pedro Melendez, in August, 1565. 
He landed at St. Augustine, and took possession of the continent in the name of 
the king of Spain, and laid the foundation of the town. This was on the 8th of 
September; and St. Augustine bears the oldest name of any European settle- 



OF THE UNITED STATES. H 

ment in America. The French colony in that neighbourhood were destroyed by 
•wreck and the sword — and such as fell into the Spanish hands from the flight by 
sea, were hung on gibbets, with the inscription over their heads — "Not as 
Frenchnen, but as Protestants." A few years after, a French officer of some dis- 
tinction fitted out an avenging expedition, and surprising the Spanish settlement, 
captured several prisoners, who were forthwith hanged upon trees, with the in- 
scription over their heads — " Iclo not this as unto Spaniards or mariners, but as 
unto traitors, robbers, and murderers." 

Meantime, and thi-oughout that century, the English were engaged in repeated 
but inefi"ectual attempts to colonize America. The problem of a "north-west 
passage" to India also engaged their attention at this early period. In the 
prosecution of this search, they not only explored Hudson's Bay, but, in 1579, 
Sir Francis Drake sailed on the Pacific coast as far as the forty-third degree of 
north latitude, in quest of the strait supposed to connect the two oceans. He 
was the first Englishman who visited the Oregon territory. The plan of coloniza- 
tion was, in the same year, undertaken by Sir Humphrey Gilbert ; but through 
various disasters failed of success. In 1583, his step-brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, 
joined him ; but nothing was accomplished by their expedition but the taking 
possession of Newfoundland in the queen's name, and Gilbert's bark was found- 
ered on their return. Another attempt was made by Raleigh in 1584, and two 
vessels despatched by him arrived safely on the shores of Carolina. Having ex- 
plored Albemarle and Pamlico sounds, and Roanoke Island, they returned to 
England. To the fertile region thus added to her dominions. Queen Elizabeth 
gave the name of Virginia. A considerable colony was afterward planted here 
by Raleigh, but they soon abandoned the enterprise and returned. In 1603, 
Bartholomew Gosnold made a voyage to the Massachusetts coast, and a settle- 
ment was attempted, but finally abandoned. These and other voyages served, 
however, to keep alive the English claims. We have now arrived to the period 
of the actual settlement of the original States. 

On the accession of James I. to the throne, the project of establishing colonies 
was revived. An association for this purpose was entered into by men of rank 
and business. They laid their plan before the king, and petitioned him for au- 
thority to carry it into execution. He granted their request, and divided America, 
from the 34th to the 45th degree of north latitude, into two nearly equal dis- 
tricts, called South and North Virginia. The first part was allotted to a company 
in London ; and the other to certain persons, mostly residing in Plymouth. 
Their charters were of the same tenor. By them the supreme power was vested 
in a council resident in England, and the subordinate jurisdiction in a council 
residing in the colony ; the members of both were to be nominated by the king, 
and to act conformable to his instructions ; the colonists were entitled to the 
rights of Englishmen, and were to enjoy a free trade. The proprietors, on re- 
ceiving their charters, immediately prepared to settle their respective colonies ; 
little imagining they were laying the foundation of powerful and independent 
states. 

The first settlement was made in the southern colony, which at length only 
retained the name of Virginia. One hundred and five men, embarked in three 
vessels under Captain Newport, sailed for the old settlement of Roanoke, but 
were driven by a storm to the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. They sailed up this 
spacious inlet, and entered James River. Delighted with the appearance of the 
country, they determined to fix their residence here. They took possession of a 
peninsula, and built Jamestown, in April, 1007. 

These emigrants were not well qualified to settle and improve an uncultivated 
country. Many of them were dissipated and profligate, incapable of subordina- 
tion, and destitute of that industry and economy which their situation required. 



12 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

Dissensions broke out among their leaders ; they were involved in a war with the 
natives ; they suffered from famine and disease ; and, in the course of six months, 
one-half their number died. The energy and talents of Captain Smith, who at 
first had been deprived of his seat in the council, saved the colony from utter 
ruin. Being advanced to the chief command, he restored order, overawed the 
savages, and acquired a stock of provisions. But, in an excursion against the 
Indians, he was made prisoner, and condemned to death by Powhatan, the king. 
At the moment the sentence was to be executed, Pocahontas, his favourite 
daughter, rushed between Captain Smith and the executioner. With tears and 
entreaties she prevailed upon her father to spare his life, and soon after pro- 
cured his liberty. 

In a few years this Indian princess, with the consent of her father, married 
Mr. Rolfe, an English planter. She went with him to England, and was bap- 
tized into the Christian faith. She died on her return to Virginia, leaving one 
son, from whom are descended some of the most respectable families in Virginia. 

On Captain Smith's return to Jamestown, he found the colonists in the utmost 
distress. Their wants, however, were soon supplied, and their numbers increased 
by arrivals from England. But, as Captain Smith was obliged to return home, 
the new settlers continued to neglect the cultivation of the earth, and spent their 
time in searching for gold. Their former miseries of course returned, and they 
increased to such a degree, that of five hundred settlers, in a few months only 
sixty remained. It was then determined to abandon the country. They set sail 
in 1609, but before they reached the mouth of James river they were fortunately 
met by Lord Delaware, with three ships from England, having on board a con- 
siderable stock of provisions, and some new settlers. He had been appointed 
governor of the colony, and brought with him a new charter from the king, 
wherein the privileges of the proprietors were enlarged. 

Lord Delaware prevailed on the former settlers to return with him to James- 
town. Under his wise administration, the colony once more began to assume a 
promising appearance, and the inhabitants thought no more of abandoning the 
country. 

Until the year 1613, the lands were cultivated by the joint labours of the set- 
tlers, and the produce carried into a common store, from which each inhabitant 
received a stated allowance. This was a great error, and retarded the progress 
of improvement. The land was now laid off in lots, and one granted to each in- 
dividual. This gave a spring to industry ; and it was reckoned that more labour 
was performed in a day than was formerly accomplished in a week. The colony 
henceforth enjoyed plenty of the necessaries of life, and the way was prepared 
for future opulence. 

As the demand for tobacco increased in England, the Virginians, about 1016, 
began to cultivate that commodity, which soon became the principal article of 
export. About this time, a Dutch ship from Guinea sailed up James river, and 
sold part of her cargo of slaves to the planters. This traffic being introduced, 
the foundation of slavery was laid in the new world. Near one-half the popula- 
tion of the Southern States consists of slaves, which it is equally difficult to 
liberate or to retain in bondage. 

The colonists were chiefly males, who, constrained to live single, had little at- 
tachment to the country. A considerable number of young women, of humble 
birth, but unexceptionable character, were, in 1616, sent over by the council in 
London. The planters received them with fondness, and engaged to pay the 
price of their passage in tobacco. The debts contracted on their account had 
the preference in law to all others. The Virginians now considered the country 
as belonging to them and their children, and became more attached to it and in- 
terested in its prosperity. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 13 

Convicts were introduced about the same time, and were sold as servants for a 
certain number of years. 

The colony had hitherto been governed by the laws of the corporation in Eng- 
land or its officers in Jamestown ; and martial law had for some time been in 
use. But in 1619, the representative form, so dear to freemen, was introduced. 
A general assembly was summoned by Governor Yardley. Delegates from eleven 
corporations appeared, and, with the governor and council, assumed the legisla- 
tive authority. The laws they enacted, however, were of no force till trans- 
mitted to London for the approbation of the company, and returned under its 
seal. 

Virginia was fast advancing in numbers and wealth, when an event took place 
which brought it to the brink of ruin. The Indians, though apparently on good 
terms with the colonists, had for some years been meditating their destruction. 
They laid their plans with the greatest secrecy, and resolved to cut them off by 
a general massacre. On the 22d of March, 1622, at midday, the attack was 
made. They rushed at once on the different settlements, when the people were 
secure and scattered abroad at their labour, and murdered man, woman, and 
child. In one hour near one-fourth of the colony was cut off. The destruction 
would have been greater, had not a converted Indian given information in time 
to save Jamestown and the places adjacent. A bloody war ensued, in which 
neither old nor young of the Indians were spared. By an unjustifiable retalia- 
tion, the colonists allured the Indians by offers of peace, and when they had re- 
turned to their former settlements, perfidiously fell upon them, and murdered aU 
they found. Some tribes were totally extirpated. 

The council in London, having divided into factions, and King James being 
displeased at their proceedings, he directed the attorney-general to institute a 
suit against them. The cause was tried in the court of king's bench. Their 
charter was forfeited, and all the powers granted by it returned to the king. 
The colony had not, on the whole, been prosperous under the direction of the 
company. A great expense was incurred, and small returns had been made. 
Of nine thousand persons who emigrated thither, scarcely eighteen hundred re- 
mained at the dissolution of the company in 1624. The colony then became a 
royal government, under the immediate jurisdiction of the crown. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

The immediate cause of settling the northern colony was the persecution car- 
ried on in England on account of religious opinions. When Henry VIII. sepa- 
rated from the Church of Rome, he still retained the prelatical government 
and pompous ceremonies of that church. Many of the people were desirous of 
a further reformation. The Puritans, as they were called, chiefly inclined to the 
Presbyterian mode of church government, which establishes an equality among 
the pastors, and entirely rejects the Roman ceremonies. But some went further, 
and embraced the Independent scheme, which places pastors and people upon a 
level, and gives every congregation complete jurisdiction in its own affairs. The 
sacred rights of conscience were at that time but little understood, and the idea 
of toleration was unknown. The government of England required a strict ob- 
servance of the rites it established, and enacted severe laws against non-con- 
formity. The levelling principles of the Brownists, or Independents, were the 
most obnoxious ; and the professors of them were often punished with rigour, 
both by civil and ecclesiastical courts. About 1608, a body of these people fled 
to Holland, and settled under Mr. Robinson, their pastor. After some years, 
they became discontented with their situation, and resolved to remove to America. 
Their first object was to ask the free exercise of religion. Though King James 



14 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

refused the reasonable request, he gave a verbal promise not to molest them 
while they continued peaceable subjects. On this slender security they applied 
to the London company for a tract of land, vehich was readily obtained. 

They intended to settle on Hudson's River, but the captain of the vessel, de- 
signedly, it is said, carried them as far north as Cape Cod. This was beyond 
the limits of the company. But it was so late in the year, that here they were 
necessarily obliged to take up their abode. They chose a situation, which they 
called New Plymouth ; and having signed a compact for the rule of their govern- 
ment, they landed on the 11th of November, 1620. 

The emigrants were but one hundred and one in number, and were but poorly 
provided for the severe winter that ensued. Nearly one-half of them perished 
before spring, by famine and disease. The population of the settlement in- 
creased slowly, and at the end of three years did not exceed three hundred souls. 
They subsisted as a voluntary, independent society ; but were never incorporated 
by charter, and at last were united to Massachusetts Bay. 

The government in England, under the counsels of Archbishop Laud, growing 
more oppressive, and the number and zeal of the Puritans increasing, many be- 
gan to turn their eyes to New England, as a yjlace where they might enjoy their 
religious opinions with freedom. An association was formed in order to settle a 
colony in Massachusetts Bay. A tract of land was purchased from the Ply- 
mouth council in 1627, and a charter granted by King Charles the following year. 
The adventurers had the right of the soil and the powers of govei'nment con- 
ferred on them. The first governor and assistants were named by the king; 
their successors were to be chosen by the corporation ; the legislative powers to 
be exercised by the proprietors. They were allowed a free trade, and were to be 
accounted natural born subjects. 

Soon after receiving this charter, upward of three hundred persons, mostly 
Puritans, embarked for New England. They landed at Salem in 1629, where 
they found a few of their brethren who had emigrated the preceding year. 
Their first care was to form themselves into a church state, on the Independent 
or Congregational plan. Among the emigrants were a few who preferred the 
ritual of the Church of England, and being offended at the total abolition of it, 
assembled separately for public worship. But the Independents, believing the 
plan of their church perfect, would allow of no deviation from it. With an in- 
consistency not uncommon among men, they denied to others the privileges they 
had claimed for themselves. They had just fled from persecution, yet they in- 
stantly became persecutors. The governor summoned the chief malecontents be- 
fore him, and, though they were men of note, expelled them from the colony. 

A number of persons of wealth and respectable families in England, intend- 
ing to embark for Massachusetts, were desirous to have the corporate powers of 
the company transferred to that country. In a general court held for this pur- 
pose, all the rights of the company were vested in a governor, deputy governor, 
and eighteen assistants, together with the people. 

This salutary measure being effected, in the year 1630, fifteen hundred persons 
sailed for the colony. On their arrival, they laid the foundation of Boston, 
Charlestown, and other towns. They proceeded to regulate their own civil and 
ecclesiastical policy ; and enacted a law that none should have any share in the 
government but such as were members of the church. As the clergy were the 
principal judges of the qualifications that entitled a man to this privilege, they, 
in effect, held the rights of every freeman in their hands, and gained great influ- 
ence in the affairs of the state. This law was repealed by order of Charles II. . 

The settlements becoming more numerous and widely dispersed, it was incon- 
venient for the freemen to attend personally to the affairs of the corporation. 
In 1634, they elected representatives to appear in their name. The delegates met, 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 15 

and, in conjunction with the governor and assistants, considered themselves as 
the supremo legislature of the colony ; and enacted that no tax should be raised, 
and no public office appointed, but in the general assembly. 

The colony had deviated from its charter, in organizing both its civil and 
ecclesiastical government, and had acted as independent of England. These 
proceedings offended King Charles and his ministers, and he was about to new 
model the colony. But the difference between the king and the parliament 
coming to a crisis, his attention was called to more domestic and interesting con- 
cerns, and the colony had leisure to pursue its plans. 

Notwithstanding the care taken to maintain uniformity in religion, theological 
controversies arose, and greatly agitated the people. Several persons, deemed 
heretics, were banished, and others voluntarily went in quest of new settlements. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

Mr. Roger Williams, a clergyman, being obliged to leave Massachusetts on ac- 
count of his religious tenets, travelled southward, accompanied with a number 
of his hearers. They received a grant of lands from the Indians in 1634, which 
they called Providence. Other emigrants afterward acquired Rhode Island. In 
these settlements the inhabitants united by a voluntary compact. Full toleration 
of religious opinions was established. This liberal policy soon drew a number 
of settlers, and the colony became populous. In 1674, Providence and Rhode 
Island wei-e incorporated as one government by King Charles the II., on such 
liberal and democratic principles, that the charter then granted, still continues 
the constitution of the State. 

CONNECTICUT. 

A body of people emigrated from Massachusetts, with the consent of the go- 
vernment, and in 1635, settled on Connecticut River. Next year emigrants from 
England founded New Haven. This colony at first tried to bring into practice 
that refined but impracticable speculation of having all things in common. But 
they soon relinquished this plan, as it only produced idleness and waste. None 
were accounted freemen but such as were members of the church ; and they 
were severe against heretics. They ordered that the judicial laws of Moses 
should be the mode of proceeding against criminals. 

Connecticut and New Haven continued two distinct colonies for many years ; 
at length a royal charter was obtained in 1665, from Charles II., constituting the 
two colonies, for ever one body corporate and politic, by the name of Connecti- 
cut. This charter is still the constitution of the State. It is remarkable that 
Charles, whose government in Britain was arbitrary and oppressive, should esta- 
blish liberal governments in some of his colonies. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

A settlement was made in 1623, under a grant of the Plymouth company; but 
the religious differences in Massachusetts was the chief occasion of peopling 
New Hampshire. Mr. Wheelwright, an eminent minister, was banished for hold- 
ing tenets that were condemned by the ruling party. A number of his people 
joined him, and advancing toward the north, founded the town of Exeter, in 
1637, having first purchased the lands from the natives. This colony was long 
harassed by the conflicting titles of different proprietors. For several years it 
was united with Massachusetts, but in 1679 it was finally erected into a distinct 
government by charter from the king. 



16 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

In 1643, the colonies of New Haven, Plymouth, Massachusetts, and Connecti- 
cut, entered into a confederacy, under the name of the United Colonies of New 
England, which continued till 1686. It was then stipulated that two commis- 
sioners from each colony should meet annually, to decide on matters of common 
concern; that the votes of six members should bind the whole; that in every 
war, each colony should furnish its quota of men money and provisions, in pro- 
portion to the number of people ; and that every colony should be distinct, and 
have exclusive jurisdiction within its own territory. 

Though the strong members of this confederacy did not always act in a liberal 
manner toward their associates, yet it increased the power and security of the whole. 

From the first settlement at New Plymouth, in 1620, until 1640, when the 
Puritans gained the ascendency in England, and the emigration ceased, it was 
computed that twenty-one thousand two hundred British subjects had arrived. 
Since that time the number has increased almost solely by natural population. 
For some years after the settlement, the colonists had to struggle with many 
difficulties. The Indians were often hostile; the country was covered with wood; 
the winters were long and severe ; subsistence was scanty, and many perished 
with disease. But the survivors were not discouraged. Amid all their hard- 
ships they counted themselves happy in being governed by their own laws and 
allowed their own mode of worship. In a few years they overawed the natives ; 
the necessaries of life became plenty ; they began to export lumber, and apply 
themselves to the fisheries, and so laid the foundation of that commerce which 
has since been carried to a very great extent. 

As the colonies in New England were indebted for their origin to religion, and 
the first settlers were desirous of further purity in the discipline and government 
of the church than they were allowed in their native country, these motives gave 
a peculiar tincture to the character and institutions of the people, as has been 
noticed in several instances. But they also remarkably fitted them for encoun- 
tering the dangers and surmounting the obstacles of their new and untried situa- 
tion. They were a sober, industrious, and persevering people, and a portion of 
the same spirit among their descendants finally led them to liberty, independ- 
ence, and peace. 

We have been thus particular in the detail of the settlements in Virginia and 
New England, as being the original and parent colonies ; we shall be more brief 
in our account of the others. 

MARYLAND. 

In June, 1632, Charles I. granted to Lord Baltimore that country now called 
Maryland. The charter of Virginia included this territory, and the company 
complained of the grant as a violation of their rights. The first emigration con- 
sisted of two hundred gentlemen, chiefly Roman Catholics, of considerable for- 
tune, with their adherents. Like the Puritans of New England, they hoped^ to 
enjoy in the wilderness that liberty of conscience and worship they were denied 
in their native country. They landed in Maryland in 1633. Governor Calvert, 
brother to Lord Baltimore, purchased of the Indians the right of soil, and with 
their consent took possession of their town, which he called St. Mary's. The 
country was settled with ease. The plan of the government was liberal, and 
every person was secured in the right of worshipping God according to his con- 
science. The settlers applied themselves to the cultivation of tobacco, and the 
country soon became flourishing and populous. 

Maryland was the first colony in America that was erected into a province of 
the British empire. In 1639, the representatives of the freemen met in general 
assembly. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 17 



CAROLINA. 

This country was taken possession of by a company of French Protestants, 
who fled from persecution, and settled near Albemarle river. This colony was 
extirpated by the Spaniards. In 1662, Charles II. granted the country to Lord 
Clarendon and seven other noblemen, and in 1669, the proprietors sent over a 
number of settlers, who fixed their residence at the place whore Charleston now 
stands. A constitution was formed for the colony, at the desire of the proprie- 
tors, by the famous Mr. John Locke. Never was the fallacy of theory, when 
applied to new and unti'ied situations, more fully manifested than in this in- 
stance. Mr. Locke was one of the most acute philosophers of the age, and 
though his constitution was ingenious, it was totally inapplicable to the state of 
the country ; and after being many years a source of disquiet, was at last totally 
changed. This colony was long in an unsettled and unprosperous state. The 
Episcopalians and Dissenters quarrelled about religion ; the people were ha- 
rassed by the Indians, and invaded by the French and Spaniards ; they suffered 
by famine, and perished by disease. The government of the proprietors being 
disastrous, they in 1719, gave up the interest to the crown, and the colony be- 
came a royal government. Under the protection of equal laws, commerce ex- 
tended, agriculture flourished, and the colonies increased in population and 
wealth. 

In 1728, the country was divided into two different colonies, called North and 
South Carolina. 

NEW YORK. 

In 1614, the Dutch settled in New York and New Jersey, and named the coun- 
try New Netherlands. A few years aftei'ward, the Swedes settled on several 
parts east and west of Delaware river, and kept possession till 1654, when they 
were overpowered by the Dutch. 

Charles II. resolved to assert his right to this territory. In 1664, he granted 
to his brother, the duke of York, the region extending from the western banks 
of Connecticut River, to the eastern shore of Delaware, together with Long Island, 
conferring on him the civil and military powers of government. Colonel Nichols 
was sent, with four frigates and three hundred soldiers, to reduce the country. 
The Dutch governor being unable to make resistance, the New Netherlands sub- 
mitted to the English crown ; and Nichols instantly entered upon the exercise of 
power, as deputy-governor of New York for the duke of York, afterward 
James 11. 

NEW JERSEY. 

About the same time the Duke of York disposed of New Jersey to Lord 
Berkeley, and Sir George Carteret. The plan of government was liberal, and 
the colony soon became populous. The proprietors divided their property by a 
line from north to south ; hence the names of East and West Jersey. In 1722, 
the province became a royal government. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

' Pennsylvania was next settled. Mr. William Penn, the celebrated Quaker, 
presented a petition to Charles II., in June, 1680, stating not only his relation- 
ship to his father, the late admiral, for whom his majesty had designed a grant 



18 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

of territory, but also that he was deprived of a debt due from the crown, when 
the exchequer was shut. He prayed for a grant of lands lying to the northward 
of Maryland and westward of the Delaware ; and added that by his interest he 
might be able to settle a colony, which in time would repay his claims. The 
next year the patent was granted, and in 1682, Philadelphia was founded. 

William Penn, not satisfied with the authority of the king of England to 
grant the lands of the natives, made purchases of the soil from themselves. He 
introduced into his colony the most liberal plan of policy ; allowed full liberty 
of conscience, and granted lands to settlers on easy terms. By these means the 
colony became the most flourishing of any in America. 

DELAWARE. 

Delaware was settled at the same time, by Mr. Penn, who purchased the ter- 
ritory from the duke of York. Many years before his arrival, a colony of Dutch 
and Swedes had settled on the banks of the Delaware. Mr. Penn says he was 
kindly received by them, and that they were a sober, laborious people, with large 
families of children. The proprietary government continued in Pennsylvania 
and Delaware until the Revolution in 1776. 

GEORGIA. 

It now remains to give some account of the settlement of Georgia. In 1732, a 
number of gentlemen, considering the great benefit that might arise from set- 
tling the tract of land between the River Savannah and Altahama, petitioned 
the king for a charter, which was granted in June the same year. 

In the beginning of November, about one hundred and sixteen persons pre- 
sented themselves, most of them labouring people, and were furnished with 
working tools of all kinds, stores, and small arms. Mr. Oglethorpe, one of the 
trustees, generously attended these emigrants to Carolina, where they arrived in 
January, 1733. 

They soon after proceeded to the country allotted for them, and having pur- 
chased land from the Creek Indians, founded the town of Savannah. This 
colony was long before it attained to population or strength, owing to the im- 
practicable system of government established by the proprietors. They expend- 
ed large sums of money with the most upright intentions ; but the inhabitants 
were in a state of confusion and wretchedness. In 1752, they surrendered their 
charter to the king. But it was not till the peace in 1763, that the province be- 
gan to prosper ; since that time it has rapidly improved. 

The history of this country from the period of its discovery to the date of its 
permanent settlement, is fraught with lessons of the highest importance to man- 
kind. The germs of her subsequent prosperity were already planted ; the 
foundations had been laid, even at this early day, of our present national great- 
ness. It is remarkable that to the vigour of the Anglo-Saxon element is to be 
traced nearly all successful enterprise and permanent prosperity connected with 
our origin and progress as a people. It is not less observable that to the self- 
reliance of the colonists, and to those virtues which constitute them the foremost 
men of their day, is attributable the unprecedented success which crowned, by 
the divine favour, their unassisted endeavours. 

The grants made by James I. to the London and Plymouth companies, were 
so defined, at a time when the extent of our borders was unknown, as to occa- 
sion interference and conflict from subsequent grants. This was the case with 
the patents granted to Lord Baltimore and William Penn. Disputes about their 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 19 

boundaries long subsisted between several of the colonies. Vermont was claimed 
both by New Hampshire and, New York : and after a long contest, the inhabit- 
ants set up, in 1775, a government of their own. Between Connecticut and 
Pennsylvania the conflict was especially memorable. The charter of Connecti- 
cut extended to the South Sea, and settlements were attempted, by those colo- 
nists within Penn's borders : the settlers in Pennsylvania soon came in collision, 
and both parties supported their claims by force of arms. The dispute, in 
1782, was decided under Congress in favour of Pennsylvania. 

The colonies first settled in America wei'e under the direction of the exclusive 
corporations in England. It was soon discovered that this mode of government 
was unfriendly both to their liberty and prosperity. The inhabitants of Massa- 
chusetts always manifested an independent spirit, and modelled their constitu- 
tion according to their own will. During the civil wars of England the parlia- 
ment, who were Puritans, granted them several immunities in trade, which 
greatly increased their prosperity above the other colonies. After the restora- 
tion, during the latter years of Charles II., and the short reign of James II., 
they fell under the displeasure of these monarchs. The charter of Massachusetts 
was vacated by law, and the colony constituted a royal government. James had 
determined to reduce all the colonies to an immediate dependence on the crown. 
The prosecution of this plan was prevented by the revolution in 1688. On the 
accession of King William to the throne of Britain, a new charter was gi-anted 
to Massachusetts, in which, however, her privileges were much abridged. By this 
charter, New Plymouth was united with Massachusetts. 

Shortly after Virginia became dependent on the crown, Charles I. ascended the 
throne. The arbitrary measures pursued by him in the government of the colony 
were rigidly enforced by Governor Hervey. The people, exasperated by this 
tyranny, seized and sent him prisoner to England. Charles immediately rein- 
stated him in his government, but soon after removed him, and provided for the 
redress of their grievances. Under the wise administration of Governor Berkely, 
the colony prospered ; and, in 1040, the white inhabitants amounted to twenty 
thousand souls. These favours from Charles firmly attached the Virginians to 
his interest. But parliament getting in the ascendant, their pririleges were soon 
curtailed by their enactments, and even a fleet was sent to reduce them to obe- 
dience. This interference of parliament in their colonial concerns was as ob- 
noxious to the Virginians as it was new and unheard of. They were usually con- 
sidered as under the sole jurisdiction of the king. The people were, therefore, 
highly elated at the restoration of Charles II. But his parliaments imposed fur- 
ther restrictions on their foreign commerce, as well as the home trade between 
the colonies. The indignation of the people was aroused, and at length broke 
out into open rebellion. This was in 1676, and the doctrine of independence 
was then first advanced, which a hundred years later became an open issue and 
declaration. The insurrection was successful for about seven months, but finally 
quelled ; and the government became still more arbitrary than before. 

At this period sectarianism was universally rife. It was the source of civil 
distraction in Europe, and the colonists of America were by no means free of 
its baneful influence. The Independents of New England were intolerant and 
prescriptive to other sects ; the Episcopalians of Virginia, in like manner ; and 
the same was true of the adherents of Cromwell in Maryland. The Quakers 
even sufi"ered martyrdom from the fell spirit of the popular religionists. This 
denomination, with the Baptists of Rhode Island, and the Roman Catholics of 
Maryland, appear to have had juster views of the rights of conscience. The re- 
ligious as well as civil liberty now secured under our government to all men, 
has doubtless arisen in great part from the firm persistence of liberal-minded 
men in these days, in disregard of the bigotry so generally dominant. But 



20 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

whatever may have been the errors of that time — inseparable perhaps from a 
transitional age — their forecast in other respects was worthy of imitation. The 
first settlers did not neglect the interests of learning. Schools were early esta- 
blished, colleges founded, and printing encouraged. The nature of the govern- 
ment also led the people to political disquisitions ; and by these inquiries they 
became acquainted with their civil rights. 

There were other events in their early history which conspired to change, 
gradually, the colonial condition to that of free and confederate governments. 
The hostile incursions of the aboriginal tribes — their jealousy of the rapid 
growth of the whites, and savage method of attack and warfare — led the colo- 
nists, especially of New England, to combine for mutual defence, and stimulated 
vigorous self-dependence while acting in concert. The Pequod Indians were the 
most formidable of those tribes ; and, after attempting, unsuccessfully, to unite 
the neighbouring tribes in a league of enmity, began hostilities — burning the 
settlements on the frontiers, and plundering and scalping the inhabitants. Con- 
necticut raised a body of men and marched against the Indians. They had 
raised a slight fortification for their defence. This was attacked and carried ; 
and the victory pursued to extermination. 

Philip, the chief of the Wampanoag tribe, attacked Massachusetts Bay in 1675. 
The contest that followed was obstinate and bloody, with a great destruction of 
property. It lasted upward of a year when, Philip being killed by one of his 
men, the Indians were vanquished, and the remains of the tribe entirely dis- 
persed. 

An Indian war broke out in Maryland in 1542, which lasted several years, 
attended with the customary evils ; and concluded, as usual, by the submission 
of the savages. 

By the middle of the eighteenth century, the period had arrived when the 
British colonies of North America were to be a united people. The French had 
settled Louisiana, and were advancing up the Mississippi; and conceived the 
bold design of uniting these to their possessions in Canada by a chain of forts. 
This interfered with the English pretensions, of course, which covered the region 
west as far as the Pacific. The claims of France extended to the Alleghany 
mountains, and the whole fertile vale of the Mississippi became now the subject 
of a controversy which could only be decided by the sword. The population of 
the English colonies was at this time more than one million; of the French, 
about fifty-two thousand. But the latter were settled compactly, while the popu- 
lation of the former was scattered over a widely extended territory, and under 
various local governments. Besides, the governor of New France could muster 
numerous and efiicient allies from the Indian tribes which peopled the north 
and west. They were already fortified from Lake Champlain, and along the St. 
Lawrence, to the great lakes. 

The settlements attempted meanwhile by the English, in the disputed territory, 
gave occasion for complaint — and the British traders were seized by the French 
and made prisoners. Dinwiddle, the lieutenant-governor of Virginia, regarding 
these proceedings as so many acts of aggression on that colony, laid the subject 
before the assembly, and despatched Major George Washington, then about 
twenty-one years of age, to the French commandant on the Ohio, requesting him 
to withdraw from the dominions of his Britannic majesty. The French com- 
mandant, in answer, claimed the country as belonging to the king, his master ; 
and expressed his determination to occupy and defend it. 

War being now inevitable, the colonies were instructed to oppose the encroach- 
ments of the French. Virginia raised three hundred men, put them under the 
command of Colonel Washington, and ordered them toward the Ohio. They de- 
feated a party of the enemy in May, 1754. The French commandant then 



OF TPIE UNITED STATES. 21 

marched against the victors, with upward of nine lumdred men. Colonel Wash- 
ington intrenched his little army, and made a brave defence ; but was obliged 
to surrender. lie received honourable terms of capitulation. 

At this critical time for the safety of the colonies, a confederation for their 
common defence was proposed. A meeting of delegates was held at Albany, and 
a plan of union drawn up. It was dated the 4th of July, 1754. It was not, 
however, finally adopted. 

The necessity of repressing the encroachments of the French, led to the deter- 
mination to attack their forts on the Ohio, at Niagara, Crown Point, and in Nova 
Scotia. General Braddock was accordingly sent from Ireland to Virginia, with 
two regiments of foot. When joined by the forces of the colony, he found him- 
self at the head of twenty-two hundred men. He proceeded against the French 
posts on the Ohio. He was brave, but wanted other qualifications necessary for 
the service to which he was appointed. Colonel Washington earnestly begged 
of hiih, wheji the army was marching toward the enemy, to permit him to 
scour the woods with his rangers, but was contemptuously refused. The gene- 
ral pushed heedlessly forward with the first division, consisting of fourteen hun- 
dred men, till he was suddenly attacked by four hundred, chiefly Indians, who 
lay in ambuscade. His army was defeated, and himself mortally wounded, on 
the 9th of July, 1775. 

The British troops were struck with a panic, and fled in confusion ; but the 
militia, being used to Indian fighting, were not so terrified. The general had 
disdainfully turned them into the rear, by which means they remained in a body 
unbroken ; and served under Colonel Washington, as a most useful reserve, 
which covered the retreat of the regulars, and prevented them from being en- 
tirely cut to pieces. 

Tlie army immediately marched to Philadelphia, and the frontier settlements 
being exposed to the incursions of the savages, were entirely broken up. 

The Massachusetts assembly raised a body of troops, which were sent to Nova 
Scotia. In a few weeks, and with the loss only of three men, they captured all 
the forts, and obliged the French inhabitants to remove from the province. They 
were dispersed through the British colonies, and became incorporated with them. 
The expedition against Niagara was intrusted to Governor Shirley ; but, before 
the troops were in readiness, the season was so far advanced that the enterprise 
was relinquished. 

Sir William Johnson was to attack Crown Point. The delays and deficiency 
of preparation prevented the several colonies joining their troops till about Au- 
gust. In the mean time, the enemy having transported forces from France to 
Canada, marched to meet the provincials, and attacked them ; but they were re- 
pulsed, with the loss of six hundr'ed men. Notwithstanding this victory, the 
enemy still kept possession of Crown Point, and fortified Ticonderoga. 

The next year, 1756, Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, was appointed to 
the command. It was again determined to reduce Crown Point, Niagara, and 
Fort Du Quesne. Twenty thousand men were to be raised for this campaign. 
The troops destined for Crown Point had assembled when Lord Loudon arrived 
from Britain, as commander-in-chief. Instead of marching against the enemy, 
the British and American troops differed about their rank in the army. While 
they were adjusting this point of honour, the French, under Montcalm, advanced 
against Oswego. This important place, with sixteen hundred prisoners, and a 
large quantity of stores, fell into his hands. A naval force on the lakes also sur- 
rendered. The success of the enemy entirely disconcerted the plan of the cam- 
paign, and the British were obliged to confine themselves to defensive opera- 
tions. 

In 1757, a fleet and army rendezvoused at Halifax, in order to attack Cape 



22 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

Breton, which, at the late peace, had been restored to France. A superior force 
of the enemy having arrived, the enterprise was abandoned. 

Three campaigns were thus wasted away. The generals sent from Britain ac- 
cused the Americans of timidity, disunion, and of delay in bringing their forces 
into the field : the Amei-icans warmly expostulated against the pride, avarice, 
and incapacity of the British officers. 

In the year 1758, happily for the British nation, Mr. Pitt was placed at the 
head of the ministry. The war, which had hitherto languished, was carried on 
with vigour, and crowned witli success. 

Three separate expeditions were undertaken in America. General Amherst 
was ordered to attack Cape Breton. After an obstinate defence, Louisburg 
once more capitulated, and the fortifications were destroyed. 

General Forbes was equally successful against Fort Du Qaesne. The French, 
being too weak to defend the place, abandoned it at the approach of the British. 
They took possession, and gave it the name of Fort Pitt. This acquisition was 
of great advantage to the colonies. It gave them the command of a great part 
of the country in contest, and relieved them from the incursions of the Western 
Indians, who entered into a treaty with General Forbes. 

The expedition against Grown Point failed a second time. This was under 
General Abercrombie, whose excessive caution in marching to the place of ac- 
tion, gave the French an opportunity of strengthening their works in a very 
complete manner. The British, in attempting to storm the fort, were repulsed 
with terrible slaughter, and obliged to retreat. The important post of Frontinac 
was afterward taken by a detachment under Colonel Bradstreet. 

The next year, 1759, the English were everywhere victorious. General Am- 
herst, who had now the chief command, with twelve thousand men, marched to 
attack Crown Point and Ticonderoga. He found the forts deserted and destroyed. 
The important post of Niagara was taken by Sir William Johnson. Nothing 
remained, in order to give the finishing blow to the power of the French in 
America, but the reduction of Quebec, the capital of their dominions. The en- 
terprise against this formidable city was committed to General Wolfe. After 
surmounting a combination of difficulties, he made good his landing, and took 
possession of the ground on the back of the city. The French commander, 
Montcalm, was no sooner apprized that the British had gained these heights, 
which they deemed inaccessible, than he resolved to hazard a battle. A most 
desperate engagement ensued. Montcalm was slain : his second in command 
shared the same fate. AYolfe, advancing at the head of his grenadiers, received 
a mortal wound. Struggling in the agonies of death, he heard a voice cry, They 
run! He asked, who ran? and was informed, the French. He replied, "I die 
happy," and expired in the arms of victory. Quebec immediately surrendered to 
the conquerors. Next year the reduction of the whole province of Canada was 
achieved by Lord Amherst. 

After the war had raged near eight years, it was concluded in 1763. Britain 
had been eminently successful. Besides acquisitions in other pai-ts of the world, 
she had driven the French out of North America, and gained Florida from the 
Spaniards. Nearly the whole northei-n continent was in her possession. The 
colonies were delivered from the danger of encroachments on their western 
boundaries : they also gained considerable experience in the art of war ; and 
became acquainted with their own strength and resources. They had not only 
furnished powerful aid in men and money, for the land service ; but were active 
in fitting out privateers which greatly disti-essed the French ti-ade. Several colo- 
nies had contributed so much beyond their proportion as to receive a reimburse- 
ment from the British treasury. Other colonies Avere tardy in their supplies. 
The requisitions of the British minister were adopted, modified or rejected by 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 23 

the colonial legislatures, ax^cording to their local views, or the danger with whix;h 
they were threatened. The want of an uniform system of drawing forth then 
resources, and directing their operations, was very apparent. _ 

Some have alleged that the inequality of the contributions and exertions, 
during the war, first suggested to the ministry the idea of taxing Arnenca by 
authority of parliament; and the plans were in contemplation for a tering the 
civil government of the colonies, and introducing episcopacy by a legal establish- 
B,ent It has been suggested by others, that, during the war the colonies be- 
came so sensible of their own strength and importance, tha the seeds of inde- 
pendence were sown; and that they afterward indulged a boldness of "^q^^^^J 
respecting their rights, and a spirit of resistance to British claims, which they 
would have suppressed, had there been a powerful enemy on their frontiers. 1 he 
practicability of Britain governing such a growing and widely extended empire, 
was questioned by her own politicians; and European nations were so jealous 
of her power, and sensible of their danger from the united exertions of Britain 
and her colonies, that they gladly seized any opportunity of separating their in- 
terests and force, in order to abridge the power of the_ British nation. 

At the peace of 17C3, the British nation, though truimphan m every quartei 
of the globe, found itself loaded with an immense debt. Whde the minister 
Mr Grenville, was concerting measures for diminishing this debt, he proposed 
raisinc. a revenue from the American colonies, and of laying taxes on them by 
the authority of parliament. This was a new claim. Plans of this kind had 
indeed been proposed in Britain ; and some of the colonies wished a mode to be 
adopted, which should combine their exertions, and equalize their expenses. But 
since the first settlement of America, the colonies had been allowed to tax them- 
selves. Requisitions to the colonial legislatures, for men and money, had been 
made by the British minister ; and these were, in general, cheerfully complied 
with They denied that parliament had any right to grant their money and 
argued that they were not represented in that assembly, and had no control over 
its members; that the parliament, having the power of regulating their com- 
merce and making it subservient to the interests of Britain, which openited as 
an indirect tax, could not, consistent with any degree of liberty, proceed to lay 
direct internal taxes, whereby their property would be taken from theni without 
their consent. They acknowledged themselves subjects of the British crown 
hut denied the supremacy of parliament. On the other hand, it was contended 
by Britain, that a great expense had been incurred in defending the colonies; 
that the late war originated on their account, and terminated for their benebt ; 
that in reason, they ought to pay part of the expense ; that the parliament of 
Britain was supreme, and had the right of taxation over the whole empire, it 
was an important constitutional question, and after all that was said and writ en 
by speculative men, on both sides of the Atlantic, and the schemes of concilia- 
tion and union proposed both by Britons and Americans, it may be questioned 
whether any practicable plan could have been formed, consistent with the uni y ot 
the empire, and the preservation of the hberty of the colonies The pride of 
an opulent, conquering nation, urged the British to persist in their claims; he 
love of liberty, of property, and an idea of their own strength, spirited up the 
Americans to a determined resistance. 

The parliament did not immediately proceed to tax the colonies ; but they de- 
clared in 1TG4, that it would be proper to lay certain stamp duties ; and that 
the moneys should be paid into the British treasury. The vote excited a general 
commotion in America. Petitions to the king, and memorials to the parliament 
were drawn up by the colonial assemblies. The house of representatives _ol 
Massachusetts passed the following resolutions :— " That the sole right oi giving 
and granting the money of the people of that province, was vested m them, us 



24 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

their legal representatives ; and that the imposition of duties and taxes by the 
parliament of Great Britain, upon a people who are not represented in the House 
of Commons, is absolutely irreconcilable with their rights." " That no man can 
justly take the property of another without his consent ;" upon which original 
principle, the right of representation in the same body that exei'cises the power 
of levying taxes, one of the main pillars of the British constitution, is evidently 
founded. 

Several of the colonies had agents in London, in order to transact their busi- 
ness with the government. As so great an opposition was manifested against 
the stamp act, the minister informed the agents, one of whom was Dr. Franklin, 
that they were at liberty to suggest any other way of raising money. But the 
Americans objected not only to the mode, but the principle, and would make no 
compromise on the subject. 

The bill was therefore brought into parliament, and passed by great majori- 
ties, and in March, 1765, received the royal assent. The framers of the stamp 
act flattered themselves, that the confusion which would arise from the disuse of 
writings, would compel the colonies to use stamp paper, and thereby to pay the 
tax imposed. Thus they were led to pronounce it a law that would execute itself. 
It was to take effect the first of November following. 

However, Mr. Grenville was not without apprehensions that it might occasion 
disturbance ; to prevent or suppress which, he projected another bill, which was 
brought in the same session, whereby it was made lawful for military officers, in 
the colonies, to quarter their soldiers in private houses. Great opposition being 
made to this bill, as under such a power in the army no one could look upon his 
house as his own, that part of it was dropped ; but still there remained a clause, 
obliging the several assemblies to provide quarters for the soldiers, and to furnish 
them with firing, bedding, candles, small beer, rum, and sundi-y other articles, 
at the expense of their own provinces. 

When intelligence arrived in America that the stamp act was passed, the 
people were filled with indignation. In several of the large towns riotous meet- 
ings took place ; buildings were destroyed ; the favourers of the act grossly abused ; 
and the stamp-masters obliged to resign. The house of burgesses of Virginia was 
the first public body that manifested an opposition to it. In sundry bold and 
decided resolutions, passed in May, 1765, they asserted the exclusive right of the 
assembly to lay taxes on that colony ; and that every attempt to vest such power 
elsewhere Avas illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust. The legislatures of several 
other colonies acted in a similar manner. 

Massachusetts suggested the expediency of a congress of delegates. This 
proposal being agreed to, deputies from ten of the colonies met at New York, in 
October, 1765. They asserted their rights in strong terms ; preferred a petition 
to the king, and a memorial to parliament. They entered into an association 
not to import British manufactures till the act should be repealed. In order to 
avoid using stamps, the courts of justice were shut up, and people settled their 
controversies by arbitration. 

People in England were differently affected by the disturbances in America. 
Some were for supporting the authority of parliament at all events ; but others, 
especially the merchants and manufacturers, were clamorous for peace. The 
ministry becoming unpopular, Mr. Grenville was dismissed, and was succeeded 
by the marquis of Rockingham ; and, on the 22d of February, 1766, this obnox- 
ious law was repealed. 

This event caused great joy in America. Yet the parliament, at the same time, 
asserted their supremacy in an act wherein it was declared that they had 
a power to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. This statute, which, in 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 25 

fact, deprived the Americans of every right, was overlooked, as being only in 
words, and which they hoped would never be carried into eifect. 

Many in Britain were still of opinion that a revenue ought to be raised in 
America ; and were anxiously waiting for an opportunity to eifect their design. 
Another attempt was made ; but the plan was changed. Instead of an internal 
tax, duties were to be levied on certain articles imported. Mr. Charles Town- 
send, chancellor of the exchequer, in May, 1767, moved in the house of com- 
mons for leave to bring in bills for levying a duty upon paper, glass, painters' 
colours, and tea. Two bills for these purposes received the royal assent. 

These acts occasioned fresh disturbances in America. A determined opposi- 
tion to parliamentary taxation was again manifested. The colonies again 
entered into a non-importation agreement. In petitions, they prayed for a re- 
dress of grievances ; and in resolutions, they stated their rights. Parliament 
seemed, for a while, determined to enforce obedience ; but they did not perse- 
vere. The British manufacturers were clamorous, because their trade was 
suffering by the non-importation agreement. The ministry were embarrassed 
and indecisive, and at length gave assurance of a repeal of those obnoxious laws. 

The repeal took place iu 1770, except that of three pence a pound on tea. This 
trifling and ill-judged reservation, prevented a cordial reconciliation, and in a 
short time produced an open rupture. A temporary calm, however, took place : 
for, though the duty on tea was still in force, the Americans resolved to evade it, 
by not importing any upon which it was payable. 

The colonists were highly elated in having thus twice defeated the attempts of 
parliament to tax them. Their non-importation agreements so evidently dis- 
tressed the manufacturers of Britain, that they imagined she was, in fact, far 
more dependent upon them, than they were upon her. Doctrines were boldly 
advanced by some, which tended to question the right of parliament to control 
their trade ; and calculations were made, to show the great sums that this 
monopoly carried into the British treasury. 

Many, however, hoped that the contention between the two countries would 
now terminate ; and that Britain would neither revive her claims, nor the colo- 
nies bring their speculations into effect. But the late ferments, though allayed, 
were not extinguished. 

In Massachusetts new troubles broke out. Various causes contributed to keep 
alive the spirit of discontent in that colony : — Introducing a military force into 
Boston, with a view to overawe the inhabitants,— stationing vessels of war in the 
harbour, — making the governor and judges independent of the province, — and 
establishing a board of commissioners for collecting the revenue to be raised by 
authority of parliament. The people of New England were also less attached 
to Britain than those of most of the other colonies ; few emigrants had lately 
come to that part of the continent. They were chiefly descendants of the first 
settlers. Their ancestors had been persecuted, and banished from Britain ; and 
they now experienced the arbitrary conduct of that country toward themselves. 

On the other hand, the inhabitants were looked on by the ministry as a turbu- 
lent, factious people, who aimed at independence ; and coercive measures only 
were supposed necessary to secure their obedience. 

The discontents in New England had, in several instances, broke out into 
actual violence ; particularly in burning a British armed schooner in Providence 
river ; and in Bost(m, on the 5th of March, 1770, when a party of the military 
fired upon, and killed several of the inhabitants, who had previously insulted, 
threatened, and attacked them. The soldiers were tried, and acquitted of mur- 
der. But this event sank deep into the minds of the people ; and the anniver- 
sary of it was observed with great solemnity for many years. 

In 1770, an insurrection broke out in North Carolina, not connected with the 



26 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

general opposition to Britain. A number of people rose in arms, demanding 
that the courts of justice should be shut ; that the officers of government should 
resign ; and that no taxes should be levied. Governor Tryon marched against 
the insurgents, and defeated them. 

The ministry were disappointed in raising a revenue from tea, in consequence 
of the American association to import none on which a duty was chargeable. 
The East India Company also felt the bad effects of the colonial smuggling trade, 
by the large quantity of tea remaining in their warehouses. They urged the 
minister. Lord North, to take off the American duty of three pence per pound, 
and they would pay double the sum on exportation. This offer was rejected ; 
but a drawback was allowed on the tea they should export to the colonies. The 
company agreed to this plan, and became their own factors. They sent six hun- 
dred chests of tea to Philadelphia, the like quantity to New York and Boston, 
besides what was consigned to other places ; and appointed agents for the dispo- 
sal of the commodity. 

In the mean time, the colonists, who well knew what had passed in the 
mother country, were concerting measures to counteract the views of the British 
ministi'y. Town meetings were held in the capital cities of the different pro- 
vinces ; and it was resolved to obstruct the sale of the tea, and even to prevent 
it from being landed. The captains of the ships which arrived at Philadelphia 
and New York, being apprized of the determination of the citizens, returned 
with their cargoes. At Charleston, the tea was landed, but not offered for sale. 
In Boston, the business terminated in a different manner. The tea ships were 
prevented from returning ; express orders being sent by the governor, to the 
armed vessels in the bay, to stop every vessel which had not a pass signed by 
himself. The inhabitants therefore resolved to destroy it. A number of per- 
sons, dressed as Indians, went on board the ships, and in about two hours, 
hoisted out, and broke open three hundred and forty-two chests of tea, the con- 
tents of which they threw into the sea. They were not in the least molested, 
and the whole was conducted with very little tumult. No damage was done to 
the vessels, or any other property. When the business was finished, the people 
returned quietly to their habitations. This took place in November, 1773. 

These proceedings irritated the ministry. A message from the king to both 
houses of parliament was presented, in which he particularly mentioned the de- 
struction of the tea. It was determined to punish the Bostouians for their re- 
fractory behaviour. In March, 1774, bills were brought into parliament, to shut 
up the port of Boston, and to transfer the seat of government to Salem, — to new 
model the government of Massachusetts Bay, — to transport persons charged with 
crimes, in Massachusetts, to another colony, or even to England, for trial. These 
bills all received the royal assent. Several respectable members of both houses, 
reprobated these severe and dangerous proceedings. Petitions were also pre- 
sented against their being carried into effect. But the ministry were determined 
to bring the colonies in absolute submission to the authority of Britain. 

When intelligence of these acts reached America, the whole continent was in 
a flame. Though they were levelled against Massachusetts, every colony con- 
sidered itself included : and that their property and liberty were to be sacrificed 
to ministerial and parliamentary vengeance : they resolved to make a common 
cause with the people of New England. In order to obtain a unanimity of 
measures, it was proposed that a Congress should meet at Philadelphia in Sep- 
tember. 

The first of June, 1774, was the time appointed for shutting up the port of 
Boston. That eventful day was kept in many places as a day of mourning. 
The sympathy of the colonies was also manifested by liberal contributions for 
the people of that town ; many of whom, by the operation of the port bill, were 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 27 

deprived of their usual means of subsistence. Tlioy were considered as suffer- 
ing in the common cause. 

The British ministry, fearing the consequences of the laws that were enacted, 
ordered a military force to Boston ; and General Gage, the commander-in-chief, 
was appointed governor of Massachusetts. These measures served still further 
to irritate the people of that province. To be prepared for every event, they 
began to arm in their own defence, and spent much time in acquiring the mili- 
tary art. These proceedings, and a manifest disposition to resistance, alarmed 
the general, who thought it necessary, for the safety of his troops, as well as to 
secure the important post of Boston, to fortify the neck, which afforded the only 
communication by land between that town and the country. 

On the 5th of September, 1774, Congress met at Philadelphia. Twelve colo- 
nies sent deputies to this assembly. It was composed of the most influential 
characters, and was a faithful representation of the people. They published a 
declaration of rights, in which they claimed an exemption from being taxed by 
parliament, but submitted to the regulation of their commerce, — they addressed 
General Gage, and entreated him to forbear hostilities, — entered into a non- 
importation and non-exportation agreement, — presented an address to the people 
of Great Britain, and a petition to the king. These papers were all drawn up 
with an uncommon degree of animation, firmness, and eloquence. After a ses- 
sion of eight weeks, they dissolved themselves ; having previously given their 
opinion, that another Congress should meet in May following, unless their 
grievances were redressed before that time. 

The proceedings of Congress met with the approbation of the people. Though 
they had only an advisory power, their recommendations were as effectually car- 
ried into execution as the laws of the best regulated States. The colonial legis- 
latures, except that of New York, sanctioned their proceedings. Provincial 
Congresses, and subordinate committees of inspection and observation, for 
cities, counties, and districts, were chosen by the people. These carried the 
resolutions of the general Congress into effect. The opposition to Britain now 
assumed the appearance of a regular system, and all the colonies were appa- 
rently moved by one will. 

General Gage summoned the legislature of Massachusetts to convene at Salem, 
in October. He afterward countermanded the summons. But the members as- 
sembled, and organized themselves into a provincial Congress. They drew up a 
plan for the immediate defence of the province, organized the militia, and ordered 
a select number of them to be ready to march at a minute's warning ; collected 
provisions and ammunition; and voted money to carry their resolutions into effect. 
Commissioners from New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island met with a 
committee from Massachusetts, and engaged to assist them in their struggle for 
freedom. 

When the proceedings of the general Congress reached Britain, the first im- 
pression seemed favourable to America. Petitions were presented from London, 
and almost all the manufacturing towns in the kingdom, for a repeal of the ob- 
noxious laws. Lord Chatham introduced a bill, which he hoped would bring 
about a reconciliation. The ministry rejected this bill, the petition of the British 
merchants, and the petition from Congress. 

At the same time, Lord North gave a sketch of the measures he intended to 
pursue. lie was to send a greater force to America; and to bring in a bill to 
restrain the foreign trade of the colonies of New England, particularly their 
fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland, till they returned to their duty. This 
bill was introduced and passed. Another act also passed, to restrain the com- 
merce of the rest of the colonies, except North Carolina and New York. Great 
opposition was made to these measures, in both houses of parliament. But it 



28 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

was replied, that as the colonies had refused to trade with Britain, they ought to 
be restrained from trading anywhere else. 

To bring the nation to unanimity, however, was a desirable object with the 
ministry. I/ord North, to show that he was not averse to conciliation, brought 
into the House of Commons, on the 20th of February, 1775, what was called hia 
Conciliatory Motion ; the substance of which was, that when any colony should 
tax itself, in such a sum as would be satisfactory, parliament would forbear to 
tax such colony. This motion passed the house. It was expected to unite the 
people of Britain, even if it was refused by the Americans. When transmitted 
to the colonies, they unanimously rejected it, as being unreasonable and 
insidious. 

The ministry immediately ordered a large reinforcement of troops to Boston; 
and appointed Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, men of great military 
talents, to accompany them. These troops, joined with those already in 
America, would make an army of ten thousand men. It was fully believed in 
Britain, that this powerful force, under the direction of such able generals, 
would be sufficient to reduce the colonies to submission. The Americans were 
said in parliament to be cowards, and would not venture to make any serious 
opposition ; or if any military resistance was attempted, a speedy and decisive 
conquest would be the consequence. 

Meanwhile, in the colonies, the spirit of opposition to England had been 
growing stronger and more determined ; and, before the tidings of the late pro- 
ceedings of parliament could reach America, the indignation of the provincials 
had been fully aroused by the shock of battle and the spilling of blood. 

Being informed that the Americans had collected a magazine of military stores 
at Concord, a town near Boston, General Gage, in the night of April 18, 1775, 
detached a force of eight hundred grenadiers, to proceed to Concord and destroy 
the magazine. Though the utmost secrecy had been observed, the troops found 
their rapid march heralded by signal guns, and the ringing of church-bells ; and 
when, about sunrise of the 19th, they reached Lexington, some seventy minute- 
men were discovered in arms upon the green. Major Pitcairn, the English com- 
mander, ordered them to disperse. On their refusing to obey, the word was 
given to fire. At the first discharge eight of the provincials were killed. The 
rest, after a brief skirmish, were put to flight. 

Pressing forward to Concord, the British found the people of that town in 
arms. They succeeded, however, in destroying the stores. But they were not 
suffered to return unopposed. While the work of destruction was being carried 
on, the militia were assembling beyond the north bridge. Attempting to cross 
into Concord, they were fired upon by a British guard, and two of their number 
fell dead. The Americans instantly returned the fire, and drove the enemy back 
with considerable loss. 

Pitcairn now gave the word to retreat. It was time. The spirit of the coun- 
try was aroused. Scarcely had the British begun their flight, rather than march, 
when they were hotly assailed on all sides, from behind houses, fences, trees, 
stones, and every place where a man could conceal himself. Their whole route 
was lined with a deadly and uninterrupted fire. 

Fortunately for the English, Lord Percy met them at Lexington, with a fresh 
detachment of nine hundred men. Breathing a little, they again set forward. 
The same fatal fire pursued them, almost to the foot of Bunker's Hill, where 
they arrived late in the evening, staggering with exhaustion, and smarting with 
the mortification of a bloody defeat. 

The battle of Lexington was the signal for war. Flying from colony to colony, 
the tidings of it called up armies as if by magic. Two days after the fight, no 
less than twenty thousand provincials were assembled around Boston. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 29 

On the lOtli of May following, a small party of Vermont and Connecticut 
militia, led by Ethan Allen, Seth AVarncr, and Benedict Arnold, succeeded in the 
bold enterprise of capturing the fortress of Ticonderoga. Many cannon, and a 
large amount of military stores thus fell into their hands, and proved a valuable 
acquisition to the forces engaged in the siege of Boston. 

The same day the Continental Congress assembled at Philadelphia. Besides a 
second petition to the king, addresses were voted to the people of Great Britain, 
to the Assembly of Jamaica, and to the inhabitants of Canada. Having thus 
made their last appeals to the king and people of Great Britain, Congress next 
voted for the equipment and organization of a continental army, twenty thousand 
strong. To defray the necessary expenses, bills of credit were issued to the 
amount of three millions of dollars. The happy selection was next made of 
George Washington, then a delegate from Virginia, to take the chief command 
of the proposed army. 

While Congress was yet in session, tidings were received from the East, that a 
second battle had been fought. Having reason to apprehend that General Gage 
designed to issue from the town, and penetrate into the interior of Massachu- 
setts, the Americans determined to anticipate such a movement by fortifying 
Dorchester Neck and Bunker's Hill. For the latter service, one thousand men 
were detached, late in the evening of June the 16th, under the command of 
Colonel Prescott. Through some mistake, the provincials, instead of occupying 
Bunker's, passed silently beyond it to Breed's Hill, an eminence much nearer to 
Boston, and overlooking it. Here, by the dawn of the next day, they had thrown 
up a small but formidable redoubt. Though a heavy cannonade was immediately 
directed against them from the British ships in the harbor, and from a battery 
on Copp's Hill, at the northern end of Boston, the Americans cheerfully pur- 
sued their labour, seemingly unconcerned at the iron shower of bombs and balls 
which fell around them incessantly. 

Deeming it absolutely necessary that the provincials should be driven from the 
position they had so boldly taken, Gage, at noon, detached ten companies of 
grenadiers, ten of light infantry, and a body of artillery, who, crossing to 
Moreton's Point, were there drawn up in battle array, by Generals Howe and 
Pigot. Notwithstanding this demonstration, the Americans remained firm and 
undismayed. Perceiving this, the English refrained from advancing, till the 
arrival of reinforcements from Boston. 

About three o'clock in the afternoon, the British, having formed in two lines, 
advanced to storm the American redoubt, under cover of a heavy discharge of 
field-pieces and howitzers. As they marched slowly forward, Charlestown, a 
handsome and flourishing village, was set on fire, by the orders of Gage. The 
conflagration shed a terrific splendour over the scene, which thousands of anxious 
spectators witnessed from the heights of Boston and the surrounding country. 

There was a silence like that of death in the American line, till the enemy had 
advanced within less than one hundred yards. Then it was that the provincials 
poured in their fire. Their aim was steady and deliberate, and singularly fatal. 
The British wavered, broke, and fled ; but, being rallied, again resumed their 
advance, to be a second time driven back, by an equally deadly discharge. 
Forced on by the swords of their oflicers, they moved to the charge a third time. 
The powder of the Americans was now almost exhausted ; their line was assailed 
on three sides at once ; and they found it impossible to hold their position longer. 
Clubbing their muskets, they retreated slowly, fighting every foot of the way, 
across Charlestown Neck. 

Advancing as far as Bunker's Hill, the British there encamped, being too ex- 
hausted to improve their dear-bought victory, in which three thousand of their 
veteran troops had with difficulty overcome the resistance of fifteen hundred 



30 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY 

undisciplined American farmers. Nothing could have been more disastrous to 
their prospects than the result of this conflict. Neither inspirited by brilliant 
triumph, nor exasperated by shameful defeat, their troops were depressed by a 
success, of which it would evidently require but a few more such instances to 
insure their destruction. 

In the following July, Washington appeared in the camp before Boston, and 
hastened to organize and discipline the army under his command. Keeping up 
a close siege of the British for nearly a year, in March, 1776, he determined on 
attempting to dislodge them from the town. On the evening of the 4th, a strong 
detachment of provincials, under General Thomas, succeeded in taking posses- 
sion of and fortifying the heights of Dorchester, by which the complete command 
of Boston was gained. General Howe, who had succeeded Gage, had no other 
alternative than to evacuate the town, or dislodge the Americans from their new 
position. Failing in an attempt to do the latter, he prepared to embark his 
troops and yield the possession of Boston to the provincials. His retreat was 
not annoyed, as he had threatened, if it were, to burn the town. On the 17th 
of March, his fleet set sail for Halifax. Leaving a suitable force at Boston, 
Washington hastened with his main body toward New York, whither Howe was 
supposed to have sailed. 

In the mean time. Congress had decided upon striking a sturdy blow in 
Canada. At the head of a little more than a thousand troops, General Montgo- 
mery, a young and high-spirited officer, succeeded in forcing his way to 
Montreal, which he took unresisted possession of, in November, 1775. Though 
the season was far advanced, he then pushed down the St. Lawrence, determined 
to attempt the conquest of Quebec. 

Against that fortress, Washington had previously detached eleven hundred 
men, under the command of Colonel Benedict Arnold. Starting from the neigh- 
bourhood of Boston, Arnold ascended the Kennebec, and then struck out into the 
untravelled wildernesses of Maine, designing to reach Canada from a direction 
entirely unexpected. After one of the most memorable, because one of the 
most toilsome and hazardous, marches on record, he struck the St. Lawrence at a 
point nearly opposite Quebec. If he could have crossed the river at once, he 
might have captured the city, notwithstanding the exhaustion of his troops, 
whose original number had been greatly reduced by desertion. But, having re- 
ceived warning of his approach, the commandant at Quebec had taken care to 
remove all the canoes from that side of the St. Lawrence. 

Yet, after some delay, Arnold succeeded in crossing, in spite of the precau- 
tions of the British. Landing where the gallant Wolfe had landed sixteen years 
previously, he drew up his little army before Quebec, and summoned it to sur- 
render. But his flag was fired upon, and the garrison would hold no commu- 
nication with him ; and, conscious of his inability to maintain a siege, he with- 
drew up the river to Point aux Trembles. Here he was presently joined by 
Montgomery, who took command of their united forces, and together they pro- 
ceeded to make one more attempt to capture Quebec. 

Finding that his artillery produced no impression upon the walls of that city, 
Montgomery at length decided on carrying the place by a bold assault. The 
attempt was made on the 31st December, in the midst of a driving snow-storm. 
Though conducted with the utmost gallantry, it failed — Montgomery being slain, 
and Arnold seriously wounded. From this period, the operations of the Ameri- 
can army in Canada began to be attended by disaster ; and, in the course of a 
few months, almost every advantage it had gained was lost, seemingly beyond 
recovery. 

In the spring of 1776, a remarkable debate took place in the British house of 
lords, on a motion of the Duke of Grafton for pacifying America by concessions. 



OF THE UNITED STATES. 31 

The motion was voted down by a large majority; the supporters of the ministry 
dedaring that the season for conciliation was past, and that no alternative was 
left to America save absolute conquest or unconditional submission. The pro- 
vincials had now to choose between the dignity of independent freemen, and the 
degradation of pardoned rebels. That the first of these would be their choice, 
was manifested by the numerous petitions which began to flow to Congress, 
praying for the open declaration of American independence. 

Preferring to follow, rather than to precede, public opinion on a question of 
such transcendent importance. Congress prudently waited a more general and 
deliberate expression of the national desire. At length, a majority of the thir- 
teen confederated States began to exhibit symptom.s of their anxiety to sever the 
political bonds which united them Avith the English crown. Though the unfor- 
tunate termination of the Canadian campaign was by this time either known or 
surmised, it did not stifle, but rather gave force to, the expression of the almost 
general desire that Congress should speedily take some action with regard to the 
subject of independence. One or two of the provincial assemblies, it is true, 
had as yet avoided all allusion to the question ; while as many more had openly 
expressed their disapprobation of any measure approaching to a declaration of 
the independence of the colonies. But the prominent friends of independence 
saw that the time was at hand when this momentous design must be either 
boldly avowed, or given up altogether ; they observed, that, in general, the chief 
objections brought against it were rather as to the time than to the measure 
itself, and they fully believed that a vast majority of the people, however hope- 
ful or desirous of a reconciliation with the mother country, would rather give up 
such views than cherish them in opposition to the settled and general policy 
of America. 

To render certain the existence of such a majority, the leading patriots went 
actively to work with that powerful engine, the public press. Gazettes, news- 
papers, and pamphlets, filled with stirring appeals, and sound arguments in 
favour of the separation of the colonies from Great Britain, were widely dissemi- 
nated. Prominent among the pamphlets pi'oduced on this occasion was one en- 
titled " Common Sense," and written by Thomas Paine, an Englishman, but 
lately arrived in America. Showing the absolute necessity for independence, 
and pointing out the advantages of it, he ridiculed hereditary succession, and 
heaped reproach and disgrace on monarchical governments. Though not re- 
markably learned, Paine was a bold, shrewd, and sarcastic writer, and the effect 
of his essays on the American people and mind was well-nigh wonderful. 

On the 22d of April, 1776, the provincial Assembly of North Carolina em- 
powered its delegates in Congress to concur with the others in the establish- 
ment of independence. The Virginia Assembly went still further, and instructed 
its delegates to propose that measure. 

Accordingly, on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, formal- 
ly proposed in Congress that the confederated states should declare them- 
selves free and independent. The debate that ensued was a lengthy and spirited 
one, and elicited such a display of wisdom, genius, and eloquence, on the ques- 
tion of the liberty and happiness of mankind, as has been but seldom witnessed 
by the national assemblies of the world. 

At the head of the party in favour of independence, was the fearless and 
energetic John Adams, of Massachusetts. John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, 
led the opposition. Dickinson was an able man, and spoke eloquently against 
the measure, having been so instructed by the Assembly of the colony he re- 
presented in Congress. Still, his opposition was founded upon an honest con- 
viction that a declaration of independence was as unnecessary as it would be 



32 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 

wrong. Subsequently, however, he came fearlessly forward, and united his 
fortunes to those of the Anlerican patriots. 

On the 10th of June, the resolution of Lee was adopted, in a committee of the 
whole house, by a bare majority. The question was then postponed till the let 
of July. In the mean time steps were taken to procure the assent of all the 
colonies. On the appointed day, all agreed to the measure except Delaware and 
Pennsylvania. 

At length, on the 4th of July, a " Declaration of Independence," drawn up 
by Thomas Jefferson, of Virginian, was reported to Congress, and, after being 
slightly amended, received the almost unanimous sanction of that body. It 
was then signed by each of the several members of Congress, and subse- 
quently read to the people from the door of the state-house in Philadelphia. It 
was welcomed throughout the colonies with cheers, the ringing of bells, the 
firing of cannon, and with every expression of rejoicing, and of a determination 
to adhere to the principles it so boldly avowed. 



THE 



UNITED STATES MANUAL. 



JJakration of Inbcptnkna, 

JULY 4th, 1776. 

The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of 
America, in Congress assembled. 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for 
one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them 
with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the sepa- 
rate and equal station to which the laAvs of nature and of nature's 
God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind 
requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to 
the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created 
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalien- 
able rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness ; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted 
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 
governed ; that, whenever any form of government becomes destruc- 
tive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish 
it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such 
principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall 
seem most likely to eifect their safety and happiness. Prudence, 
indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be 
changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experi- 
ence hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while 
evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms 
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and 
usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to 
reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 

3 33 



84 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

duty, to thi»ow oif such government, and to provide ne"W guards for 
their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these 
colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to 
alter their former systems of government. The history of the pre- 
sent king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and 
usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an abo- 
solute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be sub- 
mitted to a candid world: — 

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and neces- 
sary for the public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and 
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his 
assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly 
neglected to attend to them. 

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large 
districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right 
of representation in the legislature — a right inestimable to them, 
and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncom- 
fortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for 
the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly for opposing 
with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. 

He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause 
others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of 
annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise — 
the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of 
invasion from without and convulsions within. 

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states — 
for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturalization of foreigners, 
refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and 
raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his 
assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of 
their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new oflSces, and sent hither swarms 
of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, with- 
out the consent of our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior 
to, the civil power. 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 35 

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign 
to our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws — giving his 
assent to their acts of pretended legislation : 

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any 
murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; 

For cutting oif our trade with all parts of the world ; 

For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; 

For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences ; 

For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighbouring 
province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarg- 
ing its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit in- 
strument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; 

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, 
and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments; 

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves in- 
vested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 

He has abdicated government here by declaring us out of his pro- 
tection and waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, 
and destroyed the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries 
to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already 
begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled 
in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civil- 
ized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high 
seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners 
of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has endea- 
voured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless In- 
dian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished 
destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. 

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress 
in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions have been an- 
swered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus 
marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the 
ruler of a free a people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. 
We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts, by their legis- 
lature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have 



56 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settle- 
ment here. We have appealed to their native justice and magna- 
nimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kin- 
dred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt 
our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to 
the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acqui- 
esce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, 
as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of Ame- 
rica, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge 
of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, 
and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly 
publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought 
to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection be- 
tween them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, to- 
tally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they have 
full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish 
commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent 
states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with 
a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually 
pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour. 

The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed 
and signed by the following members : — 

JOHN HANCOCK, 

President and Dejmty from Massachusetts. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
JosiAH Bartlett, 
William Whipple. 
Matthew Thornton. 

MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

Samuel Adams, 
John Adams, 
Robert Treat Paine, 
Elbridge Gerry. 

RHODE ISLAND. 
Stephen Hopkins, 
William Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 
Roger Sherman, 
Samuel Huntington, 
William Williams, 
Oliver Wolcott. 

NEW YORK. 
William Floyd, 
Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 
Lewis Morris. 



NEW JERSEY. 

Richard Stockton, 
John Wipberspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, 
Abraham Clark. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
Robert Morris, 
Benjamin Rush, 
Benjamin Franklin, 
John Morton, 
George Clymeb, 
James Smith, 
George Taylor, 
James Wilson, 
George Ross. 

DELAWARE. 
C^SAR Rodney, 
George Read, 
Thomas McKean. 

MARYLAND. 
Samuel Chase, 
William Paca. 



Thomas Stone, 

Chas. Carroll, of Carrollton. 

VIRGINIA. 

George Wythe, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 

NORTH CAROLINA, 
William Hooper, 
Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 
Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas Heyavard, Jr., 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
Arthur Middleton. 

GEORGIA. 
Button Gwinnett, 
Lyman Hall, 
George Walton. 



^iograjjljus of tjjc Signers of tlje 5^^'^^'^tioi^ ^f 
|nbcj)cnl)tucc. 



JOHN HANCOCK. 



The boldly written name of John Hancock appears first on the 
list of those who dared to append their signatures to the immortal 
Declaration of Independence. This distinguished man was the son 
of the Rev. John Hancock, of Braintree, Massachusetts, and he was 
born at that place in 1737. He enjoyed the advantages of an ex- 
cellent education, graduating at Harvard College, in 1754. He 
then entered the counting-house of his uncle, Thomas Hancock, as 
a clerk. At this period he discovered no striking qualities, from 
which his friends could predict his future distinction. On the death 
of his uncle, young Hancock inherited a large fortune, and soon 
after he began his brilliant career as a public man. 

He was first chosen selectman of the town of Boston, and, in the 
year 1766, he was elected, with Otis, Gushing, and Samuel Adams, 
a member of the general assembly of the province. 

On taking his seat, Mr. Hancock was flattered by marks of confi- 
dence and distinction : he was generally chosen on committees, and 
was chairman upon some occasions when the deliberations involved 
the highest interests of the community. As soon as the controversy 
with Great Britain grew warm, and all hopes of accommodation had 
vanished, he entered into the non-importation agreement, and all 
other acts which were expedient to keep inviolate the liberties of 
the people. 

In consideration of his zeal and ability, he was, in 1774, called 
upon to preside over the deliberations of the provincial assembly. 

On the 12th of June, 1775, General Gage issued a proclamation 
offering pardon to all the rebels, excepting John Hancock and Samuel 
Adams, "whose offences" were declared to be "of too flagitious a 
nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign 
punishment." Mr. Hancock at this time occupied a seat in the Con- 
tinental Congress, and before the close of its session, that body 
elected him to preside over its deliberations, in place of Peyton 
Randolph, who was under the necessity of returning home. In this 
honourable position he continued during the exciting debates upon 

37 



38 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

the Declaration of Independence ; and -when that noble instrument 
was adopted, his signature took the lead, as that of the President of 
the Congress. 

In October, 1777, ill health compelled Mr. Hancock to retire from 
his post. On that occasion he received the thanks of Congress for 
his unremitted attention, and steady impartiality in discharging the 
duties of his office. But his fellow-citizens would not permit him to 
retire altogether from the theatre of public events. After the adop- 
tion of a State constitution in Massachusetts, in October, 1780, he 
was chosen fii'st governor. 

He was annually continued in that office until the year 1785, when 
he resigned ; and after an intermission of two years, during which 
he had been succeeded by Mr. Bowdoin, was re-elected, and remained 
in the chair until the close of his life. 

In 1787, he was chosen president of the State convention, which 
met to ratify and adopt the federal constitution ; and his influence 
and agency in promoting its adoption may be mentioned with the 
objects which most recommend him to esteem among his contempo- 
raries, and which entitle him to the regard of posterity. The latter 
years of his administration were very popular, on account of the 
public tranquillity. The federal government became the source of 
so much prosperity, that the people were easy and happy. He died 
suddenly on the 8th of October, 1793, in the fifty-sixth year of 
his age. 

Mr. Hancock was above the middle size, of excellent proportion 
of limbs, and of extreme benignity of countenance. He was easy 
in his address, polished in manners, affable and liberal ; and, as pre- 
sident of Congress, he exhibited a dignity, impartiality, quickness 
of conception, and constant attention to business, which secured him 
respect. Of his talents it is sufficient evidence, that, in the various 
stations to which his fortune had elevated him in the republic, he 
acquitted himself with an honourable distinction and capacity. As 
an orator, he spoke with ease and propriety on every subject. In 
private life, he was charitable and generous — indeed, there are few 
lives, either ancient or modern, that afford, of disinterested gene- 
rosity, more frequent and illustrious examples. From his private 
benevolence, a thousand families received their daily bread ; and 
there is perhaps no individual mentioned in history, who has ex- 
pended a more ample fortune in promoting the liberties of his coun- 
try. He was also a generous benefactor of Harvard College. 

To the last his life was characterized by patriotism, practical 
ability, and generous munificence. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 39 



JOSIAH BARTLETT. 

JosiAH Bartlett was one of the earliest and most influential 
advocates of the Declaration. He was born at Amesbury, Massa- 
chusetts, in November, 1729. After receiving the rudiments of a 
classical education in his native town, he commenced the study of 
physic under Dr. Ordway, and, at the age of twenty- one, he began 
the practice of his profession at Kingston, New Hampshire. The 
success of the young physician was almost immediate ; but he was 
destined for public service in another field. Having zealously es- 
poused the cause of the people, and displayed great courage and 
decision, he was elected, in 1765, to represent the town of Kingston 
in the provincial assembly. This mark of confidence was annually 
renewed until the Revolution. 

During the momentous period preceding the bursting of the storm, 
Dr. Bartlett acted a conspicuous part among the patriots. He was 
appointed a delegate to the general Congress of 1774, to aid in the 
adoption of such measures as would secure the rights, liberties, and 
privileges of the colonies, and restore harmony between the two 
countries. The opening of the year 1775, instead of a reconcilia- 
tion, brought about those portentous events which resulted in a revolu- 
tion. In the mean time, he was a member of the committee of safety, 
and of the provincial convention, and was actively engaged in mat- 
ters relating to the welfare of the people. 

On the 23d of August, 1775, Dr. Bartlett was chosen a delegate 
to Congress, in the place of I. Sullivan, Esq., and took his seat 
accordingly. On the 23d of January, 1776, he was again re-elected 
to Congress, and on the 12th of June was appointed one of the com- 
mittee to prepare and digest the form of confederation to be entered 
into between the colonies. In the debates which preceded the signing 
of the Declaration of Independence, he firmly advocated its adop- 
tion ; and on the memorable 4th of July, on taking the sentiments 
of the house, was the first called upon : he answered in the affirmative, 
and was followed in rotation by the members from the other States. 

He was re-elected to the Congress which met at York, Pennsyl- 
vania, in 1778. 

In 1782, Dr. Bartlett was appointed a justice of the superior 
court, which office he held until he was appointed chief justice, in 
1788. Still higher honours aAvaited him. 

In 1788, he was a member of the convention of New Hampshire 



40 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Avhich adopted the present constitution. In 1789, lie was chosen a 
senator to Congress. In 1793, he was elected the first governor of 
the State, which office he filled with his accustomed promptitude and 
fidelity, until his infirm state of health obliged him to retire wholly 
from public business. This eminent man and distinguished patriot 
closed his earthly career on the 19th of May, 1795. 

Dr. Bartlett was remarkable for his quick, penetrating intellect, 
extensive information, and promptitude and decision of action. Rigid 
in the performance of his duties, he exacted the same strictness from 
others. The high positions with which he was honoured were the 
just rewards of his merits, and his faithful performance of their 
duties was generally acknowledged. 



WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 



No man among the illustrious signers of the "Declaration," was 
more remarkable for the variety of his fortunes than William Whip- 
ple, who, from a mere cabin-boy, rose to a lofty position as a states- 
man and soldier. He was born at Kittery, Maine, in 1730. Re- 
ceiving a very little education, he adopted a seafaring life, at an 
early age. In 1759, he abandoned the sea, and commenced business 
in connection with his brother, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire. 
There he gradually attained a high reputation for energy, judgment, 
and integrity, and was elected to several responsible offices. 

Mr. Whipple was among the first to advocate resistance to the 
exactions of the British Parliament. 

When the disputes between the two countries were approaching to 
a crisis, he was, in the year 1775, chosen one of the provincial com- 
mittee of safety for the town of Portsmouth. In 1776, he was 
chosen a delegate to the general Congress, which met at Philadel- 
phia, and accordingly took his seat in that august body on the 29th 
of February. He continued to be re-elected to that distinguished 
situation in the years 1777, 1778, and 1779, and applied himself 
with great diligence and ability to the discharge of its duties, when 
the military services which he rendered during that period permitted 
him to be an acting member of the New Hampshire delegation. 
In the middle of September, 1779, he finally retired from Congress, 
after having attended, without the least intermission, at his post of 
duty, from the 5th of the preceding month of November. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 41 

The memorable day which gave birth to the Dechiration of Inde- 
pendence, afforded in tlie case of Mr. Whipple a striking example 
of the uncertainty of human affairs, and the triumphs of perseve- 
rance. The cabin-boy, whose ambition once centred in inscribing his 
name as commander upon a crew-list, now affixed his signature to a 
document which has embalmed it for posterity. 

In the year 1777, Mr. Whipple was called upon to act in untried 
scenes, and exchange his political for a military character. On the 
invasion of General Burgoyne, Mr. Whipple and John Stark were 
appointed brigadier-generals, with orders to embody the militia, and 
to stop the progress of the enemy. The latter, with the second 
brigade, proceeded to Bennington, (where the enemy had a large 
body of troops under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Baum,) 
attacked their works, and put them to flight. Soon after this vic- 
tory, General Whipple marched with the first brigade to join the 
standard of General Gates. In the desperate battles of Stillwater 
and of Saratoga, the troops of General Whipple gained a large share 
of honour due to the American army. The consequence of these 
engagements was the surrender of General Burgoyne. 

In 1780, immediately after his retirement from Congress, he was 
elected a member of the State legislature, to which office he was 
repeatedly chosen, and continued to enjoy the confidence and appro- 
bation of his fellow-citizens. In 1782, he was appointed a judge of 
the superior court, which office he held until his death, which hap- 
pened November 28, 1785, in the fifty-fifth year of his age. 

In General Whipple the want of education was supplied by the 
force of a quick and comprehensive mind. Close observation ren- 
dered his knowledge of men and things more accurate than that of 
the mass of men, and an indomitable will enabled him to triumph over 
all the obstacles fortune threw in his path to renown. His career 
is well worthy of the study of American youth. 



MATTHEW THORNTON. 

Some of the most enthusiastic patriots of the Revolution were 
natives of a foreign soil. Among these was Matthew Thornton, 
who was born in Ireland, in 1714. A few years after his birth, his 
parents emigrated to America, and settled in Maine. Thence they 
removed to Massachusetts, where Matthew, being designed for one 



42 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

of the learned professions, received an academical education. At 
the proper age, he commenced the study of medicine at Leicester, 
Massachusetts, and having completed the preparatory course, he 
began the practice of his profession at Londonderry, New Hamp- 
shire. There his ability and extensive information soon secured him 
a lucrative practice, and he became possessed of a considerable 
estate. 

After filling several important offices. Dr. Thornton was elected, 
in 1776, a delegate to Congress to represent the State of New 
Hampshire. He took his seat after the signing of the Declaration 
of Independence ; but he asked and obtained permission to affix his 
signature to the glorious roll, thus giving a notable proof of his 
patriotic zeal. In 1779, Dr. Thornton removed to Exeter, New 
Hampshire, and there, upon a fine estate, he resided during the 
remainder of his life, more occupied with his delightful gardens 
than with either physic or politics. Yet he continued to manifest a 
deep interest in the welfare of the country. He was the unwavering 
disciple of Washington, and enjoyed the confidence of that illustrious 
patriot to the end. Dr. Thornton died at Newburyport, Massachu- 
setts, while on a visit to his daughters, June 24, 1803, at the age of 
eighty-nine. 

Dr. Thornton possessed a large, commanding person ; his com- 
plexion was dark, and his black eyes had a stern, penetrating glance. 
Upon his grave may be seen a marble slab, containing his name, age, 
and the brief, but sufficient epitaph — "An Honest Man.' 



SAMUEL ADAMS. 



The two Adamses, of Massachusetts, were always the most promi- 
nent men in the Continental Congress. Of the two, John Adams was 
the greater orator, but Samuel Adams commanded the most exten- 
sive influence. The latter was born in Boston, Massachusetts, Sep- 
tember 27, 1722. Being descended from a very respectable family, 
he enjoyed the advantage of a thorough education. In the years 
1740 and '43, Mr. Adams graduated at Harvard College, and re- 
ceived the respective degrees of bachelor and master of arts. 

On the latter occasion, he proposed the following question for 
discussion : " Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, 
if the commonwealth cannot be otherwise preserved." He main- 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 43 

tained the affirmative of tliis proposition, and thus evinced, at this 
early period of his life, his attachment to the liberties of the peo- 
ple. Mr. Adams was known as a political writer during the adminis- 
tration of Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, to whom he was 
opposed, as he conceived the union of so much military and civil 
power in one man to be dangerous. 

When the stamp act was the subject of conversation, of public 
resentment, and succeeding tumults, Mr. Adams was one of those 
important characters who appeared to oppose it at every step. Nor 
were the taxes upon tea, oil, and colours less odious to the Ameri- 
cans than the stamp act; on this occasion he boldly opposed the 
right of Great Britain to tax the colonies, in a remonstrance of 
some length, which is the first public document we have on record 
denying the right of the British Parliament to tax the colonies with- 
out their own consent. 

In consequence of the act of imposing duties in 1767, Mr. Adams 
suggested a non-importation agreement with the merchants, which 
was agreed to and signed by nearly all of them in the province. At 
a very early period of the controversy with Great Britain, he sug- 
gested the importance of establishing committees of correspondence. 
This was first adopted by Massachusetts, on a motion of Mr. Adams, 
at a public town-meeting in Boston. The plan was afterward fol- 
lowed by all the provinces. He was afterward the first to suggest a 
congress of the colonies. 

After every method had been tried to induce Mr. Adams to aban- 
don the cause of his country, he was proscribed, in connection with 
John Hancock, by a general proclamation issued by Governor Gage, 
June 12, 1775. 

In 1774, he was elected a member of the general Congress. In 
1766, on the 4th of July, he was one of those patriots, who fear- 
lessly pledged their "lives," their "fortunes," and their "honour," 
to the maintenance of the Declaration of Independence. 

Our patriots, in their progress to independence, had successfully 
encountered many formidable obstacles ; but in the year 1777, still 
greater difficulties arose, at the prospect of which some of the stoutest 
hearts began to falter. At this critical juncture there were but 
twenty-eight members who attended the Congress at Philadelphia. 
With reference to it, Mr. Adams was said to remark, " It was the 
smallest, but the truest Congress they ever had." 

In 1779, he was appointed by the State convention one of the 
committee to prepare and report a form of government for Massa- 
chusetts. At the close of the war he opposed a peace with Great 



44 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Britain, unless the Northern States retained their full privileges in 
the fisheries. 

In 1787, he was chosen a member of the Massachusetts conven- 
tion for the ratification of the constitution of the United States. 
He made several objections to it, which were afterward removed by 
its being altered to his wishes. In 1789, he was elected lieutenant- 
governor of the State of Massachusetts, and continued to fill that 
office till 1794, when he was elected governor. He was annually re- 
elected till 1797, when his age and infirmities induced him to retire 
from public office. He died October 3, 1803, aged eighty-one years. 

The character of Samuel Adams was strongly marked. A firmer 
man never lived. When Governor Hutchinson was asked by a 
friend why Mr. Adams was not purchased from the opposition by an 
ofiice, he replied, " Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition 
of the man, that he never can be conciliated by any office or gift 
whatever." In political principle, as in feeling, he continued to the 
end, a thorough democrat, and his love of country was as unswerv- 
ing as his integrity. He was more distinguished as a writer than an 
orator, and more remarkable for the profundity of his thoughts than 
for any felicity of expression. His mere suggestions had more efi"ect 
than elaborate orations. His person was majestic and dignified ; 
but like most men of really heroic soul, he possessed a temper as 
mild and sunny as it was determined. Samuel Adams will be remem- 
bered as one who did as much for the independence of his country 
as any civilian could, and as one of the purest men of his age. 



JOHN ADAMS. 



A BIOGRAPHY of JoHN Adams will be found in another portion of 
this work, which includes the lives and administrations of the Presi- 
dents of the United States. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 45 



ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 

Robert Treat Paine was distinguished in both literature and 
politics. He was the son of a merchant, and was born in Boston in 
1731. Receiving the advantages of an excellent education, he was 
graduated at Harvard College, and then, as the fortune of his father 
had been greatly reduced, he turned his attention to teaching a pub- 
lic school. In this way he contributed to the support of his parents. 
Mr. Paine also made a voyage to Europe with the view of acquiring 
ampler means for their maintenance. 

Having studied theology, Mr. Paine, in 1755, acted as chaplain 
to the forces in the northern provinces. 

Not long afterward, hoAvever, he devoted his attention to the 
law, and, during the prosecution of his studies, again kept a school 
for his support. On being admitted to the bar, he established him- 
self at Taunton, in the county of Bristol, where he resided for 
many years. In 1762, he was chosen a delegate from that town to 
the convention called by the leading men of Boston, in consequence 
of the abrupt dissolution of the general court by Governor Barnard. 
In 1770, he conducted the prosecution, on the part of the crown, in 
the absence of the attorney-general, in the celebrated trial of Cap- 
tain Preston and his men, for the part which they acted in the well- 
known Boston massacre. The way in which he discharged that duty 
gave him great reputation. 

In 1773, Mr. Paine was elected a representative to the general 
assembly from Taunton. He was afterwards chosen a member of the 
Continental Congress which met at Philadelphia in 1774. The fol- 
lowing year he was re-elected, and rendered important services as 
chairman of the committee named for the purpose of introducing the 
manufacture of saltpetre, which was then but imperfectly understood, 
while the colonies were suffering for the want of gunpowder ; also as 
a member of a committee for the encouragement of the manufacture 
of cannon and other implements of war. In 1776, '77, and '78, he 
was also in Congress ; and, in the intervals of their sessions, filled 
several important offices in Massachusetts. In 1780, he was sent to 
the convention which met in order to deliberate respecting a con- 
stitution for that commonwealth, and of the committee which framed 
the instrument he was a conspicuous member. Under the govern- 
ment which was organized, he was appointed attorney-general. This 
office he held until 1790, when he was raised to the bench of the 



46 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

supreme court, where he continued to sit until 1804. He was then 
seventy-three years old. He died May 11, 1814, in the eighty-fifth 
year of his age. 

Mr. Paine was chiefly distinguished for his legal attainments and 
for the strict fidelity with which he discharged the duties of attorney 
and judge. But his literary productions evince a delicate fancy and 
a fine command of language. He was & vigorous political writer, 
and advocated the independence of his country with much power. 
He founded the American Academy in Massachusetts, and was its 
superintendent up to the time of his death. 



ELBRIDGE GERRY. 



As a bold and decided patriot and statesman, Elbridge Gerry 
took a foremost rank before and after the Revolution. He was the 
son of a merchant, and was born at Marblehead, Massachusetts, 
July 17, 1774. 

He Avas graduated at Harvard College, in 1762, and subsequently 
engaged in the same business with his father, at Marblehead. In 
the controversy between Great Britain and the colonies he early 
took a warm interest; and was elected, in 1772, representative from 
his native town in the general court, or legislature, of Massachu- 
setts. From this period he continued in public life, almost without 
intermission. His spirit was nourished by close communion with the 
Adamses, the Hancocks, and the Warrens. In their private meet- 
ings at Boston, these patriots concerted resistance to the arbitrary 
measures of the mother country, and jointly laboured for this pur- 
pose in the exercise of their public duty ; and, when separated, they 
constantly wrote to each other with the same object. 

In the general court, though one of the youngest of the assembly, 
Mr. Gerry was placed on the most important committees of corre- 
spondence, and distinguished himself in the principal debates. He 
was next a member of the famous convention at Concord, a provin- 
cial congress of Massachusetts, which at once virtually destroyed the 
royal authority in that State. He was an efiicient member of the 
committees of appeal and safety ; and, on the night preceding the bat- 
tle of Lexington, he narrowly escaped capture as one of a " rebel" com- 
mittee of the provincial Congress. After the sword was drawn, he was 
placed at the head of a committee for raising the necessary supplies. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 47 

Mr. Gerry first proposed, in the provincial Congress of Massachu- 
setts, the preparation of a law for encouraging and fitting out of 
armed vessels, and establishing a court for the trial and condemna- 
tion of prizes, and was chairman of the committee appointed for 
that purpose. This was the first actual avowal of offensive hostility 
against the mother country, and the first effort to establish an Ame- 
rican naval armament. John Adams called it " Gerry's law," and 
described it as " one of the boldest, most dangerous, and most im- 
portant measures in the history of the new world." 

In November, 1775, courts were established by the authority of 
the province of Massachusetts, and the lucrative post of maritime 
judge was ofi"ered to Mr. Gerry, but declined, lest it should obstruct 
the performance of his general political duties. In the beginning 
of 1776, he was elected a delegate from Massachusetts to the Conti- 
nental Congress. His reputation occasioned his being placed on all 
the committees of high importance. From his first entrance into 
Congress until the organization of the treasury board, in 1780, he 
was generally chairman of the committee of the treasury. Toward 
the end of the year 1779, he was appointed head of the commission 
chosen by Massachusetts to meet delegates from other States at Phi- 
ladelphia, for the purpose of devising some corrective for the sad 
condition of the currency. When the treasury board was formed, 
he was made its presiding officer. 

In February, 1780, a measure of Congress, with respect to the 
assessment of supplies from the several States, gave so much um- 
brage to Mr. Gerry, as the representative of Massachusetts, that he 
left his seat and returned home. While absent, he was selected by 
Congress as a member of one of their usual committees to visit the 
army. Yielding to the solicitations of friends, and satisfied, at 
length, with the measures which were adopted on the subject of 
his remonstrance, he resumed his station in the national councils 
in 1783. When the definitive treaty was laid before them in that 
year, those members who had signed the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, of whom only three had remained^ — Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Gerry, 
and Mr. Ellery — were appointed first on the committee to which it 
was referred. 

In 1784, Mr. Gerry was re-elected a member of Congress ; and 
it is said that, at the age of less than forty-two years, he had been 
longer a member of that assembly than any other man in it. In 1787, 
he was chosen a delegate to the convention which met at Philadel- 
phia for the purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation. It 
is well known that great difference of opinion existed in that body, 



48 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

and several members refused to affix their signatures to the consti- 
tution adopted by the convention. Among these was Mr. Gerry. 
For a short time his popularity suffered severely by the course which 
he pursued ; but, in 1789, he was elected a member of Congress, and 
remained in that station for four years, during which time h' lent 
his aid freely to the support of the constitution since it had received 
the sanction of the people. On one occasion, indeed, not long after 
taking his seat, he gave it as his opinion, on the floor of the house, 
" that, the federal constitution having become the supreme law of 
the land, the salvation of the country depended on its being carried 
into effect." 

After resigning his seat in Congress, Mr. Gerry retired into pri- 
vate life, and resided at Cambridge until 1797, when he was ap- 
pointed to accompany General Pinckney and Mr. Marshall on a 
special mission to France, for the purpose of preventing the threat- 
ened interruption of the peaceful relations existing between that 
country and the United States. The French Directory for some 
time delayed to recognise them, and, in the spring of 1798, ordered 
Marshall and Pinckney to quit the territories of France, but invited 
Gerry to remain and continue the negotiation. He refused to do 
the latter, but consented to remain in order to prevent a rupture 
between the two countries. This course brought upon him great 
censure in the United States at the time ; but, in the words of Presi- 
dent Adams, " he alone discovered and furnished the evidence that 
X, Y, and Z were employed by Talleyrand ; and he alone brought 
home the direct, formal, and official assurances upon which the sub- 
sequent commission proceeded, and peace was made." In October, 
1798, Mr. Gerry returned home, and, at the request of the demo- 
cratic party of Massachusetts, became their candidate for the chair 
of governor of the State. In 1801, he was again a candidate for the 
office, but at both periods his opponent was chosen. In 1810, he 
was a third time a candidate, and was chosen, after a violent contest. 
The following year he was re-elected, but in 1812 he was defeated. 
In the same year, he was chosen Vice-President of the United States,, 
He did not long discharge the duties of the office. As he was pro- 
ceeding to the senate-house, at Washington, " a sudden extravasation 
of blood took place upon the lungs, and terminated his life within 
twenty minutes, almost without a struggle, and apparently without 
pain." Over his remains a monument of white marble has been 
erected by Congress. 

Mr. Gerry possessed a keen, penetrating intellect, was notably sa- 
gacious as a diplomatist, and bold and influential as a legislator. He 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 49 

favoured a strong, central government, but still supported some of 
the doctrines of the "state rights" party. Popular, or unpopular, 
he was always a devoted patriot. 



STEPHEN HOPKINS. 



The signature of Stephen Hopkins will attract attention, for it 
seems as if written with a palsied hand. But there was no palsied 
patriotism about the heart of the delegate from Rhode Island. This 
distinguished statesman was born in that part of Providence which 
now forms the town of Scituate, in March, 1707. After receiving 
a common school education, he pursued his father's occupation of 
farming until 1742, when he removed to Providence. 

In 1732, Mr. Hopkins was chosen to represent Scituate in the 
general assembly, and in 1741, he was elected speaker of that body. 
In the following year he engaged in mercantile business at Provi- 
dence, and after he had resided in the town a few months he was 
chosen to represent it in the assembly, of which he was again made 
speaker. His advancement in office was rapid, as his energy and 
ability were generally acknowledged. In 1751, he was appointed 
chief-justice of the superior court of Rhode Island. In 1754, he 
was appointed a commissioner from that colony to the convention 
which met at Albany for the purpose of securing the friendship of 
the Five Nations of Indians in the approaching French war, and 
establishing a union between the colonies. In 1756, he was elected 
Governor of Rhode Island, and he continued to hold that office, with 
the exception of three years, until 1767, when he retired, in order 
to terminate a party dispute by which the colony was torn. 

When the disputes between the colonies and the mother country 
began,. Mr. Hopkins took an active and decided part, supporting the 
cause of his countrymen with power and effect. He wrote a pam- 
phlet advocating the rights and claims of the colonies, entitled, " The 
Rights of the Colonies Examined." 

In 1774, he was chosen a delegate to the general Congress which 
was to meet at Philadelphia, and the next j^ear was a second time 
appointed chief-justice of the superior court of the province. He 
was re-elected to Congress in 1775 and in 1776. His signature to 
the Declaration of Independence is indicative of a tremulous hand, 
owing to a nervous affection, which compelled him, when he wrote, 
to guide his right hand with his left. In 1778, he was a fourth time 

4 



50 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

chosen a member of Congress, where he was of particular service to 
the committees appointed to fit out armed vessels, and to devise ways 
and means for furnishing the colonies with a naval armament, and 
in the deliberations on the rules and orders for the regulation of the 
navy, in consequence of his intimate acquaintance with the business 
of shipping. He died July 13, 1785, at the age of seventy-eight. 

Mr. Hopkins was almost entirely self-taught, and yet his acquire- 
ments were very extensive. As a speaker, although usually calm, he 
was always pertinent and effective ; and as a writer upon political 
questions, he was clear and forcible. He excelled as a mathemati- 
cian, and was a member of the American Philosophical Society. 



WILLIAM ELLERY. 



The colleague of Stephen Hopkins was William Ellery, who 
was born at Newport, Rhode Island, December 22, 1727. 

He entered Harvard College at the age of sixteen, and left it in his 
twentieth year with the reputation of a sound scholar. After study- 
ing the law for the regular term, he began the practice, and con- 
tinued it successfully during twenty years. The part which he took 
with his native State, in promoting resistance to the mother country, 
occasioned his election to the Congress of 1776. Of this body he 
was a zealous, spirited, and most serviceable member. His dwelling- 
house at Newport, and other portions of his property, were destroyed 
by the British army, under General Pigot. 

Mr. Ellery continued a member of Congress until the year 1785. 
Soon after this period he accepted the office of chief-justice of the 
superior court of Rhode Island. When the present federal govern- 
ment was organized, he accepted from General Washington the col- 
lectorship of the customs for the town of Newport — a post which 
he filled during the remainder of his estimable life. This venerable 
man died at the age of ninety-two, February 15, 1820. He expired 
without sickness or pain, reading Cicero Be Offieiis, in his arm-chair. 

Mr. Ellery was distinguished for the excellence of his heart and 
the vigour of his mind. Under all his misfortunes during the Revo- 
lutionary struggle he remained firm in devotion to his country, and 
adhered to his pledge of " life, fortune, and sacred honour," even in the 
gloomiest days of that glorious fight. Like most of the " signers," he 
was permitted to live to a green old age, and died universally lamented. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 51 



EOGER SHERMAN. 

" That," said Mr. Jefferson on one occasion, when pointing out 
the various members of Congress to a friend, " that is Mr. Sherman 
of Connecticut — a man who never said a foolish thing in his life." 
The great patriot of whom this remark was made was born at New- 
ton, Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, 1721. His father, being 
a farmer in moderate circumstances, could only secure him the edu- 
cation of a village school. Young Roger was then apprenticed to a 
shoemaker, and on the death of his father he supported his mother 
and a numerous family by his toil. 

In 1743, the Sherman family removed to New Milford, Connecti- 
cut. Soon afterward, Roger abandoned the shoemaking trade, and 
commenced business in partnership with his brother as a country 
merchant. He displayed an extraordinary thirst for knowledge, and 
at an early age was remarkable for the extent and accuracy of his 
attainments. His mathematical and astronomical knowledge was far 
beyond that of most men in his part of the country. In 1745, he 
was appointed county surveyor ; and in 1748, and for several suc- 
ceeding years, he supplied the astronomical calculations for an alma- 
nac published in the city of New York. 

Having devoted leisure moments to the study of law, Mr. Sherman 
was admitted to the bar in 1754. He rapidly rose to distinction. 
In the following year he was appointed a justice of the peace for 
New Milford, which town he also represented the same year in the 
colonial assembly. In 1759, he was appointed judge of the court of 
common pleas for the county of LitchiBeld — an office which he filled 
with great reputation for the two ensuing years. He then fixed his 
residence in New Haven, of which town he was made a justice of the 
peace, and often represented it in the colonial assembly. In 1765, he 
was made judge of the court of common pleas, and about the same 
time he was appointed treasurer of Yale College. In 1766, he was 
elected a member of the upper house in the general assembly of 
Connecticut, which station he retained for nineteen years, when the 
office of judge being considered incompatible with it, he retired. His 
judgeship he held until his election, in 1789, to Congress, under the 
federal constitution. 

Mr. Sherman's early and strenuous support of American rights 
caused him to be chosen a delegate to the first general Congress of 
1774. He was present at the opening of the session, and continued 



52 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

to occupy a seat in that body until his death, in 1793, a space of 
nineteen years. His whole congressional career was marked by in- 
defatigable zeal, industry, and fortitude. His sterling sense, inte- 
grity, and firmness gave him great influence in the assembly. The 
estimation in which he was held by his fellow-members may be in- 
ferred from the selection of him as the associate of Adams, Franklin, 
Jefferson, and Livingston, on the committee appointed to prepare 
the Declaration of Independence. While holding a seat in Congress, 
he served the State which he represented in various other ways. 
During the war, he was a member of the governor's council of 
safety ; and from 1784 to his death, was mayor of the city of New 
Haven. 

In 1783, Mr. Sherman was commissioned, together with Richard 
Law, both of whom were at the time judges of the superior court, 
to revise the statutes of the State — a work of great labour and diffi- 
culty, and which was executed with corresponding ability. In 1787, 
he was a member of the convention which formed the present consti- 
tution of the United States ; and its adoption in Connecticut was 
owing, in a great measure, to his influence. He appeared before the 
State convention, and made a plain and perspicuous explanation of 
the probable operation of the principles of the instrument. He was 
continued in his place in the house of representatives under the new 
government, and at the expiration of two years was chosen to the 
senate, but was obliged to retire from this station in consequence of 
ill health. On the 23d of July, 1793, this illustrious patriot and 
statesman was gathered to his fathers. 

Roger Sherman, like all very great men, naturally possessed pow- 
erful passions. But by a determined practice he acquired a lofty 
self-control, for which he was remarkable through life. His mind was 
as penetrating as it was comprehensive, and his knowledge was vast 
and accurate. As a patriot, he was active and firm ; as a judge, he 
was impartial in spirit and severely logical in decision. As a speaker, 
he had none of the exterior graces of oratory ; but a conviction of 
his sincerity and the weight of his words secured general respect for 
all that he uttered. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 53 



SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 

Samuel Huntington was descended from a respectable family 
•who were among the first settlers of New England. He was born 
at Windham, Connecticut, in 1732. 

In his youth he gave indications of an excellent understanding. 
Without the advantages of a collegiate education he acquired a com- 
petent knowledge of the law, and was early admitted to the bar, 
soon after which he settled in Norwich, and in a few years became 
eminent in his profession. 

In 1764, Mr. Huntington commenced his political labours as a 
representative of the town of Norwich in the general assembly, and 
in the following year received the office of king's attorney, which 
he sustained with reputation until more important services induced 
him to relinquish it. In 1774, he was appointed an associate judge 
in the superior court, and in the following year a member of the 
council of Connecticut. 

Being decided in his opposition to the claims and oppressions of 
the British Parliament, and active in his exertions in favour of the 
colonies, the general assembly of Connecticut, properly appreciating 
his talents and patriotism, appointed him a delegate to Congress, on 
the second Tuesday of October, 1775, in conjunction with Roger 
Sherman, Oliver Wolcott, Titus Hosmer, and William Williams. 
On the 16th of January, 1776, he took his seat in that vener- 
able assembly; and in the subsequent month of July affixed his 
signature to an instrument Avhich will continue to be cherished and 
maintained so long as free principles and free institutions are per- 
mitted to exist. In this high station he devoted his talents and 
time to the public service during several successive years. His 
stern integrity and inflexible patriotism rendered him a prominent 
member, and attracted a large share of the current business of the 
house. As a member of numerous important committees he acted 
with judgment and deliberation, and perseveringly dedicated his 
moments of leisure to the general benefit of the country. He zeal- 
ously performed the duties of this office during the years 1776, '77, 
'78, '79, and '80, when he returned to Connecticut, and resumed his 
station upon the bench and seat in the council, which had been con- 
tinued vacant until his return. 

The estimation in which Mr. Huntington was held by his fellow- 
members may be properly appreciated from his appointment, on the 



54 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

28th of September, 1779, to tlie highest civil dignity of the coun- 
try. On the resignation of John Jay, who had been appointed 
minister plenipotentiary to negotiate a treaty of amity and com- 
merce and of alliance between the United States of America and 
his Catholic Majesty, Mr. Huntington was elected president of 
Congress. In 1780, he was re-elected to the same honourable office, 
which he continued to fill with dignity and impartiality until the fol- 
lowing year, when, worn out by the constant cares of public life, and 
his unremitting application to his official duties, he desired leave of 
absence, and intimated to the house the necessity of his returning home 
for the re-establishment of his health. The nomination of his suc- 
cessor was, however, postponed by Congress, which appeared unwill- 
ing to dispense with the services of a president whose practical 
worth had been so long and amply displayed. After the expiration 
of two months, Mr. Huntington, on the 6th of July, 1781, more 
explicitly declared that his ill state of health would not permit him 
to continue longer in the exercise of the duties of that office, and 
renewed his application for leave of absence. His resignation was 
accepted, and Samuel Johnson, of North Carolina, declining the 
then appointment, Thomas McKean was elevated to the presi- 
dency. A few days after his retirement the thanks of Congress 
were presented to Mr. Huntington, '< in testimony of their appro- 
bation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public 
business." 

After having thus pursued his congressional career with distin- 
guished success, rising by the energy of his own mind and the per- 
severance of self-instruction, from the plough to the presidency, Mr. 
Huntington, in August, 1781, resumed his judicial functions in the 
superior court of Connecticut, and his station in the council of that 
State. 

In May, 1782, he was again elected a delegate to Congress, but it 
does not appear that he joined his colleagues in that body during the 
year for which he was then appointed. The injury which his health 
had previously sustained, and his duties as a judge and a counsellor, 
probably prevented him from becoming an active member of the dele- 
gation. But his desire to engage in scenes of more general useful- 
ness overcame these objections at the ensuing election ; having been 
re-appointed in 1783, he resumed his seat in Congress in the following 
July. He continued, without intermission, to perform his duties in 
Congress until its adjournment to Annapolis, on the 4th of Novem- 
ber, 1783, when he finally retired from the great council of the nation, 
of which he had so long been an influential member. 



OF THE DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE. 55 

In 1784, soon after his return from Congress, he was appointed 
chief-justice of the superior court of Connecticut, and after dis- 
charging the duties of that office for one year, was elected lieutenant- 
governor of the State. Having at all times a perfect command 
over his passions, he presided on the bench with great ability and 
impartiality : no judge in Connecticut was more dignified in his de- 
portment, more courteous and polite to the gentlemen of the bar, nor 
more respected by the particular parties interested in the proceed- 
ings of the court. In 1786, he succeeded Governor Griswold as 
chief-magistrate of the State, and continued to be annually re- 
elected, with singular unanimity, until his death. This excellent 
man and undeviating patriot died in Norwich, on the 5th day of 
January, 1796, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. 

In person. Governor Huntington was of ordinary stature. His 
complexion was dark and his eye was bright and penetrating. His 
manners were generally cold and formal, but in the social circle he 
was a pleasing and entertaining companion. His mind was logical 
and penetrating, and his knowledge of law and politics was precise 
and profound. As an example of self-education he is worthy a place 
beside Roger Sherman. 



WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 

William Williams was born at Lebanon, Connecticut, on the 
8th of April, 1731. His father was a minister of the parish. 

At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard College, and graduated 
with honour in due time. After serving a long time in the legisla- 
ture of his native State, he was, during the years 1776 and '77, a 
member of the general Congress. At one time, when the paper 
money was of so little value that military services could not be 
procured for it, he exchanged for it more than two thousand dollars 
in specie for the benefit of the cause, which he never recovered. 
He contributed to arouse the spirit of freedom by several essays on 
political subjects, and once by an impressive speech. During the 
whole Revolutionai-y war, he was very useful in obtaining private 
contributions of supplies for the army. He died August 2, 1811, 
in the eighty-first year of his age. 

Mr. Williams was distinguished for sterling sense and earnest 
patriotism. Without being eloquent, he was a clear and forcible 



56 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

■writer and a fluent and effective speaker. The sacrifices whicli lie 
made for the cause of national independence should embalm his 
memory in the hearts of his countrymen. 



OLIVER WOLCOTT. 

Governor Wolcott was one of the boldest and strongest charac- 
ters of the Revolution. He was born at Windsor, Connecticut, in 
1726. His father had been governor of the colony. He received 
an excellent education, and graduated at Tale College in 1747. At 
this time war raged between the British and French colonies in 
America. Young Wolcott seized the opportunity to display the 
boldness and intrepidity of his character. Having obtained the 
commission of captain, he raised a company by his own exertions, 
and joined the army on the northern frontiers, where he continued 
in active service until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 

Returning to Connecticut, Mr. Wolcott began the study of medi- 
cine, but abandoned it on being appointed sheriff of the county of 
Litchfield. From 1774 till 1786, he was annually chosen an assist- 
ant in the council of state ; and, during the same period, he also held 
the responsible ofiices of judge of the common pleas and judge of the 
court of probate, Mr. Wolcott took a decided part at the com- 
mencement of the disturbances which heralded the approach of 
the Revolution. The cause of the colonies found in him an 
earnest and able advocate. In 1776, his devoted patriotism and 
general ability procured for him a seat in the national Congress, and 
the glorious privilege of signing his name to the Declaration of 
Independence. 

Immediately after the adoption of the Declaration, he returned to 
Connecticut, and was invested with the command of fourteen regi- 
ments of the state militia, raised for the defence of New York. In 
November he resumed his seat in Congress. The following summery 
after performing several military movements, he joined the northern 
army under Gates with a corps of several hundred volunteers, and 
assisted in the defeat of Burgoyne. From this period, until 1786, 
he was occupied in serving his country, either in Congress or the 
field, or as a commissioner of Indian affairs for the northern depart- 
ment, settling terms of peace with the Six Nations. In the latter 
year, he was elected lieutenant-governor of the State ; and, after tea 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 57 

successive annual re-elections, was cliosen governor. He died De- 
cember 1, 1797, in the seventy-second year of his age. 

Oliver Wolcott was remarkable for his decision, energy, integrity, 
and judgment. A self-reliant man, he won the confidence of his 
fellow-countrymen, and became a leader in times of the sorest need. 



WILLIAM FLOYD. 

At the head of the delegation from New York, who signed the 
<' Declaration," was William Floyd. He was born on Long Island, 
New York, December 17, 1784. 

He received a liberal education, and afterward confined himself to 
the pursuits of agriculture. At an early period he embarked in the 
controversy between Great Britain and the colonies ; and as it grew 
more animated, he became more conspicuous as an advocate of the 
rights of the people. It was doubtless from these considerations 
that he was appointed a delegate from New York to the Congress 
which met at Philadelphia in 1774. 

In 1775 he was re-elected, and took his seat in the general Con- 
gress which met in May, 1776. During this interesting and pro- 
tracted session, he was actively and constantly employed on the 
numerous and important committees which particularly occupied a 
greater part of the attention of Congress. 

In 1777, Mr. Floyd was elected a senator under the new constitu- 
tion of New York. Of this body he was a leading and influential 
member. In 1778-9 he served as a delegate to the general Con- 
gress ; was a member of the board of admiralty, and of the board of 
treasury. He was annually re-elected to Congress until 1783, when 
he declined a re-election. 

Mr. Floyd was a member of the senate upon the adoption of the 
federal constitution ; and likewise a member of the first Congress, 
which met at New York on the 4th March, 1789. At the close of 
this session he retired from public life to the more peaceful shades 
of domestic retirement. Subsequently, he served thrice as a presi- 
dential elector, and once as a senator. On the 1st August, 1821, 
he was gathered to his fathers, at the advanced age of eighty-seven 
years. 

Mr. Floyd served his country with ability and fidelity for more 
than fifty years. His career was honourable in every respect. 



58 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

During the Eevolution, much of his property was destroyed by the 
British, so that he was one of the most extensive sufferers by the 
war. 



PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 



Philip Livingston was a member of that Livingston family which 
has long been distinguished in the State of New York. He was born 
at Albany, January 15, 1716. His education was thorough and 
classical, and he graduated at Yale College in 1737. He then em- 
barked in mercantile pursuits, and, by his enlarged enterprise and 
careful industry, became prosperous and wealthy. 

Mr. Livingston made his first appearance in public life in 1754, 
when he was elected an alderman of the city of New York. From 
this period he continued to fill various and important trusts under 
the colonial government, till he took a decided and energetic stand 
against the usurpations of Great Britain. 

Mr. Livingston was chosen a member of the first Congress which 
met at Philadelphia on the 5th September, 1774. In this assembly 
he took a distinguished part, and was appointed on the committee to 
prepare an address to the people of Great Britain. He was re-elected 
a delegate in 1775, with full power to concert, with the other dele- 
gates from the other colonies, upon such measures as should be judged 
most effectual for the preservation and re-establishment of American 
rights and privileges. 

On the 4th July, 1776, he affixed his signature to the Declaration 
of Independence. On the 15th July, 1776, he was chosen by Con- 
gress a member of the board of treasury, and on the 29th April fol- 
lowing, a member of the marine committee ; two important trusts, in 
which the safety and well-being of America were essentially involved. 

On the 13th May, 1777, the State convention re-elected Mr. Li- 
vingston to Congress, and at the same time thanked him and his col- 
leagues for their long and faithful services rendered to the colony 
and State of New York. Mr. Livingston's attendance in Congress 
did not, however, preclude his employment at home in affairs of 
importance. He served in every capacity in which he could be use- 
ful in the councils of his State. He assisted in framing a constitu- 
tion for the State, and, on its adoption, was chosen a senator under 
it. In October, 1777, he was re-elected to Congress under the new 
constitution, and took his seat in Congress in May, 1778 — one of 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 59 

the most critical and gloomy periods of the Revolution ; and inces- 
santly devoted his whole faculties to the salvation of his country. 
He expired at York, Pennsylvania, on the 12th June, 1778. 

A short time previous to his demise, he sold a portion of his pro- 
perty to sustain the public credit ; and though he sensibly felt the 
approach of death, he did not hesitate to relinquish the endearments 
of a beloved family, and devote the last remnant of his illustrious life 
to the service of his country, then enveloped in the thickest gloom. 

In temper, Mr. Livingston was somewhat irritable, yet tender and 
affectionate to his family and friends. His bearing was dignified 
and reserved, and he seldom indulged with much freedom in conver- 
sation. His quick perception of character, his extensive knowledge, 
and his solidity of judgment, rendered him of great service in the 
high positions to which he was chosen by his countrymen. 



FRANCIS LEWIS. 

Francis Lewis was another of the signers of the "Declaration" 
who was not born on the soil of America. He was a native of South 
Wales, and was born in the year 1715. He was carefully educated 
at Westminster School, England, but chose mercantile pursuits. At 
the age of twenty-one he converted his patrimony into merchandise, 
and sailed for New York, whence he proceeded to Philadelphia. 
There he remained for two years, engaged in mercantile business, 
and then returned to New York. 

In New York, Mr. Lewis soon became a man of iniluence, and his 
superior energy and ability were generally acknowledged. At the 
commencement of the serious disputes between the colonies and the 
mother country, he took a bold, decided stand in favour of the colo- 
nial cause. In 1775, he was unanimously elected to the Continental 
Congress from New York. His extensive commercial knowledge and 
practical cast of mind rendered him of great service in that body. 
During the war, the estate of Mr. Lewis was devastated, and him- 
self captured by the enemy. He suffered much during his imprison- 
ment, but was released before the end of the contest, through the 
exertions of Washington. His latter days were spent in compara- 
tive poverty ; for he had sacrificed the bulk of his fortune, acquired 
by trade, upon the altar of patriotism. He died on the 30th of De- 
cember, 1803, in the eighty-ninth year of his age. 



60 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Mr. Lewis was distinguished for energy and decision of character, 
and for an extensive knowledge of men and things, acquired by close 
observation. He was a practical man in every respect, and all his 
suggestions as a legislator were of weight and influence. 



LEWIS MORRIS. 



Lewis Morris was born in the State of New York, in 1726. 
He was proprietor of the large manor of Morrisania, in the county 
of Westchester. He was educated at Yale College, of which he 
received the honours. On his return home he devoted himself to 
agriculture. When the dissensions between the mother country began 
he was in a most fortunate situation ; with an ample estate, a fine 
family, an excellent constitution, literary taste, and general occupa- 
tions of which he was fond. He renounced at once his domestic 
comfort, in order to assert the rights of his country. He was elected 
to the Congress of 1775, wherein he served on the most important 
committees. That body assigned to him the arduous task of de- 
taching the Western Indians from the coalition with Great Britain. 
On this errand he repaired to Pittsburg, and acted with zeal and 
address. 

In the beginning of 1776, Mr. Morris resumed his seat in Con- 
gress, where he was a laborious and very useful member. When he 
signed the Declaration of Independence, it was at the risk of his 
beautiful and extensive manor, near New York, which was, in fact, 
soon after laid waste by the enemy. Three of his sons served in the 
army with much distinction. He quitted Congress in 1777, and was 
afterward in the State legislature, and a major-general of militia. 
Mr. Morris died on his paternal estate, in January, 1798, at the age 
of seventy-one, possessing universal esteem. He was one of those 
whole-souled patriots who staked every thing upon the cause of his 
country's independence. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 61 



RICHARD STOCKTON. 

Richard Stockton was among the most distinguished of the early 
statesmen of New Jersey. He was born near Princeton, in that 
State, on the 1st of October, 1730. After receiving the rudiments 
of a classical education from the Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, at West 
Nottingham, he entered the College of New Jersey, and graduated 
at that celebrated institution in 1748. Mr. Stockton had a natural 
inclination for the study of the law, and soon after his graduation 
he commenced the preparatory studies under the direction of David 
Ogden. 

In 1754 he was admitted to the bar, and in 1758, to the grade of 
counsellor. In 1763, he received the degree of sergeant-at-law, 
and was at that time unrivalled at the bar. In 1766, he visited 
England, Scotland, and Ireland, and was received with flattering 
attention by the most eminent men of the kingdom. On his return 
home he was, in 1774, appointed one of the judges of the supreme 
court. On the 21st of June, 1776, the public confidence reposed 
in his patriotism, firmness, and abilities, by the provincial congress 
of New Jersey, was manifested by his selection to a seat in the gene- 
ral Congress then sitting in Philadelphia. On taking his seat in this 
august assembly, he took an active part in the debates, particularly 
those which preceded the adoption and signing of the Declaration of 
Independence. 

During the summer and autumn of 1776, Mr. Stockton devoted the 
whole of his time to the pressing exigencies of his country. In Sep- 
tember he was deputed by Congress one of the committee to inspect 
the northern army, and to report on its state, and on any further 
regulations which they might think necessary for its better govern- 
ment and supply. This service having been discharged, he again 
resumed his seat in Congress. 

On the 30th November following he was, together with his friend 
and compatriot, John Covenhoven, Esq., at Avhose house he resided, 
captured by a party of refugee royalists, and, after having suifered 
the most cruel treatment, was thrown into the common prison in New 
York. Congress, immediately on learning his capture and imprison- 
ment, interposed and procured his release. His constitution, how- 
ever, was so materially impaired by his sufferings that he was never 
again able, except by counsel and advice, to render any important 
services to his country. 



62 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Mr. Stockton died on the 28tli of February, 1781, at his residence, 
near Princeton, in the fifty-first year of his age. 

Mr. Stockton united to great powers of mind vast learning both 
in law and divinity, persuasive eloquence, and an amiable disposition. 
In the councils of his country he was always firm, decided, laborious, 
and influential. His personal sufferings during the great struggle 
for human rights were more severe than those of any other signer 
of the Declaration of Independence. 



JOHN WITHERSPOON. 

WiTHERSPOON was Called from the halls of science to the councils 
of the nation, it being as President of the College of New Jersey 
that he first became known to the people of that State. He was born 
in Yester, near Edinburgh, Scotland, February 5, 1722. 

At the age of fourteen he entered the university of Edinburgh, 
where he continued till he reached the age of twenty-one, when he 
was licensed to preach the gospel. In the theological hall he had 
evinced a taste in sacred criticism, a precision of thought, and a per- 
spicuity of expression which were very uncommon. He was soon 
ordained at Beith, in the west of Scotland. Thence after a fcAV 
years he was translated to Paisley. Here he lived in high reputa- 
tion and great usefulness until he was called to the presidency of 
Princeton College. So extensively was he known, that he was in- 
vited to Dundee, to Dublin, and Rotterdam ; but less regardful of 
personal interest than of what he conceived to be the claims of duty, 
he was persuaded to listen to the invitation from a distant country. 
He arrived with his family at Princeton, New Jersey, in the month 
of August, 1768, and took the charge of a seminary over which had 
presided Dickinson, Burr, Edwards, Davies, and Finley, men distin- 
guished for genius, learning, and piety. His name brought a great 
accession of students to the college, and by his exertions its funds 
were much augmented. But the war of the American Revolution 
prostrated every thing. While the academial shades were deserted, 
and his functions as president were suspended, he was introduced 
into a new field of labour. As he became at once an American on his 
landing in this country, the citizens of New Jersey, who knew his 
distinguished abilities, appointed him a member of the convention 
which formed the constitution of that State. Here he appeared as 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 63 

profound a civilian, as he had before been known to be a philosopher 
and divine. From the Revolutionary committees and conventions of 
the State he was sent early in 1776 a representative to the Congress 
of United America. He was during seven years a member of that 
illustrious body, and he was always collected, firm, and wise amid 
the embarrassing circumstances in which Congress was placed. His 
name is affixed to the Declaration of Independence. But while he 
was thus engaged in political affairs he did not lay aside his, ministry. 
He gladly embraced every opportunity of preaching; for his cha- 
racter as a minister of the gospel, he ever considered as his highest 
honour. As soon as the state of the country would permit, the 
collecre was re-established, and its instruction was recommenced under 
the immediate care of the vice-president, the Rev. Dr. Smith. After 
the termination of the struggle for American liberty. Dr. Witherspoon 
was induced from his attachment to the college to cross the ocean, 
that he might promote its benefit. Though his success was not so 
great as could be wished, his enterprise and zeal were not the less 
deserving of commendation. After his return, he entered into that 
retirement which was dear to him, and his attention was principally 
confined to the duties of his office as president, and as a minister of 
the gospel. For more than two years before his death he was afflicted 
with the loss of sight ; but during his blindness he was frequently 
led into the pulpit, and he always acquitted himself with his usual 
accuracy and animation. At length he sank under the pressure of 
his infirmities. He died, November 15, 1794, in the seventy-third 
year of his age. He was succeeded by Dr. Smith as president of the 
college. 

Dr. Witherspoon, though not a man of the most extensive learning, 
yet possessed a mass of information well selected and thoroughly 
digested. Scarcely any man of the age had a more vigorous mind 
or a sounder understanding. As president of the college he 
rendered literary inquiries more liberal, extensive, and profound, 
and was the means of producing an important revolution in the sys- 
tem of education. He extended the study of mathematical science ; 
and it is believed he was the first man who taught in America the 
substance of those doctrines of the philosophy of the mind, which 
Dr. Reid afterward developed with so much success. He was very 
distinguished as a preacher. An admirable textuary, a profound 
theologian, perspicuous and simple in his manner, a universal scholar, 
acquainted intimately with human nature, a grave, dignified, and 
solemn speaker ; he brought all the advantages derived from these 
sources to the illustration and enforcement of divine truth. Thou";h 



64 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

not a fervent and animated speaker, it was impossible to hear him 
without attention. His feelings were naturally strong, but he had 
imposed restraints upon himself. All ostentation in the pulpit he 
viewed with the utmost aversion. He loved to dwell on the great 
doctrines of divine grace. Though he wrote his sermons, and com- 
mitted them to memory, yet, as he was governed by the desire of 
doing good, and wished to bring his discourses to the level of every 
understanding, he was not confined, when addressing his hearers, 
within the boundaries of what he had written. His life was upright 
and holy. Besides the daily intercourse with heaven which he held 
in the closet, and occasional seasons of solemn recollection and devo- 
tion, he observed the last day of the year with his family as a day of 
fasting, humiliation, and prayer. To the young he was particularly 
attentive, taking every opportunity to impart to them useful advice 
in the most agreeable manner. Having a rich fund of anecdote, his 
moments of relaxation were as entertaining as his serious ones were 
instructive. The following anecdote presents a specimen of his wit. 
When Burgoyne's army was captured at Saratoga, General Gates 
despatched one of his aids to Congress to carry the intelligence. 
The officer, after being delayed by amusements, which offered them- 
selves to him on his way, at length arrived at Philadelphia, but the 
report of the victory had reached there several days before. Con- 
gress, according to custom, proceeded to give the messenger some 
mark of their esteem. It Avas proposed to present him with an ele- 
gant sword ; but Dr. Witherspoon rose, and begged leave to move, 
that instead of a sword, they should present him with a pair of golden 
spurs. 



FRANCIS HOPKINSON. 

HoPKiNSON was one of the poets of the Revolution. As a satirist 
he had no rival during that period, and his effusions were exceed- 
ingly popular. He was born in Philadelphia about the year 1737. 
Receiving the benefit of a thorough classical education, he graduated 
at the college of his native city, and then commenced the study of 
the law. He was admitted to the bar, but had barely time to attain 
practice, when he was called into active life. In the year 1761, he 
officiated as secretary in a solemn conference held with the Indians, 
by order of the government of Pennsylvania. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDErENDENCE. G5 

In 1765, Mr. Hopkinson visited England ; but as soon as the clouds 
began to gather round our political horizon, and the unjustifiable 
oppressions of the British Government became more daring and 
decided, glowing with love of country, and feeling, in unison with his 
fellow-citizens, a becoming indignation at the rapid encroachments 
of an usurped power, he immediately embarked for America, and 
on his arrival he employed his pen in support of his oppressed 
country. 

In 1776, he was elected a delegate to Congress from the State of 
New Jersey, and participated largely in the proceedings of that 
enlightened assembly, and afterward aflSxed his name to the Declara- 
tion of Independence. He was afterward appointed judge of the 
admiralty for the State of Pennsylvania. This office he held until 
1790, when he received the appointment of judge of the district 
court. In each of these judicial offices he conducted himself with 
integrity and ability. 

He was an active and useful member of the great parties which, 
at different times, divided his native State. He was a Whig, a 
Republican, and a Federalist, and he lived to see the principles and 
wishes of each of those parties finally successful. Although his 
labours had been rewarded with many plentiful harvests of well- 
earned fame, yet his death, to his country and his friends, was pre- 
mature. He died suddenly on the morning of the 9th of May, 1791, 

We have briefly sketched Mr. Hopkinson's political career. But 
it was by hiy writings that he acquired the greater fame and influence. 
He began in 1775 with a small tract, entitled a "Pretty Story," in 
which, in an allegorical manner, he exposed the tyranny of Great 
Britain toward America, and he concluded his contributions to his 
country in this way with the "History of the New Roof," which 
ought to be read with interest, while the citizens of the United States 
are sheltered under their present form of national government. His 
"Battle of the Kegs" has been much admired for its wit. A few 
years before his death, in consequence of an act of the Assembly for 
cutting down the trees of Philadelphia, in order to guard against 
fire and the evils of stagnant air, he wrote a humorous speech of a 
standing member of the Assembly against the act, and rescued the 
devoted trees from the impending destruction. His satires on news- 
paper scandal had the effect to restrain for a number of months the 
licentiousness of the press. His specimen of modern learning in an 
examination of the properties of a salt-box, is a piece of exquisite 
humour. His opinion on education were somewhat peculiar. He 
often ridiculed in conversation the practice of teaching children the 

5 



S6 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

English language by means of grammar. He considered most of the 
years, which were spent in learning Greek and Latin, as lost ; and 
he held several of the arts and sciences, which are taught in colleges, 
in great contempt. To his poetical talents he united uncommon 
excellence in music, and some knowledge of painting. Besides the 
above works, he published " Science," a poem, 1762. After his death, 
his miscellaneous essays and occasional writings were published in 
three volumes octavo, 1792. 

In person, Mr. Hopkinson was diminutive, being below the middle 
height, and rather thin. But his small features were uncommonly 
animated, and the quickness of his speech and motions indicated 
the activity of his mind. He possessed an exceedingly amiable dis- 
position, and was an entertaining companion. Seldom has such a 
union of good nature and power of satire been found to exist in the 
same man. 



JOHN HART. 



" Honest John Hart" was one of the first deputies from New 
Jersey to the general Congress of the colonies. He was born in that 
State. His father was a farmer, and John was reared to the same 
laborious life. Upon the death of his father, he succeeded to the 
possession of a considerable estate. While still a young man, Mr. 
Hart became distinguished among his neighbours for his strong 
sense and scrupulous integrity. Being frequently chosen to a seat 
in the colonial legislature, he there displayed a warm attachment for 
the principles of liberty. 

In 1774, Mr. Hart was chosen a delegate from New Jersey to the 
general Congress at Philadelphia, and his firmness, judgment, and 
industry caused him to be frequently re-elected. He was a decided 
advocate of the Declaration of Independence, and affixed his name 
to that instrument with singular ardour. Near the end of the year 
1776, New Jersey became the scene of a devastating war. Mr. 
Hart was considered particularly obnoxious to the royalists. His 
property sufiered to a great extent, and he was hunted about without 
intermission, being obliged to fly from his house when his wife was 
afflicted with a distressing disease, which ultimately caused her death. 
The persecuted patriot was often in want of food. On one occasion 
he was forced to conceal himself during the night in a dog-kennel. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. QJ 

Such were the sufferings of a lover of liberty, who dared to pledge 
his life, fortune, and sacred honour in the cause of his country. 

After the evacuation of New Jersey by the English, Mr. Hart 
returned to his farm and began to repair the injuries it had under- 
gone. But his constitution was so much weakened by hardship and 
exposure, that it gradually gave way, and in 1780, he expired, 
lamented by his friends as an "honest man, the noblest work of 
God," and by his countrymen as a patriot as true as steel. 



ABRAHAM CLARK. 



Abraham Clark was one of the least prominent members of the 
Congress that adopted the " Declaration ;" but he was also an in- 
flexible supporter of the cause of independence, and a legislator of 
considerable experience. He was born at Elizabethtown, New 
Jersey, on the 15th of February, 1726. He was a self-educated, 
energetic, and industrious young man, and acquired considerable 
influence among the people of his district by his varied abilities. He 
was elected to the Provincial Assembly. While he was a member of 
that body, the troubles between the colonies and the mother country 
began. Mr. Clark was a bold advocate of colonial rights, and his 
conduct increased his popularity. On the 10th of January, 1776, 
he was appointed secretary of the New Jersey Committee of Safety; 
and shortly afterward he appeared as an active member of the con- 
vention which met to frame a state constitution for New Jersey. 
He was then chosen a delegate to the Continental Congress at Phila- 
delphia. The New Jersey convention had previously adopted resolu- 
tions instructing their delegates to vote for the Declaration of 
Independence, and therefore their course was marked out for them. 
Mr. Clark cast his vote, however, according to the sentiments of his 
heart and the judgment of his mind. 

Mr. Clark was one of the earliest advocates of a strono; federal 
government, when the independence of the country had been secured. 
He was one of the delegates to the convention at Annapolis, and also 
to the convention at Philadelphia, which framed the federal constitu- 
tion. Afterward, Mr. Clark was chosen to the legislature of his 
native State, and he continued active in public affairs until his death 
in June, 1794, at the age of sixty-eight years. 



68 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 



ROBERT MORRIS. 

The great financier of the Revolution, — he who furnished the 
sinews of war, — was born in Liverpool, England, on the 20th of 
January, 1734. He was the son of a respectable merchant. At 
the age of thirteen he accompanied his father to America. Soon 
after his arrival, Robert was placed under the tuition of the Rev. 
Mr. Gordon, of Maryland. At the age of fifteen he lost his father ; 
and he then entered the counting-house of Charles Willing, at that 
time a distinguished merchant of Philadelphia. 

As soon as he arrived at years of discretion, Mr. Morris was esta- 
blished in business by his patron. In 1769, he married Mary White, 
the sister of the celebrated Bishop White, a young, rich, and accom- 
plished lady. For some years, Mr. Morris was entirely devoted to 
commercial pursuits. But on the approach of the rupture between 
the colonies and the mother country, he displayed a decided par- 
tiality for the cause of the former, and, having acquired a reputation 
for energy and ability, he was, in 1775, sent to the continental Con- 
gress, as a member from Pennsylvania. In that body, he was im- 
mediately employed in making important financial arrangements. 

During the march of the British troops through the Jerseys, in 
1776, the removal of Congress to Baltimore is well known. For 
reasons of a commercial nature, Mr. Morris was left at Philadelphia, 
to remain as long as circumstances would permit. At this crisis, a 
letter from the commander-in-chief was received by the government, 
announcing, that while the enemy were accurately informed of all his 
movements, he was compelled, from the want of hard money, to 
remain in complete ignorance of their arrangements, and requiring a 
certain sum as absolutely necessary to the safety of the army. 
Information of this demand was sent to Mr. Morris, in the hope that, 
through his credit, the money might be obtained ; the communication 
reached him at his office, in the way from which to his dwelling-house, 
immediately afterward, he was met by a gentleman of the Society 
of Friends, with whom he was in habits of business and acquaintance, 
and who accosted him with his customary phrase, "Well, Robert, 
what news?" "The news is," said Mr. Morris, "that I am in im- 
mediate want of a sum of hard money," mentioning the amount, 
"and that you are the man who must procure it for me. Your 
security is to be my note of hand and my honour." After a short 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 69 

hesitation, the gentleman replied, "Robert, thou shalt have it;" and, 
by the punctual performance of his promise, enabled Congress to 
comply with the requisition of the general. 

The situation of General Greene, in South Carolina, was equally 
critical — his distresses rendering it scarcely practicable to keep his 
troops together — when a gentleman, Mr. Hall, of that State, by step- 
ping forward, and advancing the necessary sums, enabled him to 
stem the danger. On the return of General Greene to Philadelphia, 
after the war had terminated, he repaired to the office of finance to 
settle his accounts, when the secret was divulged, that Mr. Hall had 
acted under the direction of Mr. Morris. The general was hurt at 
such an apparent want of confidence in him ; but on reconsidering 
the subject, he admitted the wisdom of the caution which had been 
used: "I give you my opinion," said he, »'that you never did a 
wiser thing : for, on other occasions, I was suflSciently distressed to 
have warranted my drawing on you, had I known that I might have 
done so, and I should have availed myself of the privilege." Mr. 
Morris rejoined, that, even as matters had been conducted, the 
southern expedition had gone nearer than the operations in any other 
quarter, to the causing of an arrest of his commercial business. 

By a resolution of Congress, the ofiice of financier was established 
in 1781, and Mr. Morris was unanimously elected as the superin- 
tendent. Previous to this election, he had formed a mercantile con- 
nection with I. and R. Hazlehurst, and his fear lest the duties of an 
official situation of such importance should interfere with his engage- 
ments in business, prevented his acceptance of office, until Congress 
had specifically resolved, that his fulfilment of his commercial obliga- 
tions was not incompatible with the performance of the public ser- 
vices required of him. 

To trace him through all the acts of his financial administration 
would be to make this biography a history of the last two years of 
the Revolutionary war. When the exhausted credit of the govern- 
ment threatened the most alarming consequences ; when the soldiers 
were utterly destitute of the necessary supplies of food and clothing ; 
when the military chest had been drained of its last dollar ; and even 
the intrepid confidence of Washington was shaken ; upon his own 
credit, and from his own private resources, did Mr. Morris furnish 
those pecuniary means, but for which the physical energies of the 
country, exerted to their utmost, would have been scarcely compe- 
tent to secure that prompt and glorious issue which ensued. 

One of the first acts of his financial government was the proposi- 
tion to Congress of his plan for the establishment of the Bank of 



70 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

North America, which was chartered forthwith, and opened on the 
7th of January, 1782. At this time, " the States were half a million 
of dollars in debt on that year's taxes, which had been raised by 
anticipation, on that system of credit which Mr. Morris had created;" 
and, but for this establishment, his plans of finance must have been 
entirely frustrated. On his retirement from office, it was affirmed, 
by two of the Massachusetts delegates, " that it cost Congress at the 
rate of eighteen millions per annum, hard dollars, to carry on the 
war, till he was chosen financier, and then it cost them but little 
above five millions!" 

By the representations of a committee of Congress, Mr. Morris 
was induced to abandon his intention of quitting office, in 1783, and 
he accordingly continued to superintend the department of finance, 
to the 30th September, 1784, when, in a letter to the commissioners 
of the treasury board, he resigned his office, and immediately issued 
an advertisement, pledging himself to the payment of all his out- 
standing debts, as they should arrive at maturity. 

His next public service was performed as a member of the con- 
vention which framed the federal Constitution in 1787. 

Fatigued with political cares, which, from the time of his election 
to a seat in the first Congress under the federal constitution, had 
so completely engrossed his mind, he was now anxious to retire to 
the relaxation of private life. That he was not avaricious after 
influence, may be sufficiently established from the fact of his refusal 
to accept the situation of secretary of the treasury, which General 
Washington wished him to fill. 

That his long continuance in the public service and his unremitted 
attention to the business of his country had caused some confusion 
in his private affairs, he assigned as a reason for declining to comply 
with the solicitations of the city of Philadelphia, which had sent a 
delegation to request he would become its representative in Congress. 
It is true, indeed, that he was subsequently induced to resume his 
situation as a delegate from Pennsylvania, and that he continued to 
fill this distinguished character for several years after his retirement 
from the financial department ; but it is equally true that this com- 
pliance with the public wish was rather the effect of a powerful sense 
of political duty than of inclination. His long inattention to his 
private affairs was productive of great embarrassments of mind and 
circumstances, the results of which cast a shade over those declining 
years which unembarrassed repose and honourable affluence ought to 
have soothed and cherished. 

After a life of inestimable utility, Mr. Morris died in Philadelphia, 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 71 

on the 8th of May, 1806, in the 73d year of his age. In person, 
Mr. Morris was of large frame, with an open countenance and 
unpretending manners. He was temperate in food, but fond of 
convivial meetings. His hospitable mansion was always open to 
strangers of good society. His mind was strongly practical. He 
WHS a fluent, correct, and impressive orator, and he wrote with ease 
and force. His public services can scarcely be overrated in import- 
ance. He never despaired of ultimate success during the Revolution, 
and was willing to make every sacrifice to attain the desired end. 
It may be said of him, as Webster said of Hamilton, " He touched 
the corpse of our credit, and it immediately became a living body." 



BENJAMIN RUSH. 

The ancestors of Benjamin Rush followed William Penn from 
England to Pennsylvania in 1683. His father had a fine estate 
about twelve miles from Philadelphia. There the most celebrated 
physician of America was born, on the 24th of December, 1745. 
His father died while Benjamin was yet young; and when the pro- 
mising boy was only nine years of age, he was placed under the care 
of his maternal uncle. Rev. Dr. Samuel Finley, a scholar of high 
reputation. At this excellent school he remained five years, and 
then entered Princeton College — then under the superintendence of 
President Davis. At college, young Rush was distinguished by 
remarkable eloquence as a public speaker and rapid progress in 
study. 

In the year 1760, at the early age of fifteen, young Rush received 
the degree of bachelor of arts. The next succeeding six years were 
devoted to the study of medicine, under Dr. John Redman, at that 
time an eminent practitioner in the city of Philadelphia. Having, 
with great fidelity completed his course of medical studies under Dr. 
Redman, he embarked for Europe, and passed two years at the Uni- 
versity of Edinburgh, attending the lectures of those celebrated pro- 
fessors. Dr. Munro, Dr. Gregory, Dr. Cullen, and Dr. Black. 

In the spring of 1768, he received the degree of doctor of medi- 
cine. From Edinburgh, Dr. Rush proceeded to London, where, in 
attendance upon the hospitals of that city, he made many accessions 
to the stock of knowledge already acquired. In the spring of 1769, 
after visiting Paris, he returned to his native country, and immedi- 



72 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

ately commenced the practice of physic in the city of Philadelphia, 
in which he soon became eminently distinguished. In a few months 
he was elected a professor in the medical school which had been 
recently established by the exertions of Dr. Shippen, Dr. Kuhn, Dr. 
Morgan, and Dr. Bond. 

But Dr. Bush did not confine his attention and pursuits either to 
the practice of medicine, or to the duties of his professorship : his 
ardent mind did not permit him to be an inactive spectator of those 
important public events which occurred in the early period of his life. 

The American Bevolution, the independence of his country, the 
establishment of a new constitution of government for the United 
States, and the amelioration of the constitution of his own particular 
State, all successively interested his feelings, and induced him to 
take an active concern in the scenes that were passing. He held a 
seat in the celebrated Congress of 1776, as a representative of the 
State of Pennsylvania, and subscribed the ever-memorable instru- 
ment of American independence. In 1777 he was appointed physi- 
cian-general of the military hospital for the middle department; and 
in the year 1787 he received the additional gratification and evidence 
of his country's confidence in his talents, his integrity, and his 
patriotism, by being chosen a member of the State convention for 
the adoption of the federal constitution. 

These great events being accomplished, Dr. Bush gradually retired 
from political life, resolved to dedicate the remainder of his days to 
the practice of his profession, the performance of his collegiate duties, 
and the publication of those doctrines and principles in medicine 
which he considered calculated to advance the interests of his 
favourite science, or to diminish the evils of human life. 

In 1789, Dr. Bush was elected the successor of Dr. Morgan to the 
chair of the theory and practice of physic in the Philadelphia College. 
In 1791, he was appointed to the professorship of the institutes of 
medicine, and clinical practice ; and in 1805, upon the resignation 
of Dr. Kuhn, he was chosen to the united professorships of the theory 
and practice of physic, and of clinical medicine, which he held the 
remainder of his life. 

Besides these delegated and ofiicial trusts, he took, as a member 
of the community, a very prominent concern in all the leading 
national transactions that occurred from the commencement of the 
Bevolutionary war till the organization of our present form of 
government. Contemporary with this latter event was the termina- 
tion of his political life. He afterward devoted himself exclusively 
to his profession, and to the discharge of his duties as a private 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 73 

citizen. The only appointment he ever held under the federal go- 
vernment, as an acknowledgment of all that he had contributed 
toward its establishment, was that of cashier of the mint of the United 
States. 

In addition to those already enumerated, he held many other places 
of honour and confidence, which were conferred on him by the suf- 
frages of select associations. He was, for many years, one of the 
physicians of the Pennsylvania Hospital, to the interests of which 
he most faithfully devoted a portion of his time. He was president 
of the American Society for the Abolition of Slavery, vice-president 
of the Philadelphia Bible Society, an early member, and, for a time, 
president of the Philadelphia Medical Society, one of the vice-pre- 
sidents of the American Philosophical Society, and a member of 
many other learned and benevolent institutions, both in America and 
Europe. 

In private charities and acts of hospitality, in public contributions 
for benevolent purposes, and in donations to churches, colleges, and 
other useful establishments, Dr. Rush was always liberal ; more so, 
perhaps, during a part of his life, than was consistent with his in- 
come. But his object was to do good, and he recognised no value 
in money except Mhat arose from the proper employment of it. His 
charities as a physician were also extensive ; for throughout the 
whole of his life, he regularly set apart a portion of his time for the 
rendering of professional services to the poor. Those persons in 
particular, who, in a season of prosperity, had employed him as their 
physician, he never forsook in the hour of their adversity, when the 
hand of penury was heavy on their spirits. To their shattered and 
desponding minds he feelingly administered the balm of comfort, 
while, by his attention and skill, he removed or alleviated their 
bodily sufferings. 

In the midst of his honours and usefulness, advanced in years, but 
in the meridian of his fame, he died, after a short illness, on the 19th 
of April, 1813. 

In person. Dr. Rush was above the middle stature, his frame being 
slender, but symmetrical. His features were prominent, and their 
combined expression indicated the vigour and penetration of his 
mind. He was temperate in his diet, neat in his dress, and the well- 
bred gentleman in all his habits. In colloquial powers he had but 
few equals. During his whole life, he was a practical Christian. As 
a physician, Dr. Rush ranked among the very foremost of his age- 
He was especially skilful in the treatment of fevers. As a states- 
man and philanthropist, he was active and influential. 



74 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

The American people are happy in the possession of the autobi- 
ography of a man whose life and writings have had a wonderful 
influence in moulding the national character. 

Benjamin Franklin, the philosopher and statesman, was born in 
Boston, on the 17th of January, 1706. His father, who was a native 
of England, was a soap-boiler and tallow-chandler in that town. At 
the age of eight years he was sent to a grammar-school, but at the 
age of ten his father required his services to assist him in his busi- 
ness. Two years afterward he was bound as an apprentice to his 
brother, who was a printer. In this employment he made great pro- 
ficiency ; and having a taste for books, he devoted much of his leisure 
time to reading. So eager was he in the pursuit of knowledge, that 
he frequently passed the greater part of the night in his studies. 
He became expert in the Socratic mode of reasoning by asking ques- 
tions, and thus he sometimes embarrassed persons of understanding 
superior to his own. In 1721 his brother began to print the New 
England Courant, which was the third newspaper published in 
America. The two preceding papers were the Boston News Letter 
and Boston Gazette. Young Franklin wrote a number of essays for 
the Courant, which were so well received as to encourage him to 
continue his literary labom'S. To improve his style he resolved to 
imitate Addison's Spectator. The method which he took was to 
make a summary of a paper, after he had read it, and in a few days, 
when he had forgotten the expressions of the author, to endeavour 
to restore it to its original form. By tliis means he was taught his 
errors, and perceived the necessity of being more fully acquainted 
with the synonymous words of the language. He was much assisted 
also in acquiring a facility and variety of expression by writing 
poetry. 

At this early period the perusal of Shaftesbury and Collins made 
him completely a skeptic, and he was fond of disputing upon the 
subject of religion. This circumstance caused him to be regarded 
by pious men with abhorrence ; and on this account, as well as on 
account of the ill-treatment which he received from his brother, he 
determined to leave Boston. His departure was facilitated by the 
possession of his indenture, which his brother had given him about 
the year 1723, not from friendship, but because the general court 
had prohibited him from publishing the New England Courant, and 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 75 

in order that it might be conducted under the name of Benjamin 
Franklin. He privately went on board a sloop, and soon arrived at 
New York. Finding no employment here, he pursued his way to 
Philadelphia, and entered the city without a friend, and with only a 
dollar in his pocket. Purchasing some rolls at a baker's shop, he 
put one under each arm, and, eating a third, walked through several 
streets in search of lodging. There were at this time two printers 
in Philadelphia, Mr. Andrew Bradford, and Mr. Keimer, by the latter 
of whom he was employed. Sir William Keith, the governor, having 
been informed that Franklin was a young man of promising talents, 
invited him to his house and treated him in the most friendly man- 
Der. He advised him to enter into business for himself, and, to 
accomplish this object, to make a visit to London in order that he 
might purchase the necessary articles for a printing office. Receiving 
the promise of assistance, Franklin prepared himself for the voyage, 
and on applying for letters of recommendation previously to sailing, 
he was told that they would be sent on board. When the letter-bag 
was opened, there was no packet for Franklin ; and he now disco- 
vered that the governor was one of those men, who love to oblige 
everybody, and who substitute the most liberal professions and offers 
in the place of active, substantial kindness. Arriving in London in 
1724, he was obliged to seek employment as a journeyman printer. 
He lived so economically, that he saved a great part of his wages. 
Instead of drinking six pints of beer in a day, like some of his fellow- 
labourers, he drank only water; and he persuaded some of them to 
renounce the extravagance of eating bread and cheese for breakfast 
and to procure a cheap soup. As his principles at this time were 
very loose, his zeal to enlighten the world induced him to publish his 
"Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity," in which he contended that 
virtue and vice were nothing more than vain distinctions. This work 
procured him the acquaintance of Mandeville and others of that 
licentious class. 

He returned to Philadelphia in October, 1726, as a clerk to Mr. 
Denham, a merchant ; but the death of that gentleman in the follow- 
year induced him to return to Mr. Keimer in the capacity of foreman 
in his office. He was very useful to his employer, for he gave him 
assistance as a letter-founder. He engraved various ornaments, and 
made printer's ink. He soon began business in partnership with 
Mr. Meredith ; but in 1729 he dissolved the connection with him. 
Having purchased of Keimer a paper, which had been conducted in 
a wretched manner, he now conducted it in a style which attracted 
much attention. At this time, though destitute of those religious 



76 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

principles which give stability and elevation to virtue, he yet had 
discernment enough to be convinced that truth, probity, and sin- 
cerity would promote his interest and be useful to him in the world, 
and he resolved to respect them in his conduct. The expenses of 
his establishment in business, notwithstanding his industry and 
economy, brought him in a short time into embarrassments, from 
which he was relieved by the generous assistance of William Coleman 
and Robert Grace. In addition to his other employments he now 
opened a small stationer's shop. But the claims of business did not 
extinguish his taste for literature and science. He formed a club, 
which he called the Junto, composed of the most intelligent of his 
acquaintance. Questions of morality, politics, or philosophy were 
discussed every Friday evening, and the institution was continued 
almost forty years. As books were frequently quoted in the club, 
and as the members had brought their books together for mutual 
advantage, he was led to form the plan of a public library, which was 
carried into effect in 1731, and became the foundation of that noble 
institution, the present Library Company of Philadelphia. In 1732, 
he began to publish Poor Richard's Almanac, which was enriched 
with maxims of frugality, temperance, industry, and integrity. So 
great was its reputation, that he sold ten thousand annually, and it 
was continued by him about twenty-five years. The maxims were 
collected in the last almanac in the form of an address, called the 
Way to Wealth, which has appeared in various publications. In 
1736, he was appointed clerk of the General Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania, and in 1737 postmaster of Philadelphia. The first fire com- 
pany was formed by him in 1738. When the frontiers of Pennsyl- 
vania were endangered in 1744, and an inefi'ectual attempt was made 
to procure a militia law, he proposed a voluntary association for the 
defence of the province, and in a short time obtained ten thousand 
names. In 1747, he was chosen a member of the Assembly, and 
continued in this station ten years. In all important discussions his 
presence was considered as indispensable. He seldom spoke, and 
never exhibited any oratory ; but by a single observation he some- 
times determined the fate of a question. In the long controversies 
with the proprietaries or their governors, he took the most active 
part, and displayed a firm spirit of liberty. 

He was now engaged for a number of years in a course of electrical 
experiments, of which he published an account. His great discovery 
was the identity of the electric fluid and lightning. This discovery 
he made in the summer of 1752. To the upright stick of a kite he 
attached an iron point ; the string was of hemp, excepting the part 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 77 

wliicli lie held in liis hand, which was of silk ; and a key was fastened 
where the hempen string terminated. With this apparatus, on the 
approach of a thunderstorm, he raised his kite. A cloud passed 
over it, and no signs of electricity appearing, he began to despair ; 
but observing the loose fibres of his string to move suddenly toward 
an erect position, he presented his knuckle to the key, and received 
a strong spark. The success of this experiment completely esta- 
blished his theory. The practical use of this discovery in securing 
houses from lightning by pointed conductors is well known in Ame- 
rica and Europe. In 1753 he was appointed deputy postmaster- 
general of the British colonies, and in the same year the Academy 
of Philadelphia, projected by him, was established. In 1754 he was 
one of the commissioners who attended the Congress at Albany to 
devise the best means of defending the country against the French. 
He drew up a plan of union for defence and general government, 
which was adopted by the Congress. It was however rejected by 
the Board of Trade in England, because it gave too much power to 
the representatives of the people ; and it was rejected by the assem- 
bhes of the colonies, because it gave too much power to the president- 
general. After the defeat of Braddock he was appointed colonel of 
a regiment, and he repaired to the frontiers and built a fort. In 
1757, he was sent to England as the agent of Pennsylvania, and, 
while residing there, was appointed agent of Massachusetts, Mary- 
land, and Georgia. He now received the reward of his philosophical 
merit. He was chosen a fellow of the Royal Society, and was ho- 
noured with the degree of doctor of laws by the universities of St. 
Andrew's, Edinburgh, and Oxford; and his correspondence was sought 
by the most eminent philosophers of Europe. During his residence 
in England he published a pamphlet, showing the advantages which 
would spring from the conquest of Canada; and formed that ele- 
gant instrument which he called the Harmonica. He returned in 
17(32, and resumed his seat in the Assembly ; but in 1764 was again 
sent to London as an agent for the province to procure a change of 
the proprietary government. In 1766, he was examined at the bar 
of the House of Commons respecting the repeal of the Stamp Act ; 
and here he evinced the utmost self-possession, with an astonishing 
accuracy and extent of information. During the same and the fol- 
lowing year, by visiting Holland, Germany, and France, he became 
acquainted with most of the literary characters of Europe. About 
the year 1773, some letters of Hutchinson, Oliver, and others in 
Massachusetts, falling into his hands, he sent them to the legislature 
of that State; but he ever refused to tell how he procured them. 



78 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

He returned to America in 1775, and the day after his arrival was 
elected a member of Congress. He was sent to the camp before 
Boston to confirm the army in their decisive measures, and to Canada 
to persuade the citizens to join in the common cause. In this last 
mission, however, he was not successful. In 1776, he was appointed 
on a committee with John Adams and Edward Rutlege, to inquire into 
the powers with which Lord Howe was invested in regard to the 
adjustment of our differences with Great Britain. When his lord- 
ship expressed his concern at being obliged to distress those whom 
he so much regarded. Dr. Franklin assured him that the Americans, 
out of reciprocal regard, would endeavour to lessen, as much as pos- 
sible, the pain which he might feel on their account, by taking the 
utmost care of themselves. In the discussion of the great question 
of independence, he was decidedly in favour of the measure. He 
was in the same year chosen president of the convention which met 
in Philadelphia to form a new constitution for Pennsylvania. The 
single legislature and the plural executive seem to have been his 
favourite principles. In the latter end of the year 1776, he was sent 
to France to assist in negotiation with Mr. Arthur Lee and Silas 
Deane. He had much influence in forming the treaty of alliance 
and commerce, which was signed February 6, 1778, and he after- 
ward completed a treaty of amity and commerce with Sweden. In 
conjunction with Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay and Mr. Laurens, he signed 
the provisional articles of peace, November 30, 1782, and the defini- 
tive treaty, September 30, 1783. While he was in France, he was 
appointed one of the commissioners to examine Mesmer's animal 
magnetism in 1784. Being desirous of returning to his native country, 
he requested that an ambassador might be appointed in his place ; and 
on the arrival of his successor, Mr. Jefferson, he immediately sailed 
for Philadelphia, where he arrived in September, 1785. He was 
received with universal applause, and was soon appointed president 
of the supreme executive council. In 1787, he was a delegate to 
the grand convention which formed the Constitution of the United 
States. Some of the articles which composed it did not altogether 
please him, but for the sake of union he signed it. In the same 
year he was appointed the first president of two societies, which 
were established in Philadelphia for alleviating the miseries of public 
prisons, and for promoting the abolition of slavery. A memorial of 
the latter society to Congress gave occasion to a debate, in which 
an attempt was made to justify the slave trade. In consequence of 
this, Dr. Franklin published in the Federal Gazette, March 25, 
1789, an essay, signed Historicus, communicating a pretended 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 79 

speech, delivered in the divan of Algiers in 1687, against the peti- 
tion of a sect, called Erika or Purists, for the abolition of piracy and 
slavery. The arguments urged in favour of the African trade by 
Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, are here applied with equal force to justify 
the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. In 1788, he retired 
wholly from public life, and he now approached the end of his days. 
He had been afflicted for a number of years with a complication of 
disorders. For the last twelve months he was confined almost entirely 
to his bed. In the severity of his pains, he would observe, that he 
was afraid he did not bear them as he ought, and he expressed a 
grateful sense of the many blessings received from the Supreme 
Being, who had raised him from his humble origin to such considera- 
tion among men. He died, April 17, 1790, in the eighty-fifth year 
of his age. The following epitaph was written by himself many 
years previously to his death : 

The body of 

Benjamin Franklin, printer, 

Like the cover of an old book 

Its contents torn out, 

And stript of its lettering and gilding, 

Lies here food for worms ; 

Yet the v/ork itself shall not be lost, 

For it will (as he believed) appear once more 

In a new 

And more beautiful edition, 

Corrected and amended 

by 

The Author. 

But although he thus expressed his hope of future happiness, yet 
from his memoirs it does not appear whether this hope was founded 
upon the mediation of Jesus Christ. Some have even considered 
him as not unfriendly to infidelity ; but the following anecdote seems 
to prove, that in his old age he did not absolutely reject the Scrip- 
tures. As a young gentleman was one day ridiculing religion as a 
vulgar prejudice, he appealed to Dr. Franklin, expecting his approba- 
tion. "Young man," said the philosopher, emphatically, "it is best 
to believe." President Stiles addressed a letter to him, dated 
January 28, 1790, in which he expressed a desire to be made ac- 
quainted with his sentiments on Christianity. The following is an 
extract from it: "You know, sir, I am a Christian; and would to 
heaven, all others were as I am except my imperfections. As much 
as I know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his religious senti- 



80 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

ments. I wish to know the opinion of my venerable friend concern- 
ing Jesus of Nazareth. He will not impute this to impertinence, or 
improper curiosity in one who for many years has continued to love, 
estimate, and reverence his abilities and literary character with an 
ardour of affection. If I have said too much, let the request be 
blotted out and be no more." To this Dr. Franklin replied, March 
9, but a few weeks before his death: "I do not take your curiosity 
amiss, and shall endeavour, in a few words, to gratify it. As to 
Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you particularly desire, I 
think the system of morals and his religion, as he left them to us, 
the best the world ever saw, or is likely to see ; but I apprehend it 
has received various corrupting changes ; and I have, with most of 
the present dissenters in England, some doubts as to his divinity." 
It may not be unnecessary to remark that, if we may credit Dr. 
Priestley, Dr. Franklin was not correct in estimating the sentiments 
of a majority of the dissenters in England. He left one son, Go- 
vernor William Franklin, of New Jersey, a zealous royalist, and a 
daughter, who married Mr. William Bache, merchant in Philadelphia. 

Dr. Franklin acquired a high and deserved reputation as a philo- 
sopher, for his philosophy was of a practical and useful kind, and he 
seemed to be continually desirous of advancing the welfare of society. 
In company, he was sententious and not fluent, and he chose rather 
to listen to others than to talk himself. Impatient of interruption, 
he often mentioned the custom of the Indians, who always remain 
silent for some time before they give an answer to a question. When 
he resided in France as a minister from this country, it has been 
thought that he was somewhat intoxicated by the unbounded ap- 
plauses which he received, and was too much disposed to adopt the 
manners of the French. One of his colleagues was immersed in the 
pleasures of a voluptuous city, and between himself and the other, 
Mr. Lee, there was some collision. 

Soon after his death, his grandson went to England to publish a 
complete collection of his writings, with his life, brought down by 
himself to the year 1757, and continued by one of his descendants. 
He published experiments and observations on electricity, made at 
Philadelphia, in two parts, 4to, 1753 ; new experiments, 1754 ; a 
historical view of the constitution and government of Pennsylvania, 
1759 ; the interest of Great Britain considered with respect to her 
colonies, 1760 ; his experiments with the addition of explanatory 
notes, and letters and papers on philosophical subjects, 1769 ; poli- 
tical, miscellaneous, and philosophical pieces, 1779 ; and several 
papers in the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 81 

Two volumes of his essays, with his life, brought down by himself 
to the year 1750, were published in England in 1792. A collection 
of his works was first published in London in 1806, entitled, the 
Complete works in Philosophy, Politics, and Morals of Dr. Frank- 
lin, first collected and arranged, with a memoir of him, 3 vols. 8vo. 
Sparks' edition of his life and works is the most complete. 

In stature, Franklin was above the middle size, and well-propor- 
tioned. His head was large, and his countenance was marked with 
the indications of a serene temper, deep thought, and a firm will. 
In all his public career, he seldom made a speech of over ten minutes' 
length. But every word was pertinent and full of thought. As a 
writer, his style was remarkable for ease, force, and variety. He 
loved to convey the lessons of wisdom in the shape of maxims, be- 
cause they took a strong hold on the popular mind. He never 
attacked an abuse with direct vehemence, but chose the mild mode 
of ridicule ; and this was successful when violent denunciations would 
have failed. 



JOHN MORTON. 



A POVERTY of facts must characterize our biography of a man who 
acted a distinguished part when the declaration of independence was 
still a question. John Morton was born in the county of Chester, 
(then a portion of Pennsylvania, but now Delaware,) about 1721. 
About the year 1764, he was sent as a delegate to the General As- 
sembly of Pennsylvania, of which he continued to be for many years 
an active and influential member. His patriotism and ability secured 
him a high reputation at the commencement of the difficulties between 
the colonies and the mother country, and he was elected a delegate 
to the Congress of 1774. The manner in which he discharged his 
duties is shown to have been satisfactory by his re-election. 

Mr. Morton was a decided advocate of the glorious Declaration. 
The Pennsylvania delegation was divided upon the question, and 
its com-se depended upon the casting vote of John Morton. He did 
not hesitate : a man of greater moral intrepidity never lived. He voted 
in the affirmative, and Pennsylvania stood committed to the Declara- 
tion. In the following year, Mr. Morton assisted in organizing a 
system of confederation for the colonies, and was chairman of the 
committee of the whole when it was adopted — November 15, 1777. 
Before the close of the year, he died of an inflauunatory fever, in 

6 



82 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

the fifty-sixth year of his age. He was a man of much energy of 
character, and remarkable for a sound and accurate judgment. In 
private life, he was honest, amiable, and social. 



GEORGE CLYMER. 



George Clymer was born in Philadelphia, in 1739. The death 
of his parents left George an orphan at the age of seven years ; but 
he was well taken care of by his uncle, William Coleman, who 
bequeathed to him the principal part of his fortune. After the com- 
pletion of his studies, young Clymer entered into his uncle's count- 
ing-house, though his inclination for cultivating his mind was much 
greater than for mercantile pursuits. When discontent had been 
excited in the colonies by the arbitrary acts of the British Parliament, 
he was among the first in Pennsylvania to raise his voice in opposition, 
and was named by a meeting held in Philadelphia, October 16, 1773, 
chairman of a committee appointed to demand of the commissioners 
for selling the tea which had been imported into America, on account 
of the East India Company, their resignation of the office. The 
demand was complied with. 

Mr. Clymer was afterward chosen a member of the council of 
safety, when the increasing troubles rendered such a body necessary. 
In 1775, he was appointed one of the first continental treasurers, but 
he resigned his office shortly after his first election to Congress, in 
August, 1776. His zeal in the cause of his country was displayed 
by subscribing himself, as well as by encouraging the subscriptions 
of others, to the loan opened for the purpose of rendering more effec- 
tive the opposition to the measures of the British ; and also by the 
disinterested manner in which he exchanged all his specie for con- 
tinental currency. In July, 1776, he was chosen, together with 
Doctor Benjamin Rush, James Wilson, George Ross, and George 
Taylor, Esquires, to supply the vacancy in Congress occasioned by 
the resignation of the members of the Pennsylvania delegation who 
ha.d refused their assent to the Declaration of Independence. The 
new members were not present when the instrument was agreed upon, 
but they all affixed to it their signatures. 

In the autumn of 1777, Mr. Clymer's house in Chester county, in 
which his family resided, was plundered by a band of British soldiers, 
his property greatly damaged, and his wife and children constrained 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 83 

to fly for safety. His services in the cause of liberty seemed, indeed, 
to have rendered him peculiarly obnoxious to the British ; for, when 
they took possession of Philadelphia, a numerous body proceeded to 
tear down the house of his aunt, supposing it to be his, and only 
desisted when informed of their mistake. In the year 1780, Mr. 
Clymer was a member of an association which made an oflFer to Con- 
gress of establishing a bank for the sole purpose of facilitating the 
transportation of a supply of 3,000,000 of rations and 300 hogsheads 
of rum to the army, which was on the point of disbanding, in con- 
sequence of its distressed condition. Congress received the offer, 
and pledged the faith of the United States to the subscribers to the 
bank for their full indemnity, and deposited in it, as well for that 
purpose, as in support of its credit, bills for j£150,000 sterling, on 
the American ministers in Europe. Mr. Clymer was one of the 
gentlemen selected to preside over the institution, the good eifects 
of which were long felt. 

In November, 1780, Mr. Clymer was again elected to Congress, 
and strongly advocated there the establishment of a national bank. 
He was chosen, in May, 1782, to repair, with Mr. Rutledge, to the 
Southern States, and make such representations as were best adapted 
to procure from them their quotas for the purposes of the war, which 
were very remissly furnished. In the autumn of 1784, during which 
year party spirit had raged with great violence in Pennsylvania, he 
was elected to the legislature of that State, to assist in opposing the 
constitutionalists, who were so termed in consequence of their 
upholding the old constitution, which was justly deemed deficient. 
Pennsylvania is greatly indebted to his exertions for the amelioration 
of her penal code, which had previously been of so sanguinary a 
nature as to produce extreme and almost universal discontent. Mr. 
Clymer was also a member of the convention which framed the 
present constitution of the federal government, and was elected to 
the first Congress which met when it was about to be carried into 
operation. After serving throughout the term, he declined a re- 
election. In 1781, a bill having been passed in Congress, imposing 
a duty on spirits distilled within the United States, he was placed at 
the head of the excise department in the State of Pennsylvania. In 
the year 1796, he was appointed, together with Colonel Hawkins 
and Colonel Pickens, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee and 
Creek Indians of Georgia. He subsequently became the first presi- 
dent of the Philadelphia Bank, and of the Academy of Arts. He 
died January 23, 1813, in the seventy-fourth year of his age, at 
Morrisville, Bucks county, Pennsylvania. 



84 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Mr. Clymer was gifted with a powerful mind, and study and obser- 
vation gave him a vast amount of information. He was not dis- 
tinguished as a speaker ; his habits were practical and business-like. 
To his great intellect was united a pure, generous heart, which 
moved him to scorn every thing mean and base, and to make exten- 
sive sacrifices for his country and friends. 



JAMES SMITH. 



James Smith was one of the three natives of Ireland who signed 
the Declaration. He was born in that island some time between 
1715 and 1720. His father then became a respectable farmer on 
the Susquehanna. James received a thorough education, graduating 
at the college of Philadelphia, and afterward studied law. On 
being admitted to the bar he fixed his residence near the present 
town of Shippensburg, where he began business as a lawyer and 
surveyor. But a short time afterward, he removed to York, where 
he continued the practice of his profession during the remainder of 
his life. 

In 1774, Mr. Smith was a member of the meeting of delegates from 
all the counties of Pennsylvania, for the purpose of expressing the public 
sentiment on the expediency of abstaining from importing any goods 
from England, and assembling a general congress. In January, 1775, 
Mr. Smith was a member of the Pennsylvania convention, and con- 
curred in the spirited resolutions which it passed, that "if the 
British administration should determine by force to effect a submis- 
sion to the late arbitrary acts of the British Parliament, in such a 
situation we hold it our indispensable duty to resist such force, and 
at every hazard to defend the rights and liberties of America." He 
was also a member of the provincial conference, which assembled on 
the eighteenth of the ensuing month of June, to establish a new 
government for Pennsylvania, in consequence of the instructions 
given by the General Assembly to their delegates in Congress, to 
resist every measure tending to a separation, and seconded the reso- 
lution moved by Doctor Rush, to express in form the sentiments of 
the conference on the subject of a declaration of independence, 
which was carried, although the obnoxious instructions had been 
rescinded. Doctor Rush, Mr. Smith, and Thomas M'Kean, were 
the committee by whom the resolution was drafted. It was unani- 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 85 

mously adopted, and signed by the members, and presented to Con- 
gress, a few days only before the declaration of independence. In 
July, a convention was assembled in Philadelphia, for the purpose 
of forming a new constitution for Pennsylvania, of which Colonel 
Smith was a member. On the twentieth of the month he was elected, 
by the convention, a member of Congress. He retained his seat in 
that body until November, 1778, and then resumed his professional 
pursuits. From these he withdrew in 1800, and died in 1806. 

The eminent men with whom he was associated, and the high 
trusts which he faithfully discharged, are the proofs of his ability, 
energy, and integrity ; and his steady adherence to the cause of inde- 
pendence, under all circumstances, is evidence of his devoted 
patriotism. 



GEORGE TAYLOR. 

George Taylor was born in Ireland, in 1716. While still a 
young man he came to America, having no fortune but an energetic 
mind and industrious habits. He performed menial labour for some 
time, and then became a clerk in a large iron establishment. Many 
years afterward, Mr. Taylor's employer died ; the clerk married the 
widow, and thus became possessed of considerable property. His 
wealth and ability then secured him influence, and he was elected to 
a seat in the Assembly of Pennsylvania. At the commencement of 
the stamp-act excitement Mr. Taylor declared himself a decided 
Whig, and he continued firm in the faith until his death. In 1776, 
he was elected to a seat in the Continental Congress. He was not 
present to vote on the resolution for independence, but he gladly 
aflBxed his name to the Declaration, pledging all he was worth to the 
support of the cause. 

In 1777, Mr. Taylor retired from Congress, and moved to the 
State of Delaware, where he died, February 23, 1781, in the sixty- 
fifth year of his age. His career displays the glorious triumph of an 
indomitable mind over all the circumstances of birth and fortune, and 
he deserves a place among that noble band of self-made men, who 
have conferred such lustre upon the free institutions of America — 
men whom no other country could have produced. 



86 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 



JAMES WILSON. 

James Wilson was a native of Scotland, and was born in 1742. 
His father was a respectable farmer, who could afford to give him 
the advantage of a thorough education. He studied successively 
at Glasgow, St. Andrew's, and Edinburgh, and then left Scotland for 
America. He arrived in 1766 in Philadelphia, where he was first 
employed as a tutor in the Philadelphia College and Academy, in 
which capacity he acquired a high reputation as a classical scholar. 
In a few months, however, he relinquished that occupation, and com- 
menced the study of the law in the office of the celebrated John 
Dickinson. At the expiration of two years he was admitted to the 
bar, and began to practise, first at Reading, and then at Carlisle. 
From the latter place he removed to Annapolis, and in 1778 re- 
turned to Philadelphia, where he continued to reside during the rest 
of his life. 

Mr. Wilson was elected in 1775 a member of Congress, and took 
his seat on the 10th of May. He was a uniform advocate of the 
declaration of independence, though he may have thought, perhaps, 
that the measure was brought forward prematurely : he voted in 
favour of it, as well on the first of July, in opposition to the ma- 
jority of his colleagues from Pennsylvania, as on the 4th, in con- 
junction with the majority. In 1777 he was superseded in Con- 
gress, through the influence of party spirit ; but in 1782 he was 
again honoured with a seat. A few months previously he had been 
appointed, by the president and supreme executive council, a coun- 
sellor and agent for Pennsylvania in the controversy between that 
State and Connecticut, relating to certain lands within the charter 
boundary of the former, and which were claimed by the latter as in- 
cluded within her charter. The decision was in favour of Penn^ 
sylvania. 

In 1779, Mr. Wilson received the appointment of advocate-general 
for the French government in the United States, an office the duties 
of which were both arduous and delicate. He resigned it in 1781, in 
consequence of difficulties respecting the mode of remuneration. 
He continued, however, to give advice in such cases as were laid be- 
fore him by the ministers and consuls of France until 1783, when 
the French transmitted to him a present of ten thousand livres. In 
1787, Mr. Wilson was a member of the convention which framed the 
constitution of the United States, and was one of the committee who 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 87 

reported the draught. In the State convention of Pennsylvania he 
was principally efficient in causing the constitution to be adopted. 
He was subsequently a member of the convention which changed the 
constitution of Pennsylvania, to render it conformable to that of the 
United States ; and, being one of the committee appointed to pre- 
pare, was intrusted with the duty of making the draught of the ne- 
• cessary form. In 1789 he was appointed by General Washington a 
judge of the supreme court of the United States ; and, while on a 
circuit in North Carolina, in the discharge of his functions as such, 
he died at Edenton, 28th of August, 1798, aged about fifty-six 
years. As a lawyer and judge, Mr. Wilson was eminent for talent 
and integrity. In private life he was courteous, kind, and hospitable. 
His political and legal disquisitions are extant in three volumes, and 
much esteemed. 



GEORGE ROSS. 



George Ross was born at New Castle, Delaware, in 1730. His 
father was then pastor of the Episcopal church at that town. Hav- 
ing received an excellent education, he devoted his mind to the study 
of law in Philadelphia, at the age of eighteen. As soon as he was 
admitted to the bar, he established himself in Lancaster, Pennsyl- 
vania, where he rapidly acquired influence and reputation. He was 
considered one of the ablest lawyers in the province. 

In 1768, Mr. Ross was chosen a representative in the Assembly of 
Pennsylvania, and retained his seat in that body until 1774, when he 
was elected one of the delegates to the first general Congress at 
Philadelphia. At the time of his election, he was also appointed to 
report to the assembly of the province a set of instructions to regu- 
late the conduct of himself and his associates. In 1777 indisposi- 
tion caused Mr. Ross to resign his place in Congress ; on which occa- 
sion the inhabitants of Lancaster voted him a piece of plate, to be 
paid for out of the county stock. Mr. Ross, however, thought it his 
duty to decline the present. 

On the dissolution of the proprietary government in Pennsylvania, 
a general convention was assembled, in which Mr. Ross was ap- 
pointed to assist in preparing a declaration of rights on behalf of 
the State, in forming rules of order for the convention, and in de- 
fining and settling what should be considered high treason and mis- 



88 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

prision of treason against the State, and what punishment should be 
inflicted for those offences. In April, 1779, Mr. Ross was appointed 
a judge of the court of admiralty for the State of Pennsylvania ; 
but, in the ensuing July, a sudden and violent attack of the gout 
terminated his life, in the fiftieth year of his age. 

Few men in the colonies had a fairer prospect of continued dis- 
tinction than Mr. Ross. His ability was generally known, and a 
very high position was conceded him among men, the like of whom 
will not be seen at an early day. 



CiESAR RODNEY. 

The father of C^sar Rodney came to America with William Penn, 
and after a short residence in Philadelphia, settled in Kent, a 
county now forming a part of the State of Delaware. The subject 
of this memoir was the eldest son, and was born at Dover, about 
1730. He received a good education, and upon the death of his 
father, he inherited a large landed estate. When but twenty-eight 
years of age, Mr. Rodney was appointed high sheriff, and on the 
expiration of his term of service, was created a justice of the peace 
and a judge of the lower courts. 

In 1762 Mr. Rodney represented his native county in the legisla- 
ture ; and in 1765 he was elected by that body a delegate to the 
Congress that met in New York, for the purpose of consulting upon 
the measures to be adopted in consequence of the stamp act, and 
other oppressive enactments of the British government. 

Mr. Rodney had less of sternness in his nature than we might 
expect to find in so inflexible a patriot. He was remarkable for a 
cheerful temper and vivacity of conversation. His abilities were of 
a practical cast, and the services he rendered to his country were 
more solid than brilliant. Throughout the struggle for independence, 
he was esteemed by his countrymen as a true patriot, and on account 
of his high social position, he acquired more influence than we might 
suppose him to have possessed, from the paucity of the records of 
his services. His sacrifices for the cause of his heart were neither 
few nor far between. Mr. Rodney was a friend to young men whom 
he discovered to be filled with the right kind of ambition. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. gQ 



GEORGE READ, 

The colleague of Rodney and McKean was born in Cecil county, 
Maryland, in 1734. Soon after that event his father removed to 
NeAvcastle county, Delaware. George Read received his education 
under the superintendence of the Rev. Dr. Allison, and then, at the 
age of seventeen, commenced the study of the law in Philadelphia. 
In the year 1753 he was admitted to the bar. In 1754 he settled 
in Newcastle, Delaware, and commenced the pratice of the law. In 
1763, he succeeded John Ross as attorney-general of the State. He 
held this office till he was elected to Congress in 1775, when he re- 
signed it. In 1765 he was elected a member of the Assembly of 
Delaware, which station he continued to occupy for twelve years in 
succession. In the mean time, however, Mr. Read strenuously sup- 
ported every measure, and was very conspicuous in resisting every 
encroachment of British tyranny. In 1774 he was elected by the 
General Assembly of Delaware, together with Caesar Rodney and 
Thomas McKean, to represent the State in the first Congress which 
met at Philadelphia. From this period he continued to represent 
the State of Delaware in Congress, during the whole of the Revolu- 
tionary war. He had previously opposed the declaration as a pre- 
mature measure ; but when it was sanctioned by a large majority of 
Congress, he gave a ready acquiescence. In September, 1776, Mr. 
Read was elected president of the convention which formed the 
first constitution of Delaware. In 1782 he was appointed one of 
the judges of the court of appeals, in admiralty cases, for the state 
of Delaware. In 1787 he was a member of the convention which 
framed the constitution of the United States. 

Mr. Read continued in the Senate of the United States till Sep- 
tember, 1793, when he was appointed chief-justice of the supreme 
court of the State of Delaware. He performed the duties of this 
office with great ability and integrity, till the autumn of 1798, when 
his long life of public usefulness was terminated by a short and sud- 
den illness. 

In person, Mr. Read was above the middle height, portly, erect, 
and dignified in bearing. Energy and judgment were the prominent 
features of his character. The many marks of the confidence of his 
fellow-citizens which he received during his useful career, evinced 
their high estimate of his abilities and integrity. 



90 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 



THOMAS McKEAN. 

Thomas McKean was born on the 19tli of Marcli, 1734, in 
Chester county, in the then province of Pennsylvania. His father, 
William McKean, was a native of Ireland, but married in this coun- 
try. The subject of this memoir was, at an early age, placed under 
the tuition of the Rev. Francis Allison, D. D., a man of distinguished 
learning, and who conducted the most celebrated academy in the 
province. In that institution Thomas McKean acquired a sound 
knowledge of the languages, and was instructed in the practical 
branches of the mathematics and moral philosophy. He proceeded 
to Newcastle, Delaware, and read law in the office of David Kinney, 
Esquire. Having been admitted to the bar, he continued to reside 
at Newcastle, where he soon acquired a solid reputation, and ob- 
tained full business. Extending his practice into Pennsylvania, he 
was, in the year 1757, admitted to the bar of the supreme court of 
that province. During the early part of his career, he was particu- 
larly remarkable for his attentive habits of business, and for his de- 
votion to the acquisition of knowledge, and thus laid the foundation 
of his subsequent usefulness and distinction. In the year 1762, 
Mr. McKean was elected a member of assembly for Newcastle 
county, and was annually returned for eleven successive years, until 
his removal to Philadelphia as a place of residence ; and even after 
that removal, so great was the confidence reposed in him by the 
freeholders of Newcastle county, that they elected him annually for 
six years more, though he frequently communicated to them through 
the newspapers his desire to decline the honour. At the end of this 
period, after he had represented Delaware in Congress, and become 
chief justice of Pennsylvania, an occurrence took place of so in- 
teresting a character, that we think it worthy of being related to 
our readers. On the day of the general election in Delaware, in 
October, 1779, he waited on his constituents at Newcastle, and 
after a long address on the situation and prospects of the United 
States, in which he displayed the wisdom of the statesman and the 
energy of the patriot, he desired to be no longer considered one of 
the candidates for the State legislature, assigning reasons which were 
received as satisfactory. Soon after he had retired, a committee of 
the electors present waited on him, informed him that they would 
excuse him from serving in the Assembly, but requested, in the name 
of the electors, that as the times were critical, and they could fully 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 91 

rely on his judgment, lie would recommend seven persons in whom 
they might confide, as representatives. So singular a method of ex- 
hibiting their confidence in him, could not but excite his surprise ; 
however, he instantly acknowledged the compliment, and desired the 
committee to acquaint his fellow-citizens, that he thanked them for 
the honour intended him, but as he knew not only seven but seventy 
of the gentlemen then attending the election, whom he believed to 
be worthy of their votes, he felt assured they would not, on further 
reflection, subject him to the hazard of giving ofi"ence, by the pre- 
ference he must show if he complied with their requests ; and hoped 
to be excused. The committee having left him, soon returned, and 
stated that the electors after hearing his reply, had unanimously re- 
iterated their request, and declared that a compliance by him would 
ofiend no one. He thereupon, instantly, though reluctantly, wrote 
down seven names, and handed them to the committee, with the ob- 
servation that his conduct would at least evidence a reciprocity of 
confidence between them. The election proceeded harmoniously, 
and resulted in the choice of the seven gentlemen whom he had thus 
named. He was afterward accustomed to speak of this transaction 
as one of the most gratifying circumstances of his life. 

Upon the adoption of the first act of the British Parliament, im- 
posing " stamp duties" on the colonies, a Congress of committees 
from the different legislative assemblies was, upon the suggestion of 
the assembly of Massachusetts Bay, convened at New York, in Oc- 
tober, 1765. Of this Congress, Mr. McKean was a representative 
from Delaware, and was the surviving member. He was one of the 
committee appointed to draft an address to the House of Commons 
of Great Britain. At this early period he displayed, in support of 
the rights of his country, that unbending firmness and energy which 
illustrated his subsequent public conduct. On his return to New 
Castle, he, with his colleague, Mr. Rodney, received the unanimous 
thanks of the assembly of Delaware. He continued to be engaged 
in various public employments, and, in 1765, was appointed a justice 
of the court of common pleas and quarter sessions, and of the 
orphans' court for the county of New Castle. In November term, 
1765, and in the February term, 1766, he sat on the bench which 
ordered all the oflBcers of the court to proceed in their several voca- 
tions, as usual, on unstamped paper. This was done accordingly, 
and it is believed this was the first court that made such an order 
in any of the colonies. 

In relation to all the public events which soon after followed, IMr. 
McKean's opinions were firm and decided. He was uniform and 



92 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

energetic in resisting the usurpations of the British crown. Immedi- 
ately after the second attempt of the mother country to raise a re- 
venue from the colonies without their consent, which was made by 
an act imposing a duty on tea, &c., a correspondence took place 
among leading and influential characters, in most of the colonies, 
who concerted measures of opposition to this proceeding, and 
procured a meeting of delegates from their respective houses 
of Assembly, at Philadelphia, in September, 1774. Mr. McKean 
took an active part in this affair, as he had done in 1765, 
and was appointed a representative of Delaware, though he had, a 
short time before, removed his residence to Philadelphia. At the 
opening of this Congress, whose conduct proved it the most glorious 
assemblage which the world ever knew, Mr. McKean appeared 
as a representative from Delaware. He was annually returned as a 
member, until the independence of his country was formally ac- 
knowledged by the treaty of peace in 1783. 

Two circumstances are peculiar in his history as connected with 
this period. He was the only man who was, without intermission of 
time, a member of the Revolutionary Congress from the day of its 
opening, in 1774, till the preliminaries of the peace of 1783 were 
signed. The various public duties of different members, with other 
circumstances, concurred to produce this fact. Though he was also 
engaged in other important public affairs, yet his residence at Phila- 
delphia induced his constituents to continue to return him. The 
other circumstance to which we refer is, that while he represent- 
ed the State of Delaware in this Congress, until 1783, and was in 
1781 president of Congress, as will be presently stated, yet from 
July, 1777, he held the appointment and executed the duties of -chief- 
justice of Pennsylvania. Each of these States claimed him as her 
own ; and for each were his talents faithfully exerted. 

Mr. McKean was particularly active and useful in procuring the 
declaration of independence, 1776. Delaware was represented in 
Congress by Caesar Rodney, George Read, and Thomas McKean. 
Mr. Rodney was absent when the question was discussed in com- 
mittee of the whole, and Mr. Read in committee had voted against 
the declaration. Delaware was thus divided. All the other States, 
except Pennsylvania, had voted in favour of the measure, and it 
therefore became important to the friends of the declaration that 
the votes of these two States should be secured. Mr. McKean im- 
mediately, at his own expense, sent an express for Mr. Rodney, who, 
in consequence of it, arrived in Philadelphia just as Congress was 
assembling on the morning of the 4th of July. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 93 

Shortly after the declaration of independence, Mr. McKcan was 
appointed colonel of a regiment of associators of the city of Phila- 
delphia, and marched at the head of them to support General Wash- 
ington, until a flying camp of ten thousand men was raised. On 
his return to Philadelphia he found he had been elected a member 
of the convention for forming a constitution for the State of Dela- 
ware. He proceeded to New Castle and wrote in a tavern, without a 
book or any assistance, the constitution which was afterward adopted. 

On the 10th of July, 1781, he was elected president of Congress. 
The following extracts from the journal will illustrate this part of 
our subject, and, it is thought, will prove interesting to the reader : — 

"October 23, 1781, the secretary laid before Congress a letter 
from the president in the words following : 

" Sir — I beg you to remind Congress that when they did me the 
honour of electing me president, and before I assumed the chair, I 
informed them that as chief-justice of Pennsylvania, I should be 
under the necessity of attending the supreme court of that State in 
the latter end of September, or, at farthest, in October. That court 
will be held to-day. I must, therefore, request that they will be 
pleased to proceed to the choice of another president. 

"I am, sir, with much respect, your most obedient humble servant, 

" Thomas McKean. 

" Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress." 

"Whereupon, resolved, That the resignation of Mr. McKean be 
accepted. 

" Ordered, That the election of a president be postponed until 
to-morrow." 

" October 24, 1781. On motion of Mr. Witherspoon, seconded 
by Mr. Montgomery, 

"Resolved, unanimously, That Mr. McKean be requested to re- 
sume the chair, and act as president, until the first Monday in No- 
vember next, the resolution of yesterday notwithstanding." 

"November 5th, 1781. Congress proceeded to the election of a 
president, and the ballot being taken, the Honourable John Hanson 
was elected." 

"November 7th, 1781. Resolved, That the thanks of Congress 
be given to the Honourable Thomas McKean, late president of Con- 
gress, in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the chair, 
and in the execution of public business." 

His commission, as chief-justice of Pennsylvania, was dated July 
28th, 1777. During the progress of the Revolution, Philadelphia 



94 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

being the seat of government of the States, and an object of peculiar 
watchfulness on the part of the enemy, the just performance of Mr. 
McKean's judicial functions required not only the learning of the 
lawyer, but the unyielding spirit of the patriot. We find him pro- 
claiming from the bench the law of justice and his country with dis- 
tinguished learning, ability, and integrity. Regardless of the 
powers of the crown of Great Britain, he did not hesitate to hazard 
his own life by causing to be punished, even unto death, those who 
were proved to be traitors to their country, while he demonstrated 
that popular excitement against individuals accused of offences, could 
not in the slightest degree divert him from the sound and inflexible 
discharge of his public duty. It was energy, tempered with justice 
and humanity, that carried us triumphantly through the terrible 
conflict. 

Having passed through the trying scenes of the Revolution with 
the well-earned and undisputed reputation of being one of the most 
unwavering and efficient Whigs of the times, he devoted himself to 
the discharge of the duties of chief-justice until the year 1799, when 
he was elected governor of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, and he 
continued to discharge the duties of that office for nine years with great 
ability. In 1808 he retired from public life, and the remainder of 
his days were passed in the peaceful pursuits of science and litera- 
ture. Mr. McKean died at his mansion in Philadelphia, on the 24th 
of June, 1817, in the eighty-fourth year of his age. 

In person, Mr. McKean was tall, erect, and well formed. His 
countenance expressed the firmness and intelligence for which he 
was distinguished, and his manners were dignified and impressive. 
He was a man of vast influence in his time, and his proudest eulogy 
may be, that he ever sought to use that influence for the advance- 
ment of true principles. He was an effective speaker, and his state 
papers are marked by a singular force of language. 



SAMUEL CHASE. 



The leading advocate of independence in Maryland was Samuel 
Chase. He was born in Somerset county, Maryland, on the 17th 
of April, 1741. His father, a learned clergyman, instructed him in 
the ancient classics, and subsequently placed him at Annapolis as a 
student of laAv. He was admitted to the bar at the age of twenty. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 95 

Ilis talents, industry, intrepidity, imposing stature, sonorous voice, and 
fluent and energetic elocution, raised him to eminence in a very few 
years. Having become a member of the colonial legislature, he dis- 
tinguished himself by his bold opposition to the royal governor and 
the court party. He took the lead in denouncing and resisting the 
famous stamp act. His revolutionary spirit, his oratory and repu- 
tation, placed him at the head of the active adversaries of the 
British government in his State. 

The Maryland convention of the 22d of June, 1774, appointed 
Mr. Chase to attend the meeting of the general Congress at Phila- 
delphia in September of that year. He was also present and con- 
spicuous at the session of December following, and in the subsequent 
congresses during the most critical periods of the Revolution. That 
of 1776 deputed him on a mission to Canada, along with Dr. 
Franklin, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and the Rev. John Carroll, 
afterward Catholic Archbishop of Baltimore. It was Mr. Chase who 
denounced to Congress the Rev. Dr. Zubly, a delegate from 
Georgia, as a traitor to the American cause, and forced him to a 
precipitate and ignominious flight. He signed the Declaration of 
Independence with promptitude, and was an active and able member 
of Congress almost throughout the war ; at the end of which he re- 
turned to the practice of his profession. In June, 1783, the legisla- 
ture of Maryland sent him to London, as a commissioner, to recover 
stock of the Bank of England and large sums of money which be- 
longed to the State. He remained in England nearly a year, during 
which time he put the claim in a train of adjustment. There he 
passed much of his time in the society of the most eminent states- 
men and lawyers. 

In the year 1791, Mr. Chase accepted the appointment of chief- 
justice of the general court of Maryland. Five years afterward, 
President Washington made him an associate-judge of the supreme 
court of the United States. Political cases of deep interest having 
been tried when he presided in the circuit courts, and his conduct 
having given much displeasure to the democratic party, he was im- 
peached by the House of Representatives at Washington. The trial 
of the judge before the Senate is memorable on account of the ex- 
citement which it produced, the ability with Avhich he was defended, 
and the nature of his acquittal. A full report of it has been pub- 
lished. He continued to exercise his judicial functions with the 
highest reputation until the year 1811, in which his health failed. 
He expired June 19 of that year. 

Judge Chase possessed a high degree of moral courage, and never 



96 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

wavered in the discharge of what he believed to be his duty. His 
decisions were generally sagacious. He was a powerful orator, and 
at the bar had few superiors in his time. 



WILLIAM PACA. 



William Paca was born October 31, 1740, and was the second 
son of a gentleman of large estate, who resided in Hartford county, 
Maryland. After receiving his degree of bachelor of arts at the 
College of Philadelphia in 1759, he studied law, and, when admitted 
to the bar, established himself at Annapolis. In 1771 he was 
elected a representative of the county in the legislature, and sup- 
ported the cause of the people against the proprietary government 
of the province. He was a member of the first national Congress of 
1774. He was successively re-elected to the same station until 1778, 
when he retired, and in the same year, was appointed chief-justice 
of the supreme court of his State. 

In 1780, Congress appointed Mr. Paca chief judge of the court of 
appeals in prize and admiralty cases. In 1782 he was chosen 
governor of his State. At the close of the year he retired to private 
life. In 1786 he was again raised to the chief-magistracy, and con- 
tinued in it for a year. On the organization of the federal govern- 
ment in 1789 he was appointed by President Washington judge of 
the district court of the United States for Maryland. In that office 
he died, in 1799, in the sixtieth year of his age. Judge Paca was 
a man of talent and cultivated mind, of graceful address and at- 
tractive manners, of moral worth and political integrity. 



THOMAS STONE. 



Thomas Stone was descended from William Stone, Governor of 
Maryland during the protectorate of Cromwell. He received a 
thorough and classical education, then studied law, and began the 
practice of his profession in Fredericktown, Maryland. His repu- 
tation for learning and patriotism procured his election to the ge- 
neral Congress of the colonies, and he took his seat in that body in 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 97 

May, 1775. That he faithfully discharged the duties of his position 
is established by the fact of his repeated re-election. Soon after the 
delaration of independence, to which he had subscribed his name, 
he was one of the committee appointed by Congress to prepare arti- 
cles of confederation. After the plan reported was agreed to, Mr. 
Stone declined a re-election, but became a member of the Maryland 
legislature, in which he greatly contributed to procure favour for the 
system adopted. In 1783 he was again sent to Congress. lie then 
finally retired, and engaged actively in the duties of his profession ; 
but in 1787 the death of his wife engendered a deep and abiding 
melancholy. His health declined ; and, on the fifth of October of 
the same year, he suddenly expired, in the forty-fifth year of his 
age, when on the point of embarking for England. 

Mr. Stone possessed an amiable and affectionate disposition, which 
the stern cares of public life could not suppress. He was generally 
beloved and esteemed for his private virtues. His abilities as a 
lawyer were of a high order, and his information was of great ser- 
vice in the first organization of our national government. 



CHARLES CARROLL. 



He who reads the names affixed to the Declaration, will be 
struck with the peculiar addition to the name of Charles Carroll, 
one of the delegates from Maryland. It reads " Charles Carroll of 
Carrollton," and was so written by the patriotic delegate, in order 
to leave no doubt as to which Charles Carroll it was who pledged his 
"life, fortune, and sacred honour" to the cause of independence. 
Mr. Carroll was born at Annapolis, Maryland, on the 20th of Sep- 
tember, 1737. His father was a wealthy gentleman, and a very 
decided Roman Catholic. Charles was sent to France, to obtain a 
thorough education, in accordance with the doctrines and practices 
of the Church of Rome ; and, in 1765, he returned to Maryland, a 
highly accomplished man. He immediately began to take an active 
part in public affairs, and acquired extensive reputation and in- 
fluence. At the commencement of the colonial troubles, Mr. Carroll 
appeared as a decided supporter of the rights of his countrymen. 
His zeal increased as the danger of open conflict became more im- 
minent. In July, 1770 he was elected to a scat in the Continental 

7 



98 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Congress, where he advocated and signed the Declaration of In- 
dependence. 

Mr. Carroll was an active member of Congress. His varied in- 
formation and willingness to make every sacrifice for his country 
caused him to be influential and popular. When a committee was 
appointed to proceed to Canada and endeavour to rouse the Canadians 
to aid the other patriots, he was chosen as a person fitted by talents 
and religion to effect the object. But the committee failed. He 
retired from Congress in 1778, but continued to take an active part 
in public affairs, particularly in the councils of his native State. In 
1789, Mr. Carroll was elected United States Senator, and he served 
in that capacity until 1801, when he retired from public life. From 
that period till his death, he lived in the enjoyment of accumulated 
honours and domestic happiness. This distinguished patriot died on 
the 14th of November, 1832, at the age of ninety-four years. He 
was the last survivor of the signers of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, and in spite of his extreme old age, the news of his death was 
received by his countrymen with many demonstrations of sorrow. 



GEORGE WYTHE. 

The name of Chancellor Wythe stands high in the history of Vir- 
ginia, and his career illustrates the triumph of a great mind over 
mean associations. He was born in the county of Elizabeth City in 
1726. His father was a respectable farmer, and his mother was a 
woman of uncommon knowledge and strength of mind. She taught 
the Latin language, with which she was intimately acquainted, and 
which she spoke fluently, to her son ; but his education was in other 
respects very much neglected. At school he learned only to read 
and write, and to apply the five first rules of arithmetic. His parents 
having died before he attained the age of twenty-one years, like many 
unthinking youths he commenced a career of dissipation and in- 
temperance, and did not disengage himself from it before he reached 
the age of thirty. He then bitterly lamented the loss of those nine 
years of his life, and of the learning which during that period he 
might have acquired. But never did any man more effectually 
redeem his time. From the moment when he resolved on reforma- 
tion, he devoted himself most intensely to his studies. Without the 
assistance of any instructor he acquired an accurate knowledge of 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 99 

the Greek, and he read the hest authors in that as well as in the 
Latin language. He made himself also a profound lawyer, becoming 
perfectly versed in the civil and common law, and in the statutes of 
Great Britain and Virginia. He was also a skilful mathematician, 
and was well acquainted with moral and natural philosophy. The 
wild and thoughtless youth was now converted into a sedate and pru- 
dent man, delighting entirely in literary pursuits. At this period 
he acquired that attachment to the Christian religion, which, though 
his faith was afterward shaken by the diflSculties suggested by skep- 
tical writers, never altogether forsook him, and toward the close of his 
life was renovated and firmly established. Though he never con- 
nected himself with any sect of Christians, yet for many years he 
constantly attended church, and the Bible was his favourite book. 

Having obtained a license to practice law, he took his station at 
the bar of the old general court with many other great men, whose 
merit has been the boast of Virginia. Among them he was con- 
spicuous not for his eloquence, or ingenuity in maintaining a bad 
cause, but for his sound sense and learning, and rigid attachment to 
justice. He never undertook the support of a cause which he knew 
to be bad, or which did not appear to be just and honourable. He 
was even known, Avhen he doubted the statement of his client, to 
insist upon his making an affidavit to its truth ; and in every in- 
stance, where it was in his power, he examined the witnesses as to 
the facts intended to be proved, before he brought the suit or agreed 
to defend it. 

"When the time arrived which Heaven had destined for the separa- 
tion of the confederated republic of America from the dominion of 
Great Britain, Mr. Wythe was one of the instruments in the hands 
of Providence for accomplishing that great work. He took a decided 
part in the very first movements of opposition. Not content merely 
to fall in with the wishes of his fellow-citizens, he assisted in per- 
suading them not to submit to British tyranny. With a prophetic 
mind he looked forward to the event of an approaching war, and 
resolutely prepared to encounter all its evils rather than to resign 
his attachment to liberty. With his pupil and friend, Thomas Jeffer- 
son, he roused the people to resistance. As the controversy grew 
warm, his zeal became proportionally fervent. He joined a corps of 
volunteers, accustomed himself to military discipline, and was ready 
to march at the call of his country. But that country, to whose in- 
terests he was so sincerely attached, had other duties of more im- 
portance for him to perform. It was his destiny to obtain distinc- 
tion as a statesman, legislator, and judge, and not as a warrior. 



100 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Before the war commenced, lie was elected a member of the Virginia 
Assembly. After having been for some time speaker of the house of 
burgesses, he was sent by the members of that body as one of their 
delegates to the Congress which assembled May 18, 1775, and did 
not separate until it had declared the independence of America. In 
that most enlightened and patriotic assembly he possessed no small 
share of influence. He was one of those who signed the memorable 
Declaration. But the voice of his native State soon called him from 
the busy scene where his talents had been so nobly exerted. By a 
resolution of the General Assembly of Virginia, dated November 5, 
1776, Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Pendleton, George Wythe, George 
Mason, and Thomas Ludwell Lee were appointed a committee to 
revise the laws of the commonwealth. This was a work of very great 
labour and diiEculty. The committee of revisors did not disappoint 
the expectations of their country. In the commencement of their 
labours they were deprived of the assistance which might have been 
received from the abilities of Messrs. Mason and Lee, by the death 
of the one and the resignation of the other. The remaining three 
prosecuted their task with indefatigable activity and zeal, and June 
18, 1779, made a report of one hundred and twenty-six bills, which 
they had prepared. This report showed an intimate knowledge of 
the great principles of legislation, and reflected the highest honour 
upon those who formed it. The people of Virginia are indebted to 
it for almost all the best parts of their present code of laws. Among 
the changes then made in the monarchical system of jurisprudence, 
which had been previously in force, the most important were effected 
by the act abolishing the right of primogeniture, and directing the 
real estate of persons dying intestate to be equally divided among 
their children, or other nearest relations ; by the act for regulating 
conveyances, which converted all estates in tail into fees simple, and 
thus destroyed one of the supports of the proud and overbearing dis- 
tinctions of particular families; and finally by the act for the esta- 
blishment of religious freedom. Had all the proposed bills been 
adopted by the legislature, other changes of great importance would 
have taken place. A wise and universal system of education would 
have been established, giving to the children of the poorest citizen 
the opportunity of attaining science, and thus of rising to honour 
and extensive usefulness. The proportion between crimes and punish- 
ments would have been better adjusted, and malefactors would have 
been made to promote the interests of the commonwealth by their 
labour. But the public spirit of the Assembly could not keep pace 
with the liberal views of Wythe. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 101 

After finishing the task of new modelling the laws, he was em- 
ployed to carry them into effect according to their true intent and 
spirit by being placed in the difficult office of judge of a court of 
equity. He was appointed one of the three judges of the high court 
of chancery, and afterward sole chancellor of Virginia, in which 
station he continued until the day of his death, during a period of 
more than twenty years. His extraordinary disinterestedness and 
patriotism were now most conspicuously displayed. Although the 
salary allowed him by the commonwealth was extremely scanty, yet 
he contentedly lived upon it even in the expensive city of Richmond, 
and devoted his whole time to the service of his country. With that 
contempt of wealth which so remarkably distinguished him from 
other men, he made a present of one-half of his land in Elizabeth 
City to his nephew, and the purchase-money of the remainder, which 
he sold, was not paid him for many years. While he resided in 
Williamsburg he accepted the professorship of law in the College of 
William and Mary, but resigned it when his duties as chancellor 
required his removal to Richmond. His resources were therefore 
small; yet with his liberal and charitable disposition he continued 
by means of that little to do much good, and always to preserve his 
independence. This he accomplished by temperance and economy. 

He was a member of the Virginia convention which in June, 1788, 
considered the proposed constitution of the United States. During 
the debates he acted, for the most part, as chairman. Being con- 
vinced that the confederation was defective in the energy necessary 
to preserve the union and liberty of America, this venerable patriot, 
then beginning to bow under the weight of years, rose in the con- 
vention, and exerted his voice, almost too feeble to be heard, in con- 
tending for a system, on the acceptance of which he conceived the 
happiness of his country to depend. He was ever attached to the 
constitution, on account of the principles of freedom and justice 
which it contained; and in every change of affairs he was steady in 
supporting the rights of man. His political opinions were always 
firmly republican. Though in 1798 and 1799 he was opposed to the 
measures which were adopted in the administration of President 
Adams, and reprobated the alien and sedition laws a-ud the raising 
of the army, yet he never yielded a moment to the rancour of party 
spirit, nor permitted the difference of opinion to interfere with his 
private friendships. He presided twice successively in the college 
of electors of Virginia, and twice voted for a president whose po- 
litical principles coincided with his own. After a short but very 
excruciating sickness, he died June 8, 1806, in the eighty-first year 



102 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

of his age. It was supposed that he was poisoned, but the person 
suspected was acquitted by a jury of his countrymen. By his last 
will and testament he bequeathed his valuable library and philosophi- 
cal apparatus to his friend, Mr. Jefferson, and distributed the re- 
mainder of his little property among the grand-children of his sister, 
and the slaves whom he had set free. He thus wished to liberate the 
blacks not only from slavery, but from the temptations to vice. He 
even condescended to impart to them instruction; and he personally 
taught the Greek language to a little negro boy, who died a few days 
before his preceptor. 

Chancellor Wythe was indeed an extraordinary man. With all 
his great qualities he possessed a soul replete with benevolence, and 
his private life is full of anecdotes which prove that it is seldom 
that a kinder and warmer heart throbs in the breast of a human 
being. He was of a social and affectionate disposition. From the 
time when he was emancipated from the follies of youth, he sustained 
an unspotted reputation. His integrity was never even suspected. 
While he practised at the bar, when offers of an extraordinary but 
well-merited compensation were made to him by clients whose causes 
he had gained, he would say that the labourer was indeed worthy of 
his hire, but the lawful fee was all he had a right to demand, and as 
to presents, he did not want and would not accept them from any 
man. This grandeur of mind he uniformly preserved to the end of 
his life. His manner of living was plain and abstemious. He found 
the means of suppressing the desire of wealth by limiting the number 
of his wants. An ardent desire to promote the happiness of his 
fellow-men by supporting the cause of justice and maintaining and 
establishing their rights appears to have been his ruling passion. 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. 



Richard Henry Lee, the bold mover of the Declaration, was 
born at Stratford, Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 20th of 
January, 1732. After a course of tuition in his father's house, he 
was sent to the academy of Wakefield, in Yorkshire, England. He 
there became distinguished for his classic acquirements. 

He returned to his native country when about in his nineteenth 
year, and, his fortune rendering it unnecessary for him to devote 
himself to any profession, his time was most usefully spent in the 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 103 

improvement of his mind. The first endeavour which he made to 
serve his country, was in the capacity of captain of the volunteer 
companies which were raised in 1755, for the purpose of aiding the 
expedition under General Braddock. He was disappointed, how- 
ever, in his patriotic desires, Braddock having refused to accept any 
more assistance from the provincials than he was obliged to. 

In his twenty-fifth year, Lee was appointed a justice of the peace 
for his native county — an office then given only to persons of the 
highest character, and generally but to persons of considerable ex- 
perience. Not long afterward, he was chosen a delegate to the 
house of burgesses, from Westmoreland county, and thus commenced 
the career of politics, for which he was peculiarly fitted, both by his 
natural disposition and talents, and the studies in which he was 
versed. Works of civil and political morality, history, the prifici- 
ples of the civil law, and the laws of his own country, had occupied 
the principal share of his time, while he had not neglected the more 
elegant departments of polite literature; and he soon obtained dis- 
tinction in debate. His voice was always raised in support of those 
principles which were advocated by the republican or anti-aristocratic 
portion of the legislature; and when, in 1764, the declaratory act 
was passed in the British Parliament, in pursuance of the right 
claimed by that body of taxing America, he was the first to bring 
forward the subject to the notice of the Assembly of which he was a 
member. A special committee having, in consequence, been ap- 
pointed to draught an address to the king, a memorial to the House 
of Lords, and a remonstrance to the House of Commons, Mr. Lee was 
placed on it, and selected to prepare the two first papers. Tliese, 
accordingly, proceeded from his pen, and, in the words of his biogra- 
pher and grandson, "contain the genuine principles of the Revolution, 
and abound in the firm and eloquent sentiments of freemen." 

In 1765, Patrick Henry introduced in the Virginia legislature 
his famous resolutions against the stamp act, which had just been 
passed by the British Parliament. Mr. Lee lent Mr. Henry's mo- 
tion his powerful and most zealous assistance. Not long after it 
had been carried, in spite of the efforts of the influential party, who 
advocated the measures of the mother country, Mr. Lee, among other 
methods which he took to prevent the operations of the stamp act, 
planned and effected an association "for the purpose of deterring all 
persons from accepting the office of vender of stamp paper, and for 
awing into silence and inactivity those who might still be attached 
to the supremacy of the mother country, and disposed to advocate 
the right of colony taxation." The association bound themselves to 



104 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

exert every faculty to accomplish the end for which they had united 
together, "at every hazard, and paying no regard to danger or to 
death." In consequence of the opposition the stamp act encountered 
in the colonies, the British ministry were forced to repeal it; but 
they did so with a reservation of the right of the mother country 
"to bind the colonies in all cases whatever." 

In 1767, Parliament having passed two acts, one laying a tax on 
tea, and the other requiring the legislature of the colony "to make 
provision for quartering a part of the regular army," Mr. Lee exerted 
himself in every way to excite a spirit of hostility to them, perceiving, 
as he did, their despotic tendency, and feeling, even then, that a 
struggle for freedom must eventually take place. It would be im- 
possible for us, consistently with our limits, to enter into a minute 
detail of the unceasing efforts of Mr. Lee's patriotism between this 
period and the assembling of the first Congress in Philadelphia; we 
can only mention that the celebrated plan which was adopted in 
1773, by the house of burgesses, for the formation of corresponding 
committees to be organized by the legislature of the several colonies, 
and also that of corresponding clubs or societies, among the "lovers 
of liberty" throughout the provinces, for the purpose of diffusing 
among the people a correct knowledge of their rights, of keeping 
them informed of every attempt to infringe them, and of rousing a 
spirit of resistance to arbitrary measures — both originated with him. 
The same idea had, about the same time, been conceived and pro- 
posed by Samuel Adams, in Massachusetts — a circumstance which 
has occasioned a dispute concerning the merit of having given birth 
to measures which were the forerunners of the general Congress. 

In 1774, the first general Congress assembled at Philadelphia, and 
Mr. Lee attended it as one of the Virginia delegation. His labours 
during this session, as throughout his whole congressional career, 
until his zeal and activity were partially arrested by bodily infirmi- 
ties, were unremitting. Of all the leading committees — those to 
prepare an address to the King of England, to the people of Britain, 
and to the colonies, and those to state the rights and grievances of 
the colonies, and to carry into effect the resolution of non-intercourse 
with Great Britain — he was a member ; and from his pen proceeded 
the memorial of Congress to the people of British America. In the 
following year, he was unanimously elected by the people of West- 
moreland county to the Assembly of Virginia, by which he was sent 
to the second Congress. At this period, hostilities were in full 
operation between the two countries, and one of the first acts of the 
new Congress was to invest George Washington with the command 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 105 

of its armies. His commission and instructions were furnished by 
Mr. Lee, as chairman of the committee appointed for that purpose. 
The other committees on which he served in this session were those 
named to prepare munitions of war, to encourage the manufacture 
of saltpetre and arms, and to devise a plan for the more rapid dif- 
fusion of intelligence throughout the colonies. The second address 
of Congress to the people of Great Britain — a composition unsur- 
passed by any of the state papers of the time — was written by him 
this session. But the most important of his services, in this second 
congressional term, was his motion, June 7, 1776, « that these United 
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; 
that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British croAvn ; and 
that all political connection between them and the state of Great 
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." His speech on intro- 
ducing this bold and glorious measure, was one of the most brilliant 
displays of eloquence ever heard on the floor. 

From this great effort we make the following extract to illustrate 
the style of Mr. Lee : — 

'< Who doubts then that a declaration of independence will procure 
us allies ? All nations are desirous of procuring by commerce the 
production of our exuberant soil ; they will visit our ports, hitherto 
closed by the monopoly of insatiable England. They are no less 
eager to contemplate the reduction of her hated power; they all 
loathe her barbarous dominion; their succours will evince to our 
brave countrymen the gratitude they bear them for having been the 
first to shake the foundation of this Colossus. Foreign princes wait 
only for the extinction of all hazard of reconciliation to throw off 
their present reserve. If this measure is useful, it is no less becom- 
ing our dignity. America has arrived at a degree of power which 
assigns her a place among independent nations. We are not less 
entitled to it than the English themselves. If they have wealth, so 
have we ; if they are brave, so are we ; if they are more numerous, 
our population, through the incredible fruitfulness of our chaste 
wives, will soon equal theirs ; if they have men of renown, as well in 
peace as in war, we likewise have such; for political revolutions 
usually produce great, brave, and generous spirits. From what we 
have already achieved in these painful beginnings, it is easy to pre- 
sume what we shall hereafter accomplish, for experience is the source 
of sage counsels, and liberty is the mother of great men. Have you 
not seen the enemy driven from Lexington, by thirty thousand citi- 
zens armed and assembled in one day? Already their most cele- 
brated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of ours ; already 



106 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the ocean, 
•where they are the sport of the tempest and the prey of famine. 
Let us hail the favourable omen, and fight, not for the sake of know- 
ing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure 
to ourselves a free existence, to found a just and independent govern- 
ment. Animated by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innumerable 
army of Persians ; sustained by the love of independence, the Swiss 
and the Dutch humbled the power of Austria by memorable defeats, 
and conquered a rank among nations. But the sun of America also 
shines upon the heads of the brave; the point of our weapons is no 
less formidable than theirs; here also the same union prevails, the 
same contempt of danger and of death in asserting the cause of our 
country. 

"Why then do we longer delay; why still deliberate? Let this 
most happy day give hirtlb to the American Republic. Let her arise, 
not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace 
and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ! she de- 
mands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the 
felicity of the citizens, with the ever-increasing tyranny which deso- 
lates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum 
where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted, repose. She 
entreats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant, 
which first sprang up and grew in England, but is now withered by 
the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, 
sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade all the un- 
fortunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many 
omens, by our first victories, by the present ardour and union, by 
the flight of Howe and the pestilence which broke out among Dun- 
more's people, by the very winds which bafiled the enemy's fleets and 
transports, and that terrible tempest which engulfed seven hundred 
vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we are not this day 
wanting in our duty to the country, the names of the American 
legislators will be exalted, in the eyes of posterity, to a level with 
those of Theseus, Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three 
Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and 
will be for ever dear to virtuous men and good citizens." 

After a protracted debate, it was determined, June 10, to post- 
pone the consideration of this resolution until the first Monday of 
the ensuing month of July ; but a committee was ordered to be im- 
mediately appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. Of 
this committee he would have been the chairman, according to par- 
liamentary regulations with regard to the original mover of an 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 107 

approved resolution; but he was obliged on the same day (the 10th) 
to leave Congress, and hasten to Virginia, in consequence of the 
dangerous illness of some of the members of his family. Mr. Jeffer- 
son was substituted for him, and drew up the Declaration. In August 
following, Mr. Lee returned to his seat in Congress, which he con- 
tinued to occupy until June, 1777, pursuing, with unabated ardour, the 
path which was to lead to the freedom and happiness of his country. 
In that month he solicited leave of absence, and returned to Vir- 
ginia. This step was taken on account of the delicate state of his 
health, and also for the purpose of clearing his reputation from 
certain stains which malice or overheated zeal had thrown upon it, 
which he effectually did, by demanding an inquiry into the allega- 
tions against him, from the Assembly of his native State. The result 
of this inquiry was a most honourable acquittal, accompanied by a 
vote of thanks to him for the fidelity and zeal of his patriotic ser- 
vices, which the speaker of the house, the venerable George Wythe, 
in communicating it to him, prefaced by a warm and flattering eulogy. 
In August, 1778, he was again elected to Congress, but was forced 
by his declining health to withdraw in a great degree from the 
arduous labours to which he had hitherto devoted himself. In 1780 
he retired from his seat, and declined returning to it until 1784. In 
the interval he served in the Assembly of Virginia, and, at the head 
of the militia of his county, protected it from the incursions of the 
enemy. In 1784 he was chosen president of Congress by a unani- 
mous vote, but retired at the end of the year; and, in 1786, was re- 
elected to the Virginia Assembly. In the convention which adopted 
the present constitution of the United States, Mr. Lee joined in the 
vote of Congress which submitted the plan they proposed to con- 
ventions of the people of the States. He was, however, hostile to it 
himself, thinking that it had too great a tendency to consolidation. 
When it was adopted, he and Mr. Grayson were chosen the first 
senators from Virginia under it, and, in that capacity, he moved and 
carried several amendments. In 1792 his health forced him to 
retire from public life, when he was again honoured by the Virginia 
legislature with a vote of thanks. He died June 19, 1794. 

The classic pen of William Wirt has thus delineated the character 
of Mr. Lee : — 

"Mr. Lee had studied the classics in the true spirit of criticism. 
His taste had that delicate touch which seized with intuitive cer- 
tainty every beauty of an author, and his genius that native affinity 
which combined them without an effort. Into every walk of litera- 
ture and science, he had carried this mind of exquisite selection, 



108 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

and brought it back to the business of life, crowned with every 
light of learning, and decked with every wreath that all the muses 
and all the graces could entwine. Nor did those light decorations 
constitute the whole value of its freight. He possessed a rich store 
of historical and political knowledge, with an activity of observation, 
and a certainty of judgment, that turned that knowledge to the very 
best account. He was not a lawyer by profession; but he under- 
stood thoroughly the constitution both of the mother country and of 
her colonies ; and the elements also of the civil and municipal law. 
Thus while his eloquence was free from those stiff and technical 
restraints, which the habits of forensic speaking are so apt to gene- 
rate, he had all the legal learning which is necessary to a statesman. 
He reasoned well, and declaimed freely and splendidly. Such was 
his promptitude, that he required no preparation for debate. He 
was ready for any subject as soon as it was announced; and his 
speech was so copious, so rich, so mellifluous, set off with such 
cadence of voice, and such captivating grace of action, that, while 
you listened to him, you desired to hear nothing superior, and, indeed, 
thought him perfect." 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

The date of the birth of Benjamin Harrison is not accurately 
known. He was a student in the College of William and Mary, when 
his father and two sisters were simultaneously killed by a stroke of 
lightning. He went early into public life, (in which his ancestors 
had long been distinguished,) commencing his political career in 
1764, as a member of the legislature of his native province. The 
eminence which he acquired in that capacity, combined with the in- 
fluence naturally accruing from fortune and distinguished family 
connections, rendered it an object for the royal government to enlist 
him in their favour ; and he was accordingly offered a seat in the 
executive council of Virginia — a station analogous to that of a privy- 
counsellor in England. This was a tempting bait to an ambitious 
young man ; but as, even at that time, the measures of the British 
ministry indicated an oppressive spirit, he refused the proffered 
dignity, and always exerted his influence for the benefit of the people. 

When the time came for active resistance to the arbitrary acts of 
the government, Mr. Harrison was not found backward. In the first 



OF TliE D]'rLARATION OF INDEPENDExXCE. IQg 

general Congress of 1774, he was a delegate, and consecrated his 
name, by aflixing it to that Declaration which can never be forgotten 
as long as liberty is Avorshipped. It is related concerning him, that, 
while signing the instrument, he happened to stand near Mr. Gerry 
of Massachusetts, who was of a slender and spare form, while he was 
very corpulent; and, turning to him, after laying down the pen, he 
said, in a facetious way, "When the time of hanging comes, I shall 
have the advantage over you. It will be over with me in a minute, 
but you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." 
Mr. Harrison was particularly useful as chairman of the board of 
war. After his resignation of his seat, in 1777, he was elected to 
the house of burgesses of Virginia, of which he was immediately 
chosen speaker. This situation he occupied until the year 1782, 
when he was made chief-magistrate of the state, and was twice re- 
elected. In 1785, he retired into private life, but, in 1788, became 
a member of the convention of Virginia that ratified the present con- 
stitution of the United States. Of the first committee appointed by 
this body, that of privileges and elections, he was chosen chairman ; 
but his age and infirmities prevented him from taking an active part 
in the debates. He, however, advocated the adoption of the con- 
stitution, with certain amendments. He died of the gout in 1791. 

Patriotism was the virtue that threw a lustre upon the life of Ben- 
jamin Harrison ; his love of country never quailed in the hour of 
gloom, or hesitated at any sacrifice. But energy, decision, and sound 
judgment were also remarkable features in his character. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



A BIOGRAPHY of the illustrious author of the Declaration will be 
found among those of the Presidents of the United States. 



THOMAS NELSON, JuN. 



Thomas Nelson, Jun., was descended from one of the most 
respectable families among the early settlers of Virginia, and was 
born at York, December 2G, 1738. 

When in his fifteenth year, according to the prevailing fashion 



110 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

among gentlemen of affluence at the South, he was sent to England 
to receive his education. His first appearance in public life was in 
1774, as a member of the house of burgesses. He was a member 
of the conventions of 1774 and 1775 ; and evinced such a boldness 
and promptitude in opposing British aggression, as to alarm some of 
his personal friends, particularly when he proposed the organization 
of a military force among the colonists. In the military organization 
of Virginia he was appointed to the command of a regiment. In 
September, 1775, he first took his seat in the general Congress, to 
which he was reappointed the following year. In the summer of 
1777, ill health compelled him to resign his seat and return to 
Virginia. The State was at that time threatened with invasion, and 
Mr. Nelson was appointed brigadier-general and commander-in-chief 
of all its military forces. His popularity was unbounded, and his 
appointment gave universal satisfaction. About this time a motion 
was made to sequester the debts due in this State to English mer- 
chants. His inflexible and zealous opposition to the proposition in 
the legislature redounded to his honour, and evinced the lofty inte- 
grity of his character. At this period the American cause was threaten- 
ed with annihilation, and Congress made an appeal to the patriotism 
of the young men of property and standing. When the appeal was pub- 
lished, General Nelson embarked in the cause with his characteristic 
ardour. He published an animating address, and succeeded in enlist- 
ing about seventy young Virginians in a volunteer corps, and fur- 
nished a number of them with the means of defraying their expenses, 
from his own purse. At the head of this Spartan band he marched 
to the North ; but a change of circumstances occurring, their services 
were not required. In this enterprise General Nelson expended large 
sums of money, which were never repaid. 

Early in 1779, he was again a short time in Congress, but ill 
health again compelled him to return to Virginia. In 1780, when 
the State undertook to borrow two millions of dollars for the aid of 
Congress, General Nelson opened a subscription. Calling on several 
friends, they declared that they would not lend him a shilling on the 
security of the commonwealth, but they would lend him all they 
could possibly raise ; upon which he added his own personal security 
to that of the State, and succeeded in raising a large proportion of 
the sum required. By this and similar patriotic exertions, he suffered 
severe pecuniary losses, but never relaxed his exertions. He had at 
the beginning anticipated sufferings and sacrifices in effecting the 
independence of his country, and prepared his mind to meet and 
sustain them. In 1781, when the storm of war burst upon Virginia, 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. HI 

General Nelson was actively employed in eiFecting plans to oppose 
the enemy ; and, succeeding Mr. Jeiferson as governor, he was com- 
pelled to unite in himself the two offices of governor and commander 
of the military forces. By great exertions Governor Nelson kept 
his forces together until the capture of Cornwallis. To do this, he 
exerted his personal influence, his official authority, and his private 
fortune, to the utmost extent. After the surrender, Washington, in 
his account of it, made a very honourable acknowledgment of the 
valuable services of Governor Nelson, and the militia under his 
command, during the siege, in securing its important issue. 

In a month after, ill health compelled Governor Nelson to retire 
again to private life, where malice and envy preferred base accu- 
sations against him for mal-administration of his office. But he was 
most honourably exculpated by the legislature. He never again 
entered public life. His time was passed in retirement at his plan- 
tation in Hanover, and at York. His health gradually declining, he 
died in Hanover, January 4th, 1789, aged fifty years. 

Firmness and energy were the conspicuous traits of Governor 
Nelson. His abilities were moderate, but they were entirely devoted 
to noble purposes. 



FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 

This signer of the Declaration was one of the least prominent 
members of the great Continental Congress, and no one has thought 
proper to preserve the leading events of his life from oblivion. He 
was born in Westmoreland county, Virginia, in October 14, 1734. 
His education was directed by a private tutor, and he inherited a 
large estate. In 1765, he was chosen a member of the house of bur- 
gesses, and he continued in that body until 1775, when his reputation 
for earnest patriotism procured him an election to the Continental 
Congress. He remained in that body until 1779, having the glorious 
opportunity of affixing his name to the Declaration of Independence, 
of which he was a firm supporter, and serving faithfully upon a num- 
ber of important committees. In 1779 he was elected to the legis- 
lature of Virginia. He died in Richmond, in 1797, generally 
lamented as a true gentleman and a warm patriot. 



112 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 



CAETER BRAXTON. 

Carter Braxton was born at Newington, King and Queen 
county, Virginia, September 10, 1736. His father was a wealthy 
planter, and his mother a daughter of Robert Carter, at one time 
president of the council of the colony. Mr. Braxton, having gradu- 
ated at William and Mary at the age of nineteen, married Miss 
Judith Robinson, an accomplished lady, and daughter of a wealthy 
planter of Middlesex. His style of living was according to the gene- 
ral mode of Southern hospitality of that day, and subjected him to 
great expense. 

As early as 1765, he was a member of the house of burgesses 
when Patrick Henry's celebrated resolutions were passed. In 1769, 
when Governor Botetourt, in consequence of the bold and spirited 
measures introduced, suddenly dissolved the Assembly, Mr. Braxton 
was one of the members who retired to a private room and signed a 
written non-importation agreement. In the next house, he was on 
three of the standing committees. He was elected a member from 
King William to the first Virginia convention, in 1774. At the 
period of the disturbance caused by the removal of the gunpowder 
from the magazine at Williamsburg by Lord Dunmore, Mr. Braxton 
was essentially instrumental in effecting a settlement on the part of 
his lordship which pacified the excited populace. He was a very 
active and useful member of the last house of bui'gesses ever con- 
vened in Virginia by royal authority, and was employed upon the 
committees of the House to whom were referred the subjects of dis- 
pute between his lordship and the legislature. Mr. Braxton was a 
member of the convention chosen by the people which met in Rich- 
mond in July, 1775, and was placed upon the committee of public 
safety. In December of the same year, he was appointed the suc- 
cessor of Peyton Randolph in Congress, that gentleman having died 
a short time previous. He was omitted in the election of members 
to Congress subsequent upon the Declaration of Independence. But 
on a meeting of the General Assembly, the first under the new con- 
stitution, of which he was a member, he, with Mr. Jefferson, received 
a vote of thanks from the Assembly, " for the eloquence, ability, and 
integrity with which they executed the important trust reposed in 
them, as two of the delegates of the county of King William in the 
general Congress." He was a member of Congress from 1777 to 
1783, and in 1785. From 1786 to 1791 he was a member of the 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 113 

council of the State, and from 1794 until the day of his death, Octo- 
ber 6, 1697. Mr. Braxton's services, it will be seen, were highly 
important. The confidence and attachment of his constituents were 
unequivocally manifested in every vicissitude of circumstance, some 
of which were of the most afflictive kind, even to the close of his 
life. 



WILLIAM HOOPER 



Was born in Boston, June 17, 1742, and was the son of a clergy- 
man who had emigrated to that city from Scotland. After graduat- 
ing, in 1760, at Harvard College, he commenced the study of the 
law in the office of James Otis, and, on being admitted to the bar, 
removed to North Carolina, where he soon acquired an extensive 
practice. In 1773, he was chosen a representative in the provincial 
legislature, from the town of Wilmington, in which he had fixed his 
residence, and signalized himself by his opposition to an arbitrary 
measure of the government. He also wrote several essays, under 
the signature of Hampden, against the same measure. 

In 1774, Mr. Hooper was named a delegate to the general Con- 
gress about to meet at Philadelphia. In that body he fully main- 
tained his previous reputation. He was the chairman of the com- 
mittee appointed to report an address to the inhabitants of Jamaica, 
the draught of which was his work. Shortly after signing the Decla- 
ration of Independence, Mr. Hooper was obliged to resign his seat, 
in consequence of the embarrassed state into which his private affairs 
had fallen while he was occupied with his public duties. 

He was permitted to live to see the triumph of the cause of 
independence, and the organization of the federal government, but 
was called away from earth in the height of his fame, and the per- 
fection of his powers. He died in October, 1790, aged forty-eight 
years. Mr. Hooper was a fervent orator, a learned lawyer, and a 
forcible writer. 



JOSEPH HEWES. 



Joseph Hewes was born at Kingston, New Jersey, in 1730. His 
parents were in good circumstances, and they gave him a thorough 
education. After graduating at Princeton College, however, he pre- 



114 BioGrxAriiiEs op the signers 

pared for a mercantile life. Having capital and enterprise, Mr. 
Hewes was successful in the pursuits of trade. At the age of thirty 
he removed to Wilmington, North Carolina, where he soon accumu- 
lated a fortune, and acquired popularity. He was elected a member 
of the colonial Assembly for several years, was an active and influ- 
ential legislator, and a decided supporter of the rights of the 
colonists. 

Mr. Hewes was elected a member of the first Continental Con- 
gress, which met in 1774, and he continued in that body until 1779, 
his repeated re-election proving that his services were considered 
faithful and meritorious. In 1779 sickness compelled him to retire 
from his seat in Congress, and on the 10th of November, of that 
year, he died, in the fiftieth year of his age. Mr. Hewes was not a 
conspicuous member of Congress. His mind was of a practical 
mould, and better fitted for attention to the details of business, than 
for brilliant action in a legislative body. But he was a firm patriot, 
and a man of strong, cool judgment. 



JOHN PENN. 



John Penn was another of the signers having the merit of being 
a self-made man. He was born in Carolina county, Virginia, on the 
17th of May, 1741. He enjoyed no advantages of early education. 
But a strong, inquisitive mind, combined with a persevering will, 
overcame all obstacles. Having contrived to obtain an extensive 
knowledge of books, he began the study of the law, under the direc- 
tion of the celebrated Edmund Pendleton, one of the ablest lawyers 
and orators of his day. Mr. Penn was admitted to the bar, and 
'Commenced the practice of his profession in 1762. His ability and 
learning soon raised him to a high position. In 1774, Mr. Penn 
removed to North Carolina. He had already avowed himself a 
decided Whig, and such was the general confidence in his patriotism 
and talents, that he was elected, in 1775, to a seat in the Continental 
Congress. In that body, he was an active member, giving the most 
untiring energy to the working committees, and advocating with zeal 
and eloquence decisive measures. He continued in Congress until 
1779, when he returned to North Carolina. But he did not retire 
altogether from public life until the close of the war. 

This able and energetic patriot was not destined to survive the 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 115 

maturity of his powers. He died in September, 1788, at the age of 
forty-six years, leaving behind him the reputation of a great lawyer, 
an accomplished statesman, and an inflexible patriot. 



EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 

The brothers John and Edward Rutledge were the leading states- 
men and orators of South Carolina, during the war of independence. 
John Rutledge, president of the State, was a bold, decisive, com- 
manding patriot, with an eloquence as vehement and irresistible as a 
hurricane — a man of the same class as Henry Otis and John Adams. 
His brother, Edward Rutledge, was a difierent character, but equally 
eminent of his kind. 

Edward Rutledge was born in the city of Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, in the month of November, 1749. He received a classical 
education, and at an early period commenced the study of the law 
with his elder brother. In 1769 he was sent to England to com- 
plete his legal education, and was entered as a student at the Temple. 
In 1773, he returned home, and commenced the practice of law in 
his native State. He rose rapidly to professional eminence ; and as 
an exalted proof of the general esteem in which he was held, he was 
elected a delegate to Congress, which met at Philadelphia, in 1774. 
On his return home, he received the thanks of the Provincial Con- 
gress, and was again appointed a member of the next Congress. 
Owing to the secrecy which was observed by this august body, it is 
impossible to say what part he acted, but it is well known that he 
was an active and efficient member. 

In the Congress of 1776, he took an active part in the discussions 
which preceded the declaration of independence. He is said to 
have proposed some alterations to the original report of this cele- 
brated declaration, to which he afterward affixed his name. He 
was again chosen to Congress in 1779, but sickness prevented his 
attending its sessions. 

At the close of the war he returned to the practice of his profes- 
sion, but he devoted the greater part of seventeen years in the service 
of his country, and in the state legislature. 

In 1798, Mr. Rutledge retired from the profession of the law, and 
was elected governor of the State ; but he lived to complete only 
li:ilf the term for which he had been appointed. He bore his last 
illness with great fortitude, and expired January 23, 1800. 



116 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

Mr. Rutledge possessed eminent virtues both as a public and pri- 
vate character. His manners were the most aifable, his temper 
amiable, and his disposition benevolent. His person was above the 
middle size ; his complexion was florid and fair, and with an unusual 
animation of countenance. As an orator he was not so impetuous 
and commanding as his brother John Rutledge, but possessed more 
of the Ciceronian style. There was a suavity in his manner, and 
conciliating attraction in his arguments, that had frequently the 
effect of subduing the prejudices of the unfriendly, and which never 
failed to increase the ardour and inflexibility of steady friends. The 
eloquence of John Rutledge was as a rapid torrent ; that of Edward 
as a gentle and smoothly gliding stream ; the first hurried you 
forward to the point it aimed at, with powerful impetuosity ; the 
last conducted to it, with fascinations that made every progressive 
step appear enchanting. 



THOMAS HEYWARD, Jun. 

Thomas Heyward, Jr., was one of the signers of the " Declara- 
tion" who supported the cause of his country in the field as well as 
in council. He was born in South Carolina, in 1746. His father, 
who was a wealthy planter, gave him a classical education. He 
then commenced the study of the law with Mr. Parsons, a celebrated 
lawyer, and after the usual term of study, was sent to England, as 
was the custom, to complete his legal education. After completing 
his studies in the Middle Temple, Mr. Heyward spent several years 
in travel, on the continent of Europe. On his return home, in 1778, 
he soon became a favourite with the people. He was elected a 
member of the Assembly, and shortly afterward a member of the 
Council of Safety, an ofiice bestowed only on the fearless and pru- 
dent. His fidelity and patriotism in these trusts recommended him 
to higher honours, and in 1775 he was elected to Congress, to fill the 
vacancy occasioned by the resignation of John Rutledge. 

Mr. Heyward arrived in Philadelphia in time to attend upon the 
discussion of the Declaration of Independence ; and found himself 
in that assembly of sages whose sagacity and intrepidity had 
reminded a Chatham of the fathers of ancient Rome. In 1778, Mr. 
Heyward was elected a judge of the civil and criminal courts of his 
State. 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 117 

On the invasion of the Southern States, Mr. Ilcyward bore arms 
in defence of his country, and distinguished himself by daring and 
fortitude in action. At the siege of Charleston, he commanded a 
battahon of troops. When General Lincoln was compelled to sur- 
render, Mr. Hey ward fell into the hands of the British ; and as he 
was particularly obnoxious on account of his zeal and activity as a 
patriot, he was sent, with a number of other distinguished patriots, to 
St. Augustine, where the prisoners were inhumanly treated. 

Mr. Hey ward was not released until the cessation of hostilities, 
when he went to Philadelphia. On his return to South Carolina, he 
resumed the labours of the judicial bench, and served in that position 
until 1788. In 1790 he was appointed a member of the convention 
for framing a State constitution, but continued care and anxiety 
had brought on bodily infirmities, and in 1791, Judge Heyward 
retired to private life. He survived, however, until March, 1809, 
and, before yielding his spirit to the God who gave it, had the satis- 
faction of beholding his country happy and prosperous. 

Mr. Heyward was honest, energetic, and intelligent in the dis- 
charge of his public duties. He was a conscientious and indomitable 
supporter of the cause of independence, and to procure his country's 
triumph was willing to sacrifice estate, reputation, or his very life. 



THOMAS LYNCH, Jux>i. 

Thomas Lynch was the son of one of the wealthiest planters of 
South Carolina. He was born in that State, August 5th, 1749. 
The father superintended the early education of the son, and, in his 
thirteenth year sent him to England to continue his scholastic 
studies. On the arrival of young Lynch in that country, he was 
placed at Eton school, preparatory to entering Cambridge University 
as a gentleman commoner. At the latter institution he took his de- 
grees ; and, in 1772, after an absence of eight or nine years, he 
returned to his native State. 

Few men had ever returned to America more accomplished in the 
most valuable sense of the term. With ample stores of knowledge, 
won from the solid parts of human learning, embellished by the 
graces of polite literature, possessing easy and insinuating manners, 
combined with a powerful and fascinating elocution, he was enabled 
at once to impress that community, in which he was destined to spend 



118 BIOGRAPPIIES OF TilE SIGNERS 

his short life, with a decided conviction of his great fitness for 
public confidence and distinction. 

Shortly after his arrival, Mr. Lynch made his debut as a public 
speaker at one of the town meetings at Charleston, for the purpose 
of taking into consideration some of the accumulated injuries inflicted 
by the mother country upon the colonies; and in 1775 was elected 
to represent his State in Congress, in the place of his father, who 
was obliged to resign on account of his extreme ill health. 

On his arrival at Philadelphia, he took his seat in the Congress of 
1776. Here he succeeded in fixing a just impression of his exalted 
character, superior intellect, and persuasive eloquence. He had not 
been, however, long in Congress before his health began to decline 
with the most alarming rapidity. He was, however, enabled to give 
his full sanction to those measures which were tending, with irre- 
sistible efficacy, to the Declaration of Independence. One of the 
last acts of his political life was to affix his signature to that import- 
ant instrument. 

During the early part of the services of Mr. Lynch in Congress, 
his father remained in Philadelphia. He had experienced a tem- 
porary alleviation from his bodily sufferings ; and his physicians 
advised him to travel. He lived only to reach Annapolis, where he 
expired in the arms of his son, in the autumn of 1766. 

The afflicted survivor, after this distressing event, at the request of 
his physician, prepared to take a voyage to the South of France. He 
accordingly, in the year 1779, sailed in a ship commanded by Captain 
Morgan, accompanied by his amiable lady, whose conjugal devotion 
increased with the declining health of her husband. In this voyage, 
they terminated their mortal career. The circumstances of their 
fate are vailed in impenetrable obscurity. But it is supposed that 
the ship foundered at sea. 

By the untimely death of Mr. Lynch, the young republic lost a 
statesman and orator of the highest promise, and South Carolina, 
one of the noblest of her representatives. 



ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 

The ancestors of Arthur Middleton were of the highest respecta- 
bility. His grandfather was a man of great influence in the colony 
of South Carolina, and his father, Henry Middleton, was one of the 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 119 

presidents of the first Continental Congress. The subject of this 
memoir was born in 1743, on the banks of the Ashly river, South 
Carolina. At an early age he was sent to England to obtain a 
thorough education. He was first placed at the well-known school 
of Ilarrow-on-the-IIill, whence, at the age of fourteen, he was trans- 
ferred to that of Westminster. In both he made great proficiency 
in the Greek and Latin classics. Having passed regularly through 
Westminster school, he was entered, between the age of eighteen and 
nineteen, in Trinity College, Cambridge. He left this institution in 
his twenty-second year, with the reputation of a sound scholar and 
moral man. After visiting many parts of England, he passed two 
years in making the tour of Europe. In 1773, he fixed his residence 
at his birthplace. In the following year he engaged warmly on the 
side of the colonies, in the disputes between them and the mother 
country. 

As a member of the first council of safety chosen by the Provincial 
Congress of South Carolina, Mr. Middleton advocated and suggested 
the most vigorous and decisive measures. After serving on the com- 
mittee to prepare and report a constitution for South Carolina, he 
was elected by the Assembly one of the representatives of the State 
in the Congress of the United States, then convened at Philadelphia. 
In this capacity he signed the Declaration of Independence. He 
and Hancock formed a joint domestic establishment, and exercised a 
munificent hospitality, which was deemed salutary in uniting socially 
the members from the two extremities of the Union. Mr. Middle- 
ton held his seat until 1777, always strenuous in the cause of inde- 
pendence. The post of Governor of South Carolina was off'ered to 
him in 1778, but he declined it because he could not approve the 
new constitution which was that year framed for the State. 

In 1779, Mr. Middleton distinguished himself in the defence of 
Charleston against the British, who afterward ravaged his plantation 
and rifled his mansion. In the following year he became their prisoner, 
(in November, 1780,) was sent to St. Augustine, and, in 1781, was 
included in a general exchange of prisoners, and sailed for Philadel- 
phia. Soon after his arrival in that city, he was appointed by the 
Governor of South Carolina a representative in Congress. In 1782, 
the General Assembly of the State elected him to the same station. 
When the revolutionary contest terminated, Mr. Middleton returned 
to his native State. He afterward served in the legislature of South 
Carolina, for the purpose of efiecting a reconciliation of parties. The 
remainder of his life was spent in elegant and philosophical ease. 
Mr. Middleton incurred an immense loss of property by his course 



120 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

(luring the Revolution. In November, 1786, lie was seized with an 
intermittent fever, which caused his death January 1, 1787. 

Without possessing the highest order of talent, Mr. Middleton 
was an able and accomplished statesman, a firm and decisive patriot, 
and an enlightened philanthropist. In all the public offices with 
which he was honoured, he was a faithful servant. In pi'ivate life, 
he was the personification of social virtue. 



BUTTON GWINNETT. 



Button Gwinnett perilled all he possessed for an adopted country. 
He was born in England in 1732, and did not emigrate to America 
until 1770, when the troubles between the colonies and the mother 
country were rapidly approaching a rupture. On his arrival in the 
new world, Mr. Gwinnett settled in Charleston, South Carolina, 
where he continued the business of a merchant, in which he had been 
previously engaged. At the end of two years, he abandoned com- 
merce, and, purchasing a plantation on St. Catharine's Island, in 
Georgia, devoted his attention to agriculture. 

At the commencement of the Revolution, Mr. Gwinnett boldly 
advocated the cause of his adopted country. His zeal and ability 
soon rendered him conspicuous, and on the 2d of February, 1776, 
the General Assembly of Georgia elected him a delegate to the Con- 
tinental Congress at Philadelphia, where he took his seat on the 20th 
of May. Soon afterward, the debate upon the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence commenced. When the question was decided, Mr. Gwin- 
nett signed his name among those of the other patriots, and so em- 
barked his life and fortune in an apparently desperate cause. He was 
re-elected to a seat in Congress on the 9th of October in the same 
year. 

In February, 1777, Mr. Gwinnett was appointed a member of the 
convention for the purpose of framing a constitution for Georgia ; 
and the foundation of that afterward adopted is said to have been 
furnished by him. He was then chosen president of the council. 
But it is said that while he held this position, he allowed personal 
enmity to get the better of patriotic principle, and employed his 
powers to thwart the operations of General Mcintosh, for whom he 
cherished an inexorable hatred. In May, 1777, Gwinnett was a 
candidate for the gubernatorial chair of the State, but failed, as his 



OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 121 

conduct toward Mcintosh luid rendered him unpopular. On the 
27th of the same month a duel occurred between him and Mcintosh. 
Both parties were wounded, but the injuries received by Gwinnett 
terminated his life in the forty-fifth year of his age. 

Mr. Gwinnett's political career was short, and its termination 
lamentable. But he stamped his character in the history of Georgia 
as a man of great energy and intelligence. His passions were power- 
ful; and as he had not learned the prime art of self-control, he per- 
mitted them to lead him from the path of prudence. It is but justice 
to his memory to say, however, that he was an honest man, and the 
services which he rendered the country of his adoption were solid 
and permanent in their effects. 



LYMAN HALL. 



Lyman Hall, whose name stands second among those of the 
Georgia delegates whose signatures are immortalized by the De- 
claration to which they are appended, was born in Connecticut, 
about the year 1731, and, after receiving a classical education, com- 
menced the study of medicine. In 1752 he removed to South 
Carolina, and, in the same year, to Sudbury, in the district of Med- 
way, in Georgia, where he practised his profession until the com- 
mencement of the Revolutionary troubles. In July, 1774, he was 
sent, as representative of the parish of St. John, to a general meeting 
of the republican party in Georgia, which was held at Savannah. 
The proceedings of the meeting were of too temporizing a nature to 
please the ardour of the inhabitants of that parish, and they, in con- 
sequence, separated themselves from the other parishes of the colony, 
and, March 21, 1775, elected Dr. Hall their delegate to the general 
Congress, assembled at Philadelphia. May 13, he was admitted to 
a seat in the house, though he was not allowed to vote when the 
sentiments of the body were taken by colonies, as he could only be 
considered the representative of a small portion of a province. But 
in June of the same year, the convention of Georgia having, at length, 
acceded to the general confederacy, its representation was rendered 
complete by the election of four other delegates. The names of but 
two of his colleagues, however, appear in conjunction with Dr. Hall's 
on the Declaration, the remaining two being absent. The last 
time Dr. Hall appeared in Congress was in 1780. In 1782 he was 
chosen Governor of the State of Georgia, and, after his retirement 



122 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

from public life, settled in Burke's county, where he died in the 
sixtieth year of his age. He possessed a strong mind and a placid 
disposition. He made great sacrifices, both of comfort and property, 
in his country's service. When the British took possession of Georgia, 
his estate was confiscated. He was not calculated to become a con- 
spicuous figure among the colossal men of the Revolution, but a 
practical cast of mind enabled him to render efficient service in the 
business of Congress and in the councils of Georgia. 



GEORGE WALTON. 

The last name affixed to the great charter of independence is that 
of George Walton, whose long and honourable public career is 
worthy of the study of young Americans. Mr. Walton was born in 
Frederic county, Virginia, about the year 1740. He enjoyed but 
meagre opportunities of education. His early occupation was that 
of an apprentice to a carpenter. Like Sherman and Whipple, how- 
ever, he possessed that eager thirst for knowledge which no outward 
circumstances could quench; and he employed all his leisure moments 
in reading and study. At the expiration of his term of apprentice- 
ship, Mr, Walton removed to Georgia, where he gained an opportunity 
of studying law under the superintendence of H. Young, Esq. In 
1774, the quondam carpenter's apprentice was admitted to the bar. 

Mr. Walton was an active and zealous patriot. He was one of the 
most prominent among that daring council which assembled at the 
"Liberty Pole," at Tondee's Tavern, Savannah, to devise measures 
of resistance to the encroachments of England. 

In January, 1775, he was chosen a member of a committee ap- 
pointed to prepare a petition to the king; and, in February, 1776, 
he was elected one of the Georgia delegation to the national Congress, 
and continued a member of that body, with little intermission, until 
1781. In December, 1778, he was appointed colonel in the militia, 
and received a wound in the thigh during the defence of Savannah. 
He was made prisoner, but exchanged in September, 1779. He was, 
twice chosen governor of the State, once a senator of the United 
States, and, at four different periods, a judge of the superior courts, 
which last office he held fifteen years, until his death, Feb. 2, 1804. 

In all the public positions to which he was called, Mr. Walton dis- 
played energy, decision, and great natural capacity. As a judge he 
had no superior in Georgia. 



%xkkB of Conftbtration. 



To all to whom these presents shall come, ive, the undersigned Dele- 
gates of the States affixed to our names, send greeting. 

Whereas, the delegates of the United States of America in Con- 
gress assembled did, on the fifteenth day of November, on the year 
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-seven, and in 
the second year of the independence of America, agree to certain 
articles of confederation and perpetual Union between the States of 
New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and 
Georgia, in the words following, viz : — 

Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union hetiveen the States 
of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Pro- 
vidence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn- 
sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South 
Carolina, and Georgia. 

Article 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, "The United 
States of America." 

Article 2. Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and inde- 
pendence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by 
this confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Con- 
gress assembled. 

Article 3. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm 
league of friendship with each other for their common defence, the 
security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare; 
binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or 
attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, 
sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. 

Article 4. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship 
and intercourse among the people of the difi'erent States in this Union, 
the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and 
fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges 
and immunities of free citizens in the several States ; and the people 
of each State shall have free ingress and egress to and from any 
other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and 
commerce subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as 

123 



124 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions 
shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported 
into any State to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabit- 
ant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall 
be laid by any State on the property of the United States or either 
of them. 

If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other 
high misdemeanour, in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found 
in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor 
or executive power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up 
and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offence. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the 
records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates 
of every other State. 

Article 5. For the more convenient management of the general 
interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed 
in such manner as the legislature of each State shall direct to meet 
in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a 
power reserved to each State to recall its delegates or any of them, 
at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the 
remainder of the year. 

No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by 
more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being 
a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor 
shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office 
under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit, re- 
ceives any salary, fees, or emoluments of any kind. 

Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the 
States, and while they act as members of the committee of the States. 

In determining questions in the United States in Congress assem- 
bled, each State shall have one vote. 

Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached 
or questioned in any court or place out of Congress ; and the members 
of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and im- 
prisonments, during the time of their going to and from and attend- 
ance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. 

Article 6. No State without the consent of the United States in 
Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any em- 
bassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or 
treaty, with any king, prince, or state ; nor shall any person holding 
any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, 
accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever, 



ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 125 

from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States 
in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. 

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, 
or alliance "whatever, between them, without the consent of the United 
States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purpose for 
which the same is to be entered into and how long it shall continue. 

No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with 
any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in Con- 
gress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any 
treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and 
Spain. 

No vessel of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, 
except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United 
States in Congress assembled for the defence of such State or its 
trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time 
of peace, except such number only as in the judgment of the United 
States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison 
the forts necessary for the defence of such State ; but every State 
shall always keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, suffi- 
ciently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and have constantly 
ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, 
and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. 

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United 
States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded 
by enemies or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being 
formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the 
danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United 
States in Congress assembled can be consulted; nor shall any State 
grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque 
or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United 
States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or 
state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, 
and under such regulations as shall be established by the United 
States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, 
in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and 
kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States 
in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. 

Article 7. When land forces are raised by any State for the com- 
mon defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be 
appointed by the legislature of each State respectively, by whom such 
forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, 



126 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the 
appointment. 

i\.RTiCLE 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall 
be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed 
by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out 
of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States 
in proportion to the value of all land within each State granted to 
or surveyed for any person, and such land and the buildings and im- 
provements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the 
United States in Congress assembled shall from time to time direct 
and appoint. 

The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by 
the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several States, 
within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress as- 
sembled. 

Article 9. The United States in Congress assembled shall have 
the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and 
war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article — of sending 
and receiving ambassadors — entering into treaties and alliances; pro- 
vided, that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legis- 
lative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing 
such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected 
to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species 
of goods or commodities whatsoever — of establishing rules for decid- 
ing, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in 
what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of 
the United States shall be divided or appropriated — of granting letters 
of marque and reprisal in times of peace — appointing courts for the 
trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and esta- 
blishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all 
cases of captures: provided, that no member of Congress shall be 
appointed a judge of any of the said courts. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last re- 
sort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that 
hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, 
jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall al- 
ways be exercised in the manner following: whenever the legislative 
or executive authority or lawful agent of any State in controversy 
with another shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter 
in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given 
by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the 
other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance 



ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 127 

of the parties, by their lawful agents, who shall then bo directed to 
appoint by joint consent commissioners or judges to constitute a court 
for hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they can- 
not agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the 
United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall al- 
ternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number 
shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than 
seven nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the 
presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose 
names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners 
or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always 
as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree 
in the determination : and if either party shall neglect to attend at 
the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall 
judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress 
shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the 
secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or 
refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court to be appointed 
in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and 
if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such 
court, or to appear, or defend their claim or cause, the court shall never- 
theless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in like 
manner be final and decisive, the judgment or sentence and other 
proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged 
among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned : 
provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall 
take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme 
or superior court of the State, where the cause shall be tried, "well 
and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to 
the best of his judgment, without favour, aff'ection, or hope of reward :" 
provided also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the 
benefit of the United States. 

All controversies concerning the private right of soil, claimed under 
different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdiction as they 
may respect such lands and the States which passed such grants are 
adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time 
claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement or jurisdic- 
tion, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the 
United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same 
manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting terri- 
torial jurisdiction between different States. 

The United States in Con";ress assembled shall also have the sole 



128 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of 
coin struck bj their own authority, or by that of the respective States 
— fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United 
States — regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians 
not members of any of the States ; provided that the legislative right 
of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated — es- 
tablishing and regulating post-offices from one State to another 
throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the 
papers passing through the same, as may be requisite to defray the 
expenses of the said office — appointing all officers of the land forces 
in the service of the United States excepting regimental officers — 
appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all 
officers whatever in the service of the United States — making rules 
for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, 
and directing their operations. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to 
appoint a committee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denomi- 
nated "A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate 
from each State ; and to appoint such other committees and civil 
officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the 
United States, under their direction — to appoint one of their num- 
ber to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the 
office of president more than one year in any term of three years — 
to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service 
of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for 
defraying the public expenses — to borrow money or emit bills on the 
credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the 
respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or 
emitted — to build and equip a navy — to agree upon the number of 
land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, 
in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State ; 
which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the legislature of 
each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and 
clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldierlike manner, at the expense 
of the United States ; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, 
and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the 
time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled : but if 
the United States in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of 
circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise men or 
should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other 
State should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, 
such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and 



ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 129 

equipped, in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the 
legishiture of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot 
safely be spared out of the same ; in which case they shall raise, 
officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they 
judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so clothed, 
armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within 
the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. 

The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a 
war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor 
enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate 
the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for 
the defence and welfare of the United States or any of them, nor 
emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor 
appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to 
be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be 
raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless 
nine States assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any other 
point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless 
by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress as- 
sembled. 

The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to 
any time within the yean, and to any place within the United States, 
so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the 
space of six months ; and shall publish the journal of their proceed- 
ings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alli- 
ances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; 
and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any question 
shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate; 
and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, 
shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such 
parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the 
several States. 

Article 10. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, 
shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the 
powers of Congress as the United States in Congress assembled, by 
the consent of nine States, shall from time to time, think expedient 
to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated to the said 
committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, 
the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States as- 
sembled is requisite. 

Article 11. Canada, acceding to this confederation, and joining 
in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and 

9 



130 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 

entitled to all the advantages of this Union ; but no other colony 
shall be admitted into the same unless such admission be agreed to 
by nine States. 

Article 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and 
debts contracted, by or under the authority of Congress, before the 
assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present con- 
federation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the 
United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United 
States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. 

Article 13. Every State shall abide by the decision of the United 
States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by this con- 
federation, are submitted to them. And the articles of this con- 
federation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union 
shall be perpetual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be 
made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Con- 
gress of the United States, and be afterward confirmed by the legis- 
lature of every State. 

And whereas it has pleased the great Governor of the world to 
incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in 
Congress, to approve of and to authorize us to ratify the said articles 
of confederation and perpetual Union : know ye, that we, the under- 
signed delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given 
for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf 
of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm 
each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual 
Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained ; 
and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our re- 
spective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of 
the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by 
the said confederation, are submitted to them ; and that the articles 
thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively 
represent ; and that the Union be perpetual. 

In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. 
Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the ninth day 
of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America. 

new HAMPSHIRE. Elbridge Gerry, Henry Marchant, 

JosiAH Bartlett, Francis Dana, John Collins, 

John Wentworth, Jun. James Lovell, 

Samuel Holton. CONNECTICUT. 

MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Roger Sherman 
John Hancock, RHODE ISLAND. Samuel Huntington, 

Samuel Adams, William Ellery, Oliver Wolcott, 



ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 



131 



Titus Hosmer, 
Andrew Adams. 

NEW YORK. 
James Duane, 
Francis Lewis, 
William Duer, 
Gouverneur Morris. 

NEW JERSEY. 
John Witherspoon, 
Nath. Scudder. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 
Daniel Roberdeau, 
Jonathan Bayard Smith, 



William Clingan, 
Joseph Reed. 

DELAWARE, 
Thomas McKean, 
John Dickinson, 
Nicholas Van Dyke. 

MARYLAND. 
John Hanson, 
Daniel Carroll. 

VIRGINIA. 
Richard Henry Lee, 
John Banister, 
Thomas Adams, 
John Harvie, 
Francis Lightfoot Lee. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 
John Penn, 
Constable Harnett, 
John Williams. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Henry Laurens, 
William Henry Drayton, 
John Matthews, 
Richard Hutson, 
Thomas Heyward, Jun. 

GEORGIA. 

John Walton, 
Edward Telfair, 
Edward Langworthy. 



§iogrHgljits of tijt Signers of i\t %xkh of 
€mitkxu\m. 



JOHN WENTWORTH, Jun.* 

The delegates from New Hampshire in the Congress which adopted 
the Articles of Confederation were Josiah Bartlett and John 
Wentworth, Jun. We have already given a biography of the first- 
named statesman. John Wentworth was the descendant and 
relative of the Wentworths who so long held the highest offices in 
New Hampshire. His uncle was Benning Wentworth, who held the 
gubernatorial office twenty-five years, and who himself was the son 
of a lieutenant-governor. The subject of this memoir was the son 
of Mark Hunting Wentworth. Having received an excellent educa- 
tion, he applied himself to the study of the law, and at the com- 
mencement of the difficulties between the colonies and the mother 
country, he espoused the patriot side in opposition to his cousin, 
Governor Wentworth, who had done all in his power to restrain the 
rising spirit of the colonists, and who, finding the efi'ort vain, had 
fled to England. Young Wentworth was an active member of the 
Congress which framed the Articles of Confederation, and a worthy 
colleague of Josiah Bartlett. 

He remained faithful to the patriot cause throughout the Revolu- 
tion, and was, till his death, a distinguished citizen of New Hamp- 
shire. 



FRANCIS DANA. 



Among the framers of the Articles of Confederation, the fol- 
lowing delegates represented Massachusetts : — John Hancock, Samuel 
Adams, Elbridge Gerry, James Lovell, and Samuel Holten. We have 
already given biographies of Hancock, Adams, and Gerry, among 

* The biographies of those of the signers of the Articles of Confederation who 
were also signers of the Declaration of Independence are, of course, omitted under 
this head. 

132 



BIOGUAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS. 133 

those of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. FrancIo 
Dana was born in Massachusetts in 1743. His parents were wealthy 
and respectable, and gave him the benefit of an excellent education. 
Young Dana graduated at Harvard College in 1762, and then turned 
his attention to the study of the law. On being admitted to the 
bar, Mr. Dana went to England, where he remained one year, and 
then returned and began the practice of his profession. His learning 
and ability secured him speedy success. 

At the commencement of the troubles occasioned by the arbitrary 
and oppressive measures of the British Parliament, Mr. Dana mani- 
fested a decided partiality for the cause of the colonists, and was a 
valuable acquisition to the ranks of the patriots. In 1776, he was 
elected to a seat in the Continental Congress, and he continued to 
be an active member of that body until 1779. He was one of the 
committee appointed by Congress to consider the conciliatory pro- 
positions of the British commissioners, Messrs. Johnson and Eden ; 
but nothing was effected by the negotiation. 

In 1779, Mr. Dana accompanied John Adams to France as secre- 
tary of legation. In 1780, he was appointed minister to Prussia, and 
although not publicly received as such, he remained there until the 
close of the war. He then returned to America, and in 1784 was 
elected to a seat in Congress. In 1792, Mr. Dana was appointed 
chief-justice of Massachusetts, and he continued to discharge the 
grave duties of that office until 1806, when he resigned. This emi- 
nent servant of the public died in 1811, at the age of sixty-eight 
years. His character was estimable in every respect ; — it was that 
of a firm patriot, an upright judge, and a cheerful domestic com- 
panion. 



JAMES LOVELL. 



James Lovell was an instance of a patriotic son in conflict with 
a Tory refugee father. John Lovell, his father, was a schoolmaster 
in Boston, Massachusetts. He was a good scholar, and a man of 
considerable force of character. Many of the principal men of the 
Revolution had been under his tuition. He was a decided loyalist, 
and in 1777 he accompanied the British troops to Halifax, where 
he died in 1778, at the age of seventy years. His son, James 
Lovell, was born in 1738, and graduated at Harvard College in 1756. 
For many years afterward he was a distinguished teacher of the 



134 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS. 

Latin school, being associated with his father. From the commence- 
ment of the colonial troubles, James Lovell was a firm Whig. In 
consequence of his patriotic zeal, General Gage put him in prison, 
and he was carried by the British troops to Halifax, where he was 
for a long time kept in close confinement. The father was there a 
Tory refugee ; the son a prisoner, suffering for his devotion to his 
country's cause. 

At length, Mr. Lovell was exchanged, and he returned to Boston 
to receive the congratulations of his fellow-citizens on his fidelity. 
He was immediately elected to a seat in the Continental Congress, 
in which station his services were manifold and exceedingly valuable. 
He was a member of the committee of foreign correspondence, and 
unwearying in attention to his duties. Before the establishment of 
the constitution of Massachusetts, in 1786, Mr. Lovell was collector 
of customs for the port of Boston, and afterward was naval officer 
for Boston and Charleston until his death, in 1814, at the age of 
seventy-six years. Mr. Lovell was truly a devoted patriot, and an 
example of the sacrifice of domestic peace for the general good. 



SAMUEL HOLTEN. 



Samuel Holten, who had the honour of becoming one of the pre- 
sidents of the Continental Congress, was born in Danvers, Massa- 
chusetts, June 9, 1738. Having received a good education, he 
studied medicine, and then commenced the practice of his profession 
in his native town. He was a zealous Whig, and gave all his energy 
and ability to the cause of his country at the commencement of the 
struggle against British oppression. In 1778, Mr. Holten was 
elected a member of Congress, and he continued an active member 
of that august body for five years, serving for a time as its presiding 
ofiicer. He then retired from prominent public positions and enjoyed 
an interval of repose. 

In 1793, Mr. Holten was again elected a representative in Con- 
gress. In 1796 he was appointed judge of probate for the county 
of Essex, which ofiice he resigned in 1815, after having been in 
public stations forty-seven years, a long period of patriotic and 
honourable service. He died in 1816, aged seventy-seven years. 
Mr. Holten was a man of high chax'acter and dignified bearing ; 
rigidly faithful in the performance of his duties, and exacting the 
same strictness in keeping engagements from others. 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. I35 



HENRY MARCHANT. 

Of this signer of the Articles of Confederation we know no further 
than he was a patriotic and unflinching representative of Rhode 
Island in the Continental Congress ; hut although he was not a pro- 
minent man during those stormy times, he deserves remembrance 
from the firm position he occupied in that body. 



JOHN COLLINS. 



John Collins was an active patriot of Rhode Island during the 
Revolution. He was born in that State in 1717. After receiving a 
good education, he studied law, and became an advocate of consi- 
derable reputation. Being a zealous supporter of the rights of the 
colonists, he was elected a member of the Continental Congress, 
where his services were of a practical and efficient character. When 
the independence of his country was once declared, he lent all his 
energies to upholding the declaration, and was a chief advocate 
of the Articles of Confederation to which we find his signature 
affixed. 

In 1786, Mr. Collins was elected governor of Rhode Island ; and 
he held that office until 1789. He then retired from the theatre of 
public action, to enjoy the calm pleasures of private life. He died 
in 1795, at the age of seventy-eight years. He was an earnest and 
intelligent patriot. 



TITUS HOSMER. 



Titus Hosmer was one of the foremost scholars, lawyers, and 
statesmen of his day. He was born in West Hartford, Connecticut. 
Being educated to the law, he soon acquired distinction and influence. 
He was elected a member of the council of state and of the national 
Congress, and then appointed a judge of the maritime court of ap- 
peals for the United States. He was the patron of Joel Barlow, 
the poet, whom he encouraged to publish the "Vision of Columbus." 
Mr. Hosmer died in middle life, in the full maturity of his powers, 
shortly after he had seen the independence of his country established. 



136 BIOGEAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 



ANDREW ADAMS. 

Andrew Adams was born at Stratford, Connecticut, in January, 
1736. Being of a very respectable family, he was thoroughly edu- 
cated, and he graduated at Yale College in 1760. In 1764, Mr. 
Adams entered upon the practice of the law at Litchfield, in his 
native State. His success was immediate, and eminently honourable. 
His fine abilities were then devoted to the service of his country in 
council ; for, having become an ardent Whig, he was elected to Con- 
gress soon after the great Declaration of Independence was given to 
the world. He was an active and useful member of that body. 

In 1789, Mr. Adams was appointed a judge of the supreme court 
of Massachusetts ; and in this position his profound learning and 
vigorous mind were so fully displayed, that he was, in 1793, appointed 
chief-justice of the State of Connecticut. He died on the 26th of 
November, 1799, at the age of sixty-three years, leaving behind a 
high reputation as a lawyer, statesman, and patriot. 



JAMES DUANE. 



Judge Duane was a distinguished citizen of New York, when the 
colonial trials commenced. On account of his zeal and ability, he 
was elected a delegate to the first Congress, and he was an active 
patriot and statesman throughout the Revolution. In 1789 he was 
appointed judge of the district court of New York. He was the 
first mayor of the city of New York after its evacuation by the 
British forces. He died in 1797. Among his productions was a 
published law case, which displays his ability as a judge. 



WILLIAM DUER. 



William Duer was the patriotic progenitor of a family which 
has long been distinguished in New York city. Besides having been 
a member of that Congress which framed the Articles of Confedera- 
tion, he took an active part in local resistance to the British autho- 
rities at New York, and held a number of important civil offices after 
the Revolution. Some of his descendants have risen to distinction 
in judicial and congressional life. 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 137 



GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

The ablest man among the New York delegates in the Continental 
Congress was Gouverneur Morris. He was born at Morrisania, near 
the city of New York, on the 31st of January, 1752. Being of a 
wealthy family, he enjoyed the advantages of a complete classical 
education. He graduated at King's College, in May, 1768. Imme- 
diately after he entered the office of William Smith (the historian 
of the colony) as a student of law. In 1771, he was licensed to 
practise law. His proficiency in all his studies was remarkable. He 
acquired early much reputation as a man of brilliant talents and 
various promise. His person, address, manners, elocution, were of a 
superior order. In May, 1775, Mr. Morris was chosen a delegate to 
the Provincial Congress of New York. In June of that year, he 
served on a committee with General Montgomery, to confer with 
General Washington respecting the manner of his introduction to 
the Congress. He entered with zeal and efficiency into all the 
questions and proceedings which referred to a vigorous resistance to 
the pretensions of the mother country. 

In December, 1776, Mr. Morris acted as one of the committee for 
drafting a constitution for the State of New York, which was reported 
in March, and adopted in April, of that year, after repeated and very 
able debates, in which Jay, Morris, and Robert R. Livingston were 
the principal speakers. In July, 1777, he served as a member of a 
committee from the New York Congress, to repair to the head- 
.quarters of Schuyler's army, to inquire into the causes of the evacua- 
tion of Ticonderoga. In October of that year he joined the Con- 
tinental Congress at York, Pennsylvania, and, in 1778, wrote the 
patriotic and successful pamphlet called Observations on the Ame- 
rican Revolution, which he published at the beginning of 1779. We 
must refer to the journals of Congress for an account of his many and 
valuable services, rendered in that body to the Revolutionary cause. 
In July, 1781, he accepted the post of assistant superintendent of 
finance, as the colleague of Robert Morris. He filled every office to 
which he was called with characteristic zeal and ability. 

After the war of the Revolution, this active man embarked with 
Robert Morris in mercantile enterprises. In 1785, he published an 
Address to the Assembly of Pennsylvania on the Abolition of the 
Bank of North America, in which he cogently argued against that 
project. In December, 1786, he purchased from his brother the fine 



138 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

estate of Morrisania, and made it his dwelling-place. Here he 
devoted himself to liberal studies. In the following year, he served 
with distinction as a member of the convention for framing the con- 
stitution of the United States. December 15, 1788, he sailed for 
France, where he was occupied in selling lands and pursuing money 
speculations until March, 1790, when he proceeded to London as 
private agent of the American government with regard to the con- 
ditions of the old treaty, and the inclination of the British cabinet 
to form a commercial treaty. In November, 1790, he returned to 
Paris, having made a tour in Germany. In the interval between this 
period and the beginning of the year 1792, he passed several times 
on public business between the British and French capitals. Febru- 
ary 6, 1792, he received his appointment as minister plenipoten- 
tiary to France, and was presented to the king, June 3d. He held 
this station with great eclat until October, 1794. He witnessed the 
most interesting scenes of the Revolution in the capital, and main- 
tained personal intercourse with the conspicuous politicians of the 
several parties. The abundant memorials which he has left of his 
sojourn in France, and his travels on the European continent, possess 
the highest interest and much historical value. He made extensive 
journeys after he ceased to be minister plenipotentiary, of which he 
kept a a full diary. 

In the autumn of 1798, Mr. Morris returned to the United States. 
to engage in politics, with enhanced celebrity and a large additional 
stock of political and literary knowledge. He was universally ad- 
mitted to be one of the most accomplished and prominent gentlemen 
of his country. In 1800, he entered the Senate of the United States, 
where his eloquence and information made him conspicuous. The 
two eulogies which he pronounced — one on General Washington, and 
the other at the funeral of General Hamilton — are specimens of his 
rhetorical style. His delivery was excellent. Mr. Morris, at an 
early period, gave special and sagacious attention to the project of 
that grand canal by which the State of New York has been. so much 
honoured and benefited. In the summer of 1810 he examined the 
canal route to Lake Erie. The share which he had in originating 
and promoting that noble work, is stated in the regular history which 
has been published of its conception and progress. In May, 1812, 
he pronounced a public and impressive eulogium on the venerable 
George Clinton ; in the same year, an oration before the New York 
Historical Society; in 1814, another on the restoration of the 
Bourbons in France; in 1816, a discourse before the New York His- 
torical Society. Mr. Morris died at Morrisania, November 5, 1816. 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 139 

He passed the latter years of his life at Morrisania, exercising an 
elegant and munificent hospitality, reviewing the studies of his early 
days, and carrying on a very interesting commerce of letters with 
statesmen and literati in Europe and America. The activity of his 
mind, the richness of his fancy, and the copiousness of his eloquent 
conversation, were the admiration of all his acquaintance. 



NATHANIEL SCUDDER. 

Nathaniel Scudder was one of the most active patriots of New 
Jersey, during the Revolution. Having won the confidence of his 
fellow-citizens by his zeal and decision, he was, in 1777, elected to a 
seat in Congress. He continued a member of that body until 
November, 1779. He was a faithful servant of his country in the 
time of sorest need. After the great struggle had been brought to a 
successful termination, he took no part in public affairs. 



DANIEL ROBERDEAU. 

General Daniel Roberdeau was a distinguished statesman and 
soldier of the Revolution. He was born in the Isle of France in 
1727. At an early age he distinguished himself as a zealous Hu- 
ganot and friend of civil and religious liberty. Emigrating to 
America, he settled in the beautiful vale of Wyoming, where he 
built a fort for protection against the Indians, and devoted himself 
to the pursuits of hunting and agriculture. Having listened to the 
preaching of the Rev. George Whitefield, he became a follower of 
that eloquent minister of the gospel. But the deep religious feeling 
of Mr. Roberdeau did not prevent him joining the patriot forces at 
the commencement of the Revolution. His skill, courage, and self- 
reliance in all emergencies soon raised him to command, and he dis- 
tinguished himself by gallantry in active service. 

Previous to entering the army, however, General Roberdeau had 
been elected to Congress. He was not a conspicuous member of 
that august body, for the faculty of eloquence was denied him, and 
he could only show his patriotism by faithful practical service. At 



140 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

the conclusion of the war, General Roberdeau removed to Virginia, 
and settled in Frederick county, where he died January 5, 1795, at 
the age of sixty-eight years. He was a man of great energy of 
character, having a religious tone of mind, and a grave and dignified 
bearing. His love of civil and religious freedom was remarkable 
throughout life in France and in America ; and he devoted his whole 
soul to the cause he had at heart. 



JONATHAN BAYARD SMITH. 

Jonathan Bayard Smith was an active and influential patriot of 
Philadelphia throughout the Revolution. When the committee of 
observation and correspondence was formed in that city in June, 
1776, Mr. Smith was elected vice-president, Thomas McKean being 
chosen president. This committee issued a solemn and temperate 
address to the people of Pennsylvania, prescribing the course of 
action to be pursued by the friends of liberty, and Mr. Smith was 
a colleague of Benjamin Rush and others in preparing this able 
paper. As a member of the Continental Congress, Mr. Smith was 
useful, inndustrious, and an advocate of the boldest and most decisive 
measures. 



WILLIAM CLINGAN. 



This signer of the Articles of Confederation was not a prominent 
member of the Continental Congress. We do not find his name 
in connection with any of the important movements of the period 
beyond the hall of Congress. But there is no member of that body 
who does not deserve to be remembered by his countrymen, as one 
who perilled all for his country, and blenched not when the storm 
was loudest and most terrible ; and though Mr. Clingan may not 
have possessed the ability to perform great deeds for the cause of his 
heart, the intention alone elevates him to a niche of honour. 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 141 



JOSEPH REED. 

General Joseph Reed was one of the most prominent characters 
of the Revolution. He was born on the 27th of August, 1741, in 
New Jersey. 

In 1757, at the age of sixteen, he graduated at Princeton College. 
After studying law in that place, he repaired to England, where he 
prosecuted his studies until the disturbances produced in the colonies 
by the stamp act. On his return, he commenced the practice of his 
profession in Philadelphia, and met with distinguished success. He 
embarked actively in the political struggle of the day, on the side of 
independence, and, in 1774, was appointed one of the committee of 
correspondence of Philadelphia. He was in the same year, also, 
president of the first provincial convention held in Pennsylvania, and 
a delegate to the Continental Congress. On the formation of the 
army, he resigned a lucrative practice, and, at the solicitation of Ge- 
neral Washington, repaired to the camp at Cambridge, where he was 
appointed aid- de-camp and secretary to the commander-in-chief. 
Throughout this campaign, though acting merely as a volunteer, he 
displayed great courage and military ability. 

In the beginning of 1776, Mr. Reed was made adjutant-general, 
and contributed materially, by his local knowledge, to the success of 
the affairs at Trenton and Princeton. During the week which elapsed 
between the two actions, he proposed to six Philadelphia gentlemen, 
members of the city troop, to accompany him on an excursion to 
obtain information. They advanced into the vicinity of Princeton, 
where the enemy was stationed, and surprised twelve British dragoons 
in a farm-house, who surrendered to this party of half their number, 
and were conducted by them to the American camp. At the end of 
the year, he resigned the office of adjutant-general. In 1777, within 
a period of less than two months, he was appointed chief-justice of 
Pennsylvania, and named by Congress a brigadier-general. He de- 
clined both offices, however, but continued to serve as a volunteer 
until the close of the campaign. He was present at almost every 
engagement in the northern and eastern section of the Union; and, 
although at each of the battles of Brandy wine, White Marsh and 
Monmouth, he had a horse killed under him, he had the good fortune 
never to receive a wound. 

In 1778, Mr. Reed was elected a member of Congress, and signed 
the Articles of Confederation. About this time, the British commis- 



142 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

sioners, Governor Johnstone, Lord Carlisle and Mr. Eden, invested 
with power to treat concerning peace, arrived in America; the former 
of whom addressed private letters to Mr. Laurens, Mr. Dana, Mr. 
Morris, and Mr. Reed, offering them various inducements to lend them- 
selves to his views. He caused information to be secretly communi- 
cated to General Reed, that, if he would exert his abilities to promote 
a reconciliation, .£10,000 sterling, and the most valuable office in the 
colonies, should be at his disposal. The answer of Reed was, " I am 
not worth purchasing ; but, such as I am, the King of Great Britain 
is not rich enough to do it." In the same year, he was unanimously 
elected president of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, 
and continued in the office for the constitutional period of three years. 
At the time, there were violent parties in the State, and several se- 
rious commotions occurred, particularly a large armed insurrection in 
Philadelphia, which he suppressed, while he rescued a number of 
distinguished citizens from the most imminent danger of their lives, 
at the risk of his own, for which he received a vote of thanks from 
the legislature of the State. The revolt of the Pennsylvania line, 
also, in 1781, was suppressed through his instrumentality; and he 
was deputed, with General Potter, by the council of the state, with 
ample powers to redress the grievances complained of. To him, like- 
wise, belongs the honour of having been the original detecter and 
exposer of the character of Arnold, whom he brought to trial for 
mal-practices while in command at Philadelphia, notwithstanding a 
violent opposition on the floor of Congress, and the exertions of a 
powerful party in Pennsylvania. 

Amid the most difficult and trying scenes, the administration of 
Mr. Reed exhibited the most disinterested zeal and the greatest firm- 
ness and energy. His knowledge of law was very useful in a new 
and unsettled government; so that, although he found it in no small 
weakness and confusion, he left it, at the expiration of his term of 
office, in 1781, in as much tranquillity and stability as could be ex- 
pected from the time and circumstances of the war. He then re- 
turned to his profession. In 1784, he again visited England, for the 
sake of his health; but his voyage was attended with but little good 
effect. On the 5th of March, in the following year, he died, in his 
forty-third year. 

General Reed displayed inflexible patriotism, boldness, and a com- 
prehensive mind in his public career, wielding a vast influence in 
council and field. In private life he was known to be purely moral, 
and a faithful friend. 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. I43 



JOHN DICKINSON. 

The leading opponent of John Adams in the debate upon the 
Declaration of Independence was John Dickinson, of Delaware — an 
honest, able, patriotic, but timid statesman. He was born in Mary- 
land, in December, 1732, and educated in Delaware, to which province 
his parents removed soon after his birth. 

He read law in Philadelphia, and resided three years in the Temple, 
London. After his return to America, he practised law with success 
in Philadelphia. He was soon elected to the legislature of Pennsyl- 
vania, in which his superior qualifications as a speaker and a man of 
business gave him considerable influence. The attempts of the mo- 
ther country upon the liberties of the colonies early awakened his 
attention. His first elaborate publication against the new policy of 
the British cabinet was printed at Philadelphia, in 1765, and entitled, 
The late Regulations respecting the British Colonies on the Continent 
of America considered. In that year he was deputed, by Pennsyl- 
vania, to attend the first Congress, held at New York, and prepared 
the draft of the bold resolutions of that Congress. In 1766 he 
published a spirited address on the same questions, to a committee 
of correspondence in Barbadoes. He next issued in Philadelphia, 
in 1767, his celebrated Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the 
British Colonies — a production which had a great influence in enlight- 
ening the American people on the subject of their rights, and pre- 
paring them for resistance. They were reprinted in London, with a 
preface by Doctor Franklin, and published in French, at Paris. 

In 1774, Mr. Dickinson wrote the resolves of the committee of 
Pennsylvania, and their instructions to their representatives. These 
instructions formed a profound and extensive essay on the constitu- 
tional power of Great Britain over the colonies in America, and in 
that shape they were published by the committee. While in Congress, 
he wrote the Address to the Inhabitants of Quebec ; the first Petition 
to the King ; the Address to the Armies ; the second Petition to the 
King, and the Address to the several States; all among the ablest 
state-papers of the time. As an orator, he had few superiors in that 
body. He penned the famous Declaration of the United Colonies 
of North America, (July 6, 1775;) but he opposed the declaration 
of independence, believing that compromise was still practicable, and 
that his countrymen were not yet ripe for a complete separation from 
Great Britain. This rendered him for a time so unpopular, that he 



144 • BIOGRArHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

withdrew from the public councils, and did not recover his seat in 
Congress until about two years afterward. He then returned, ear- 
nest in the cause of independence. His zeal was shown in the ardent 
address of Congress to the several States, of May, 1779, which he 
wrote and reported. 

Mr. Dickinson was afterward president of the States of Pennsyl- 
vania and Delaware, successively; and, in the beginning of 1788, 
being alarmed by the hesitation of some States to ratify the constitu- 
tion proposed by the federal convention the year before, he published, 
for the purpose of promoting its adoption, nine very able letters, 
under the signature of Fabius. This signature he again used in 
fourteen letters, published in 1797, the object of which was to pro- 
duce a favourable feeling in the United States toward France, whose 
revolution he believed to be then at an end. Before the period last 
mentioned, he had withdrawn to private life, at Wilmington, in the 
State of Delaware, where he died, February 14, 1808. His retire- 
ment was spent in literary studies, in charitable offices and the exercise 
of an elegant hospitality. His conversation and manners were very 
attractive ; his countenance and person, uncommonly fine. His public 
services were eminent: his writings have been justly described as 
copious, forcible and correct; sometimes eloquently rhetorical and 
vehement, and generally rich in historical references and classical 
quotations. 

The patriotism of Mr. Dickinson was of that manly nature which 
does not permit the statesman to sanction a measure simply because 
it chances to be popular, but holds him to what seems to tend to the 
best interests of the country. 



NICHOLAS VAN DYKE. 

Nicholas Van Dyke was distinguished in the politics of his native 
State, Delaware, during the Revolution, and after its termination, in 
the triumph of liberty. After having served with rigid fidelity in 
the councils of his country during her hour of trial, he was rewarded 
with her honours when peace and prosperity smiled over the land. 
He was elected to the Senate of the United States, and served in that 
body from the 4th of March, 1817, till January, 1827, when death 
removed him from the scene of his patriotic toil. 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 145 



JOHN HANSON. 

John Hanson was born in Maryland. He displayed energy and 
decisive patriotism at the commencement of the Revolutionary war. 
He was elected a delegate to Congress, and while a member of that 
body his reputation for practical ability steadily rose. In 1781, Mr. 
Hanson was elected president of Congress, and he continued to hold 
that office until 1783, when death removed him from the scene of his 
patriotic services. 



HENRY LAURENS. 

Henry Laurens was born in Charleston, South Carolina, in the 
year 172-4. He took an early part in opposing the arbitrary claims 
of Great Britain, at the commencement of the American Revolution. 
When the provincial Congress of Carolina met in June, 1775, he 
was appointed its president ; in which capacity he drew up a form 
of association, to be signed by all the friends of liberty, which in- 
dicated a most determined spirit. Being a member of the general 
Congress, after the resignation of Hancock, he was appointed presi- 
dent of that illustrious body in November, 1777. In 1780, he was 
deputed to solicit a loan from Holland, and to negotiate a treaty 
with the United Netherlands ; but on his passage, he was captured 
by a British vessel on the Banks of Newfoundland. He threw his 
papers overboard, but they were recovered by a sailor. Being sent 
to England, he was committed to the Tower, on the 5th of October, 
as a state prisoner, on a charge of high-treason. Here he was con- 
fined more than a year, and was treated with great severity, being 
denied, for the most part, all intercourse with his friends, and for- 
bidden the use of pen, ink, and paper. His capture occasioned no 
small embarrassment to the ministry. They dared not condemn him 
as a rebel, through fear of retaliation ; and they were unwilling to 
release him, lest he should accomplish the object of his mission. The 
discoveries found in his papers led to a war with Great Britain and 
Holland, and Mr. Adams was appointed in his place to carry on the 
negotiation with the United Provinces. 

Many propositions were then made to Mr. Laurens, which wero 
repelled with indignation. At length, news being received that his 

10 



146 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

eldest son, a youth of such uncommon talents, exalted sentiments, 
and prepossessing manners and appearance, that a romantic interest 
is still attached to his name, had been appointed the special minister 
of Congress to the French court, and was there urging the suit of 
his country, with winning eloquence, the father was requested to 
write to his son, and urge his return to America ; it being further 
hinted, that, as he was held a prisoner in the light of a rebel, his life 
should depend upon compliance. "My son is of age," replied the 
heroic father of an heroic son, " and has a will of his own. I know 
him to be a man of honour. He loves me dearly, and would lay 
down his life to save mine ; but I am sure that he would not sacrifice 
his honour to save my life, and I applaud him." This veteran was, 
not many months after, released, with a request from Lord Shel- 
burne that he would pass to the continent, and assist in negotiating 
a peace between Great Britain and the free United States of America, 
and France their ally. 

Toward the close of the year 1781, his sufterings, which had, by 
that time become well known, excited the utmost sympathy for him- 
self, but kindled the warmest indignation against the authors of his 
cruel confinement. Every attempt to draw concessions from this 
inflexible patriot having proved more than useless, his enlargement 
was resolved upon, but difficulties arose as to the mode of effecting 
it. Pursuing the same high-minded course which he had at first 
adopted, and influenced by the noblest feelings of the heart, he ob- 
stinately refused his consent to any act which might imply a con- 
fession that he was a British subject, for as such he had been com- 
mitted on a charge of high-treason. It was finally proposed to take 
bail for his appearance at the Court of King's Bench, and when the 
words of the recognizance, "our sovereign lord the king," were read 
to Mr. Laurens, he distinctly replied in open court, "Not my sove- 
reign!" With this declaration, he, with Messrs. Oswald and Ander- 
son as his securities, were bound for his appearance at the next Court 
of King's Bench for Easter term, and for not departing without leave 
of the court, upon which he was immediately discharged. When the 
time appointed for his trial approached, he was not only exonerated 
from obligation to attend, but solicited by Lord Shelburne to depart 
for the continent to assist in a scheme for a pacification with America. 
The idea of being released, gratuitously, by the British government, 
sensibly moved him, for he had invariably considered himself as a 
prisoner of war. Possessed of a lofty sense of personal independ- 
ence, and unwilling to be brought under the slightest obligation, he 
thus expressed himself: "I must not accept myself as a gift; and as 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 147 

Congress once offered General Burgoyne for me, I have no doubt of 
their being now willing to offer Earl Cornwallis for the same purpose." 

Close confinement in the Tower for more than fourteen months had 
shattered his constitution, and he was ever afterward a stranger to 
good health. As soon as his discharge was promulgated, he received 
from Congress a commission, appointing him one of their ministers 
for negotiating a peace with Great Britain. Arriving at Paris, in 
conjunction with Dr. Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay, he signed 
the preliminaries of peace on the 30th of November, 1782, by which 
the independence of the United States was unequivocally acknow- 
ledged. Soon after this, Mr. Laurens returned to Carolina. En- 
tirely satisfied with the whole course of his conduct while abroad, it 
will readily be imagined that his countrymen refused him no distinc- 
tions within their power to bestow; but every solicitation to suffer 
himself to be elected governor, member of Congress, or of the legisla- 
ture of the State, he positively withstood. When the project of a 
general convention for revising the federal bond of union was under 
consideration, he was chosen without his knowledge one of its mem- 
bers, but he refused to serve. Retired from the world and its con- 
cerns, he found delight in agricultural experiments, in advancing the 
welfare of his children and dependants, and in attentions to the in- 
terests of his friends and fellow-citizens. 

He expired on the 8th of December, 1792, in the sixty-ninth year 
of his age. 

He directed his son to burn his body on the third day, as the sole 
condition of his inheriting an estate of X60,000. 

Rigid virtue was characteristic of Mr. Laurens in public and 
private life. He had almost the austerity of Cato. His patriotism 
was as devoid of the alloy of ambition as that of any man who ever 
lived. 



WILLIAM HENRY DRAYTON. 

South Cakolina had a very distinguished delegation in the Con- 
gress that framed the Articles of Confederation. Among the mem- 
bers, William Henry Drayton iad a very high reputation. He 
was born in South Carolina, in 1742. 

He spent his youth and acquired his education in England. Soon 
after he came to manhood, he returned to Carolina, and there with 



148 BIOGP.APIIIES OF THE SIGNERS 

inferior opportunities, but superior industry, prosecuted his studies. 
In it he acquired the greater part of that knowledge for which he 
was afterward distinguished. He first began to write for the public 
about the year 1769. Under the signature of "Freeman" he stated 
several legal and constitutional objections to an association, or rather 
the mode of enforcing an association, for suspending the importation 
of British manufactures, which was then generally signed by the in- 
habitants. This involved him in a political controversy, in which he 
was opposed by Christopher Gadsden and John Mackenzie. In the 
year 1774 he wrote a pamphlet under the signature of "Freeman," 
which was addressed to the American Congress. In this he stated 
the grievances of America, and drew up a bill of American rights. 
This was well received. It substantially chalked out the line of 
conduct adopted by Congress then in session. He was elected a 
member of the provincial Congress, which sat in January, 1775; and 
in the course of that year was advanced to the presidency thereof. 
In the latter character he issued on the 9th of November, 1775, the 
first order that was given in South Carolina for firing on the British. 
The order was addressed to Colonel William Moultrie, and directed 
him "by every military operation to endeavour to oppose the pas- 
sage of any British naval armament that may attempt to pass Fort 
Johnson." This was before Congress had decided on independence, 
and, in the then situation of Carolina, was a bold, decisive measure. 

Before the Be volution, Mr. Drayton was one of the king's coun- 
sellors, and one of his assistant judges for the province. The first 
of these offices he resigned, and from the last he was dismissed by 
the officers of his Britannic majesty. On the formation of a popular 
constitution, he was reinstated in the corresponding offices of the 
State, and in the last advanced to the rank of chief-justice. He 
published his charge to the grand jury in April, 1776, which breathes 
all the spirit and energy of a mind which knows the value of 
freedom, and is determined to support it. 

The following is an extract from the charge : — 

"In short, I think it my duty to declare, in the awful seat of 
justice, and before Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans 
can have no safety but by the Divine favour, their own virtue, and 
their being so prudent as not to leave it in the power of the British 
rulers to injure them. Indeed the ruinous and deadly injuries re- 
ceived on our side; and the jealousies entertained, and which, in the 
nature of things, must daily increase against us on the other; 
demonstrate to a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise 
and fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist between 



OF THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 149 

Great Britain and America, the latter being in subjection to the 
former. The Ahuighty created America to be independent of 
Britain : let us beware of the impiety of being backward to act as 
instruments in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his 
purpose; and by the completion of which alone, America, in the 
nature of human affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious 
designs of her enemies wJio think her prosperity/ and power already 
BY far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so 
blended, that to refuse our labours in this Divine work, is to refuse 
to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people ! 

" And now having left the important alternative, political happi- 
ness or wretchedness under God, in a great degree in your own 
hands, I pray the Supreme Arbiter of the affairs of men, so to direct 
your judgment, as that you may act agreeably to what seems to be 
his will, revealed in his miraculous works in behalf of America, 
bleeding at the altar of liberty." This being anterior to the declara- 
tion of independence, was bold language. Several publications ap- 
peared from his pen, explaining the injured rights of his country, 
and encouraging his fellow-citizens to vindicate them. He has also 
left a manuscript history of the American Revolution in three folio 
volumes, brought down to the end of the year 1778, which he in- 
tended to continue and publish. His country, pleased with his zeal 
and talents, heaped offices upon him. He was appointed a member 
of Congress in 1778 and 1779, Soon after he had taken his seat, 
British commissioners came to America, with the hope of detaching 
the States from their alliance with France. Drayton took an active 
and decided part in favour of the measures adopted by his country- 
men. His letters, published expressly to controvert the machinations 
of the British commissioners, were considered as replete with irre- 
sistible arguments, and written in the best style. 

He died in Philadelphia, in 1779, while attending his duty in 
Congress, in the thirty-seventh year of his age. He was a statesman 
of great decision and energy, and one of the ablest political writers 
South Carolina has produced. 



RICHARD HUTSON. 

Richard Hutson was not a prominent member of the South 
Carolina delegation in the Congress that framed the Articles of Con- 
federation; but his activity and devotion to the patriot cause are 



150 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE SIGNERS 

demonstrated by his connection with most of the important revo- 
tionary movements made in his native State, and by the record of 
his earnest efforts to sustain the drooping spirits of his countrymen 
after the British under Cornwallis and Rawdon had overrun the 
Carolinas. Such a citizen was worthy of the highest civil trusts his 
countrymen had it in their power to bestow. 



JOHN MATTHEWS. 

John Matthews was one of the youngest of the statesmen South 
Carolina gave to the country during the war of independence. He 
was born in 1744, was well educated, and became a lawyer of repu- 
tation while still a young man. At the commencement of the Revo- 
lution he avowed himself an ardent Whig, and applied his abilities 
to vindicating the rights and liberties of his native land. In 1780, 
Mr. Matthews was elected to a seat in Congress, in which body he 
displayed much energy, eloquence, and general legislative ability, 
adding greatly to his reputation. In 1782 he was chosen to succeed 
Governor Rutledge in the chief-magistracy of South Carolina. Mr. 
Matthews held this honourable and responsible post for one year. 
In 1784 he was appointed a judge in the court of equity, which 
office he continued to hold until his death in 1802, at the age of 
fifty-eight years. He was a man of high talent, firm and resolute 
will, and of extensive information. 



EDWARD TELFAIR. 

Edward Telfair was one of the earliest promoters of the Revo- 
lution in Georgia. He was one of the "sons of liberty" who met at 
Tondee's tavern in Savannah, and organized a regular resistance to 
the measures of the British government. In 1774 he was appointed 
one of the committee to draw up resolutions to be adopted by the 
friends of liberty, and he continued his activity as a patriot through- 
out the great struggle. He was elected a member of Congress, in 
which body he was a conspicuous legislator and orator. After the 
war, Mr. Telfair was elected governor of Georgia, and he held the 
office several years, giving general satisfaction. After a long life of 
public service he died in Savannah in October, 1807. 



C0n$titiition d tfje Unittb $kk%. 



We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for 
the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and 
establish this constitution for the United States of America. 

ARTICLE I. 

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested 
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate 
and house of representatives. 

Section 2. The house of representatives shall be composed of 
members chosen every second year by the people of the several 
States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications 
requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State 
legislature. 

No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to 
the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of 
that State in which he shall be chosen. 

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the 
several States which may be included within this Union, according 
to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to 
the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service 
for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of 
all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within 
three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United 
States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such 
manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives 
shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall 
have at least one representative ; and until such enumeration shall 
be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 
three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
tions one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Penn- 
sylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North 
Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the 

151 



152 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such 
vacancies. 

The house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other 
oflBcers ; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

Section 3. The senate of the United States shall be composed of 
two senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for 
six years ; and each senator shall have one vote. 

Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the 
first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three 
classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated 
at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the ex- 
piration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration 
of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second 
year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during 
the recess of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof may 
make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legisla- 
ture, which shall then fill such vacancies. 

No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the 
ag* of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United 
States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that 
State for which he shall be chosen. 

The vice-president of the United States shall be president of the 
senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 

The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president 
pro tempore, in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall 
exercise the office of president of the United States. 

The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments : 
When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. 
When the president of the United States is tried, the chief-justice 
shall preside : And no person shall be convicted without the concur- 
rence of two-thirds of the members present. 

Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than 
to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any 
office of honour, trust or profit under the United States : but the 
party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indict- 
ment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 

Section 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections 
for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each State 
by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law 
make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing 
senators. 

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 153 

meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall 
by law appoint a different day. 

Section 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, re- 
turns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each 
shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may 
adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the at- 
tendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such pe- 
nalties as each house may provide. 

Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its 
members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two- 
thirds, expel a member. 

Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time 
to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judg- 
ment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either 
house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, 
bo entered on the journal. 

Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the 
consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any 
other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a com- 
pensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out 
of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except 
treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest 
during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and 
in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or 
debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other 
place. 

No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he 
was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of 
the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments 
whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no person 
holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of 
either house during his continuance in office. 

Section 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the 
house of representatives ; but the senate may propose or concur with 
amendments as on other bills. 

Every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives 
and the senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the 
president of the United States ; if he approve he shall sign it, but 
if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it 
shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their 
journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration 



154 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, 
together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall 
likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that house, 
it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses 
shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons 
voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the presi- 
dent within ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall have been pre- 
sented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had 
signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its re- 
turn, in which case it shall not be a law. 

Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the 
senate and house of representatives may be necessary (except on a 
question of adjournment) shall be presented to the president of the 
United States ; and before the same shall take effect shall be approved 
by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two- 
thirds of the senate and house of representatives, according to the 
rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, 
duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the 
common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all 
duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
States ; 

To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several 
States, and with the Indian tribes ; 

To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws 
on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States; 

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and 
fix the standard of weights and measures ; 

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and 
current coin of the United States ; 

To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 

To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing 
for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their 
respective writings and discoveries ; 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court ; 

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high 
seas, and offences against the law of nations ; 

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make 
rules concerning captui-es on land and water ; 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 155 

To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to 
that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; 

To provide and maintain a navy ; 

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and 
naval forces ; 

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the 
Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions ; 

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and 
for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service 
of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the ap- 
pointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia 
according to the discipline prescribed by Congress ; 

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such 
district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of par- 
ticular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of 
the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority 
over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the 
State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings ; — And 

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying 
into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by 
this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any 
department or officer thereof. 

Section 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any 
of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be 
prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such im- 
portation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 

The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, 
unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may 
require it. 

No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 

No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in pro- 
portion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be 
taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. 

No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or 
revenue to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall 
vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or 
pay duties in another. 

No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence 
of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and 



156 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be 
published from time to time. 

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : And 
no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, 
without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
ment, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, 
or foreign state. 

Section 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- 
federation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit 
bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in 
payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or 
law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 
nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any im- 
posts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely 
necessary for executing its inspection laws : and the net produce of 
all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall 
be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such 
laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of 
tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into 
any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign 
power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such immi- 
nent danger as will not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE 11. 

Section 1. The executive power shall be vested in a president of 
the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the 
term of four years, and, together with the vice-president, chosen for 
the same term, be elected as follows : 

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature threof 
may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of 
senators and representatives to which the State may be entitled in 
the Congress : but no senator or representative, or person holding 
holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be 
appointed an elector. 

The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, 
and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall 
be the same throughout the United States. 

No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United 
States, at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligi- 
ble to the office of president ; neither shall any person be eligible to 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 157 

that office "wlio shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, 
and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 

In case of the removal of the president from office, or of his 
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties 
of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice-president, and 
the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, 
resignation, or inability, both of the president and vice-president, 
declaring what officer shall then act as president, and such officer 
shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a president 
shall be elected. 

The president shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a 
compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during 
the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not re- 
ceive within that period any other emolument from the United 
States, or any of them. 

Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the 
following oath or affirmation : — " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that 
I will faithfully execute the office of president of the United States, 
and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the 
constitution of the United States." 

Section 2. The president shall be commander-in-chief of the army 
and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several 
States, when called into the actual service of the United States ; 
he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in 
each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the 
duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant 
reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except 
in cases of impeachment. 

He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the 
senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present 
concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers 
and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of 
the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise pro- 
vided for, and which shall be established by law : but the Congress 
may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they 
think proper, in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the 
heads of departments. 

The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may 
happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions 
which shall expire at the end of their next session. 

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress in- 



158 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

formation of the state of the Union, and recommend to their considera- 
tion such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he 
may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of 
them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to 
the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he 
shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public 
ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, 
and shall commission all the officers of the United States. 

Section 4. The president, vice-president, and all civil officers of 
the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, 
and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misde- 
meanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

Section 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested 
in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress 
may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of 
the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good 
behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a com- 
pensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in 
office. 

Section 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and 
equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, 
and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; — 
to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls ; 
— to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; — to contro- 
versies to which the United States shall be a party ; — to controver- 
sies between two or more States ; — between a State and citizens of 
another State ; — between citizens of different States ; — between 
citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different 
States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign 
states, citizens, or subjects. 

In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and con- 
suls, and those in which a State shall be party, the supreme court 
shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before men- 
tioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as 
to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations 
as the Congress shall make. 

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be 
by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said 
crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within 
any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress 
may by law have directed. 



CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 159 

Section 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only 
in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving 
them aid and comfort. 

No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony 
of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open 
court. 

The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of 
treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, 
or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to 
the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other 
State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the man- 
ner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and 
the effect thereof. 

Section 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all 
■ privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. 

A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other 
crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, 
shall, on the demand of the executive authority of the State from 
which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having 
jurisdiction of the crime. 

No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but 
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or 
labour may be due. 

Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into 
this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the 
jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the 
junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the con- 
sent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the 
Congress. 

The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful 
rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property be- 
longing to the United States ; and nothing in this constitution shall 
be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or 
of any particular State. 

Section 4. The United States shall guaranty to every State in 
this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each 
of them against invasion ; and on application of the legislature, 



160 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened,) 
against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it 
necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or, on the 
application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, 
shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either 
case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitu- 
tion, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several 
States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the 
other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; pro- 
vided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one 
thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first 
and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that 
no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage 
in the senate. 

ARTICLE VL 

All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the 
adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United 
States under this constitution, as under the confederation. 

This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall 
be made in pursuance thereof ; and all treaties made, or which shall 
be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the su- 
preme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound 
thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any State to the 
contrai-y notwithstanding. 

The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the mem- 
bers of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial 
officers, both of the LTnited States and of the several States, shall be 
bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution; but no 
religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or 
public trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VIL 

The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient 
for the establishment of this constitution between the States so rati- 
fying the same. 

Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, 
the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven and of the independence 



AMENDMENTS. 



161 



of tlie United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof 
we have hereunto subscribed our names. 

Go. Washington, 
President, and deputy from Virginia. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
John Langdon, 
Nicholas Gilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nathaniel Gorham, 
RuFus King. 

CONNECTICUT. 
William Samuel Johnson, 
RoGBE Sherman. 

NEW YORK. 
Alexander Hamilton. 

NEW JERSEY. 
William Livingston, 
David Brearlby, 
William Paterson, 
Jonathan Dayton. 

Attest . 



PENNSYLVANIA. 
Benjamin Franklin, 
Thomas Mifflin, 
Robert Morris, 
George Clymer, 
Thomas Fitzsimons, 
Jared Ingersoll, 
James Wilson, 
Godverneur Morris. 

DELAWARE. 
George Reed, 
Gunning Bedford, Jun., 
John Dickinson, 
Richard Bassett, 
Jacob Broom. 



VIRGINIA. 

John Blair, 

James Madison, Jun. 

NORTH CAROLINA 

William Blount, 
Richard Dobbs Spaight, 
Hugh Williamson. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

John Rutledge, 
Charles C. Pinckney, 
Charles Pinckney, 
Pierce Butler. 



GEORGIA. 



MARYLAND. 
James McHenry, 
Daniel op St. Tho. Jenifer, William Few, 
Daniel Carroll. Abraham Baldwin. 



William Jackson, Secretary. 



AMENDMENTS 



to THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, RATIFIED ACCORDING 
TO THE PROVISIONS OF THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE FOREGOING 
CONSTITUTION. 

Article the first. Congress shall make no law respecting an 
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of 
the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government 
for a redress of grievances. 

Article the second. A well-regulated militia, being necessary 
to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and 
bear arms, shall not be infringed. 

Article the third. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quar- 
tered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in a time 
of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

Article the fourth. The right of the people to be secure in 
their persons, houses, papers, and eflfects, against unreasonable 

11 



1(32 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 

searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall 
issue, but upon probable cause, supported hj oath or affirmation, 
and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the per- 
sons or things to be seized. 

Akticle THE FIFTH. No person shall be held to answer for a 
capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or 
indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or 
naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war 
or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same 
offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be 
compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor 
be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; 
nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just com- 
pensation. 

Article the sixth. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial 
jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been 
committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by 
law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; 
to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assist- 
ance of counsel for his defence. 

Article the seventh. In suits at common law, where the value 
in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury 
shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise 
re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to 
the rules of the common law. 

Article the eighth. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor 
excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 

Article the ninth. The enumeration in the constitution, of 
certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others 
retained by the people. 

Article the tenth. The powers not delegated to the United 
States, by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are 
reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 

Article the eleventh. The judicial power of the United States 
shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- 
menced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens 
of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State. 

Article the twelfth. The electors shall meet in their respective 
States, and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with 



AMENDJIENTS. 163 

themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as 
president, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-presi- 
dent, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as 
president, and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the 
number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and 
transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, 
directed to the president of the senate ; the president of the senate 
shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, 
open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; — the 
person having the greatest number of votes for president, shall be 
the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of 
electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from 
the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the 
list of those voted for as president, the house of representatives 
shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president. But in choosing 
the president, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation 
from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall 
consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a 
majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if 
the house of representatives shall not choose a president whenever 
the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day 
of March next following, then the vice-president shall act as presi- 
dent, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of 
the president. The person having the greatest number of votes as 
vice-president, shall be the vice-president, if such number be a ma- 
jority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person 
have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the 
senate shall choose the vice-president ; a quorum for the purpose 
shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a 
majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But 
no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall 
be eligible to that of vice-president of the United States. 



imgragljus of % Jframcrs of t\t Constitution. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

A BIOGRAPHY of Georgb WASHINGTON who was president of the 
convention which framed the constitution, will be found in that por- 
tion of the work which includes the lives of the Presidents of the 
United States. 



JOHN LANGDON. 



Nevt Hampshire should be proud of the noble patriots she pro- 
duced during the Revolutionary period. Stark, Whipple, and Lang- 
don were men who would have been ornaments to mankind in any 
state or age. 

John Langdon was born at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in 1739. 
At an early age he entered the counting-house of a merchant, and 
afterward owned and commanded a ship which was employed in the 
London and West-India trade, but soon exchanged the seafaring life 
for the business exclusively of a merchant, in which he was highly 
successful. At the opening of the Revolution, he took a decided part 
in behalf of the colonies. As early as 1774, when the mother 
country passed the Boston port bill, and menaced hostilities, Mr. 
Langdon, with John Sullivan and Thomas Pickering, raised a troop, 
proceeded to the fort at Great Island, disarmed the garrison, and 
conveyed the arms and ammunition to a place of safety. The royal 
government would have prosecuted him, but was deterred by the 
resolution of the inhabitants to shield him at all hazards. 

In 1775, Mr. Langdon was a delegate to the general Congress of 
the colonies. In June, 1776, he resigned his seat in that body, for 
the place of navy-agent. In 1777, he was speaker of the Assembly 
of New Hampshire, and, when means were wanted to support a regi- 
ment, Langdon gave all his hard money, pledged his plate, and applied 
to the same purpose the proceeds of seventy hogsheads of tobacco. 
A brigade was raised with the means which he furnished, and with 
164 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 165 

that brigade General Stark achieved his memorable victory over the 
Hessians. 

In 1785, Mr. Langdon was president of New Hampshire, and, in 
1787, delegate in the convention that framed the federal constitution. 
Under this constitution, he was one of the first senators from New 
Hampshire. In 1805, he was elected governor of his State, and 
again in 1810. In 1801, President Jeiferson solicited him in vain to 
accept the post of secretary of the navy at Washington. He died 
September 18, 1819. 

Mr. Langdon was a patriot and public servant of great energy, 
decision, and generous purpose. His sacrifices at the time when his 
native State had the most pressing need of funds, will ever be re- 
membered by grateful Americans. 



NICHOLAS OILMAN. 



Nicholas Gilman was the son of John Taylor Gilman, who held 
high civil offices in New Hampshire, and under the general govern- 
ment, and who was an active patriot during the Revolution. He was 
educated to the profession of the law, and soon assumed a distin- 
guished position in his native State. He was appointed the colleague 
of John Langdon, in the convention that framed the federal consti- 
tution. In March, 1805, he was elected to a seat in the United 
States Senate, and he continued to be an active member of that body 
until 1814, when he died. He was a man of firm character and de- 
cided talent. 



NATHANIEL GORHAM. 



Nathaniel Gorham was born in Charlestown, Massachusetts, 
May 27, 1738. 

He received an excellent education, and possessing uncommon 
talents, he always appeared to advantage in company with literary 
men. He settled in business at the place of his nativity, but being 
a constant, fearless, and independent lover of freedom, seemed to be 
formed more for public life than to succeed in mercantile pursuits. 

Mr. Gorham was chosen representative for Charlestown, in 1771, 



166 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

and every year till the commencement of the Revolutionary war. He 
was a very assiduous attendant on the house of representatives, and 
was a leader in all their debates. In 1779 he was elected a delegate 
of the convention which formed the constitution of his native State. 
In 1784 he was chosen a member of the Congress of the United 
States, and soon after elected president of that honourable body. 

In 1787, Mr. Gorham was a member of the grand convention which 
formed the federal constitution. In this august body, he sustained 
a high reputation for his knowledge and integrity. He stood high 
with all parties for his wisdom and prudence, and eloquence in debate. 
He was on this account one of the most influential members of the 
State convention, which adopted the constitution. He died, June 11, 
1796, at the age of fifty-eight years. 



EUFUS KING. 



The name of Rufus King stands high in our history, as that of 
a statesman, orator, and diplomatist of rare powers. He was born 
in 1755, at Scarborough, Maine, where his father was a wealthy mer- 
chant. Young King was entered at Harvard College, in 1773; but, 
in 1775, his collegiate pursuits were interrupted by the commence- 
ment of the Revolutionary war, the buildings appertaining to the in- 
stitution having become the barracks of the American troops. The 
students were, in consequence, dispersed until the autumn of the 
same year, when they reassembled at Concord, where they remained 
until the evacuation of Boston by the British forces, in 1776. In 
1777 he received his degree, and immediately afterward entered as 
a student of law, into the office of the celebrated Theophilus Parsons, 
at Newburyport. Before he was admitted to the bar in 1778, Mr. 
King volunteered his services in the enterprise conducted by General 
Sullivan and Count d'Estaing against the British in Rhode Island, 
and acted in the capacity of aid-de-camp to the former. In 1780 he 
began the practice of his profession, and soon after was elected repre- 
sentative of the town of Newburyport, in the legislature or General 
Court, as it is called, of Massachusetts, where his success paved the 
way to a seat in the old Congress in 1784. His most celebrated effort 
in the legislature was made in that year, on the occasion of the re- 
commendation by Congress to the several States to grant to the 
general government a five per cent, impost, a compliance with which 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 167 

he advocated with great power and zeal. He was re-elected a mem- 
her of Congress in 1785 and 1786. In the latter year, he was sent 
by Congress, with Mr. Monroe, to the legislature of Pennsylvania, 
to remonstrate against one of its proceedings. A day was appointed 
for them to address the legislature, on which Mr. King rose first to 
speak ; but, before he could open his lips, he lost the command of his 
faculties, and, in his confusion, barely retained presence of mind 
enough to request Mr. Monroe to take his place. Meanwhile, he re- 
covered his self-possession, and on rising again, after complimenting 
his audience by attributing his misfortune to the effect produced upon 
him by so august an assemblage, proceeded to deliver an elegant and 
masterly speech. 

In 1787, when the general convention met at Philadelphia for the 
purpose of forming a constitution for the country, Mr. King was sent 
to it by the legislature of Massachusetts, and, when the convention 
of that State was called, in order to discuss the system of govern- 
ment proposed, was likewise chosen a member of it by the inhabitants 
of Newburyport. In both assemblies, he was in favour of the present 
constitution. In 1788, he removed to New York city. In 1789, he 
was elected a member of the New York legislature, and, during its 
extra session, in the summer of that year, General Schuyler and him- 
self were chosen the first senators from the State, under the consti- 
tution of the United States. In 1794, the British treaty was made 
public, and, a public meeting of the citizens of New York having 
been called respecting it, Mr. King and General Hamilton attended 
to explain and defend it ; but the people were in such a ferment, that 
they were not allowed to speak. They therefore retired, and imme- 
diately commenced the publication of a series of essays upon the 
subject, under the signature of Camillus, the first ten of which, re- 
lating to the permanent articles of the treaty, were written by General 
Hamilton, and the remainder, relative to the commercial and maritime 
articles, by Mr. King. The most celebrated speech made by Mr. 
King, in the Senate of the United States, was in this year, concern- 
ing a petition which had been presented by some of the citizens of 
Pennsylvania against the right of Albert Gallatin to take a seat in 
the Senate, to which he had been chosen by that State, on the ground 
of want of legal qualification, in consequence of not having been a 
citizen of the United States for the requisite number of years. Mr. 
King spoke in support of the petition, and in answer to a speech of 
Aaron Burr in favour of Mr. Gallatin. Mr. Gallatin was excluded. 

In the spring of 1796, Mr. King was appointed, by President 
Washington, minister plenipotentiary to the court of St. James, liav- 



1(38 EIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

ing previously declined the offer of the department of state. The 
functions of that post he continued to discharge until 1803, when he 
returned home. In 1813, he was a third time sent to the senate by 
the legislature of New York, at a period when the nation was in- 
volved in hostilities with Great Britain. His speech on the burning 
of Washington by the enemy, was one of his most eloquent displays, 
and teemed with sentiments which had echoes from all parties. In 
1816, while engaged with his senatorial duties at Washington, he was 
proposed as a candidate for the chief magistracy of the State of New 
York, by a convention of delegates from several of its counties. The 
nomination was made without his knowledge, and it was with great 
reluctance that he acceded to it, at the earnest solicitation of his 
friends. He was not, however, elected. In 1820, he was re-elected 
to the Senate of the United States, where he continued until the 
expiration of the term, in March, 1825. Several of the laws which 
he proposed and carried, in that interval, were of great consequence. 
In the famous Missouri question, he took the lead. On his with- 
drawal from the Senate, he accepted from President Adams the 
appointment of minister plenipotentiary at the court of London. 
During the voyage to England, his health was sensibly impaired. He 
remained abroad a twelvemonth, but his illness impeded the perform- 
ance of his official duties, and proved fatal soon after his return home. 
He died like a Christian philosopher, April 29, 1827, in the seventy- 
third year of his age. 

In person, Mr. King was somewhat above the middle size, and well 
proportioned. His countenance was frank, manly, and beaming with 
intelligence. His orations and writings were remarkable for their 
condensation and force of style. His conversation was brilliant and 
varied. As a statesman, all parties agreed that he ranked among the 
first of his age. 



WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON. 

William Samuel Johnson was the eldest son of the Rev. Dr. 
-Johnson, first president of the college in New York. He was edu- 
cated at Yale College, where he took the degree of bachelor of arts 
in 1744. At the bar he was an eminently graceful speaker and an 
able advocate, and soon rose to high professional reputation. After 
passing with honour through almost all the respectable offices of the 
colony, he was sent to England in 1766, by the legislature of Con- 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 169 

nectlcut, to argue before the royal council a great land cause of the 
highest importance to the colony. He remained in England until 
1771, and during this period the University of Oxford conferred on 
him the degree of doctor of civil law, and he was elected a member 
of the Royal Society. Some time after his return, he was appointed 
one of the judges of the superior court of Connecticut. He also 
represented the State for some years under the old confederation. 
He was sent as a delegate from his native State to the convention for 
forming a new constitution for the United States, and was elected a 
member of Congress on the first organization of the new constitution. 
In 1792 he was elected president of Columbia College, and he con- 
tinued to fill that station with great dignity and usefulness until 1810. 
Mr. Johnson died at Stratford, Connecticut, in 1819, at the age 
of ninety-three years. 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

The chief debater in the convention which framed the federal 
constitution, and the chief advocate of that instrument after its com- 
pletion, was Alexander Hamilton. He was a native of the Island 
of St. Croix, and was born in 1757. His father was the younger 
son of an English family, and his mother was an American. At the 
age of sixteen he accompanied his mother to New York, and entered 
a student of Columbia college, in which he continued about three 
years While a member of this institution the first buddings of his 
intellect gave presages of his future eminence. The contest with 
Great Britain called forth the first talents on each side, and his 
juvenile pen asserted the claims of the colonies against very re- 
spectable writers. His papers exhibited such evidence of intellect 
and wisdom, that they were ascribed to Mr. Jay, and when the truth 
was discovered, America saw with astonishment a lad of seventeen 
in the list of her able advocates. At the age of eighteen he entered 
the American army as an oflBcer of artillery. The first sound of war 
awakened his martial spirit, and as a soldier he soon conciliated the 
regard of his brethren in arms. It was not long before he attracted 
the notice of Washington, who in 1777 selected him as an aid, with 
the rank of lieutenant colonel. His sound understanding, compre- 
hensive views, application and promptitude soon gained him the 
entire confidence of his patron. In such a school, it was impossible 
but that his genius should be nourished. By intercourse with Wash- 



170 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

ington, by surveying his plans, observing his consummate prudence, 
and by a minute inspection of the springs of national operations, he 
became fitted for command. Throughout the campaign, which ter- 
minated in the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Colonel Hamilton com- 
manded a battalion of light infantry. At the siege of York, in 1781, 
when the second parallel was opened, two redoubts, which flanked it 
and were advanced three hundred yards in front of the British works, 
very much annoyed the men in the trenches. It was resolved to 
possess them, and, to prevent jealousies, the attack of the one was 
committed to the Americans and of the other to the French. The 
detachment of the Americans was commanded by the marquis de la 
Fayette, and Colonel Hamilton, at his own earnest request, led the 
advanced corps, consisting of two battalions. Toward the close of 
the day, on the 14th of October, the troops rushed to the charge 
without firing a single gun. The works were assaulted with irre- 
sistible impetuosity, and carried with but little loss. Eight of the 
enemy fell in the action ; but notwithstanding the irritation lately 
produced by the infamous slaughter in Fort Griswold, not a man was 
killed who had ceased to resist. 

Soon after the capture of Cornwallis, Hamilton sheathed his 
Bword, and being encumbered with a family and destitute of funds, 
at the age of twenty-five applied to the study of the law. In this 
profession he soon rose to distinction. But his private pursuits could 
not detach him from regard to the public welfare. The violence 
which was meditated against the property and persons of all who 
remained in the city during the war, called forth his generous 
exertions, and by the aid of Governor Clinton the faithless and re- 
vengeful scheme was defeated. In a few years a more important 
affair demanded his talents. After witnessing the debility of the 
confederation, he was fully impressed with the necessity of an eifi- 
cient general government, and he was appointed in 1787 a member 
of the federal convention for New York. He assisted in forming the 
constitution of our country. It did not indeed completely meet his 
wishes. He was afraid that it did not contain sufficient means of 
strength for its own preservation, and that in consequence we should 
share the fate of many other republics, and pass through anarchy to des- 
potism. He was in favour of a more permanent executive and senate. 
He wished for a strong government, which would not be shaken by 
the conflict of difl'erent interests through an extensive territory, and 
which should be adequate to all the forms of national exigency. He 
was apprehensive that the increased wealth and population of the 
States would lead to encroachments on the Union, and he anticipated 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 171 

the day, when the general government, unable to support itself, 
would fall. These were his views and feelings, and he freely ex- 
pressed them. But the patriotism of Hamilton was not of that kind 
which yields every thing because it cannot accomplish all that it 
desires. Believing the constitution to be incomparably superior to 
the old confederation, he exerted all his talents in its support, 
though it did not rise to his conception of a perfect system. By his 
pen in the papers signed Publius, and by his voice in the convention 
of New York he contributed much to its adoption. When the govern- 
ment was organized in 1789, Washington placed him at the head of 
the treasury. In the new demands which were now made upon his 
talents, the resources of his mind did not fail him. In his reports 
he proposed plans for funding the debt of the Union and for assuming 
the debts of the respective States, for establishing a bank and mint, 
and for procuring a revenue. He wished to redeem the reputation 
of his country by satisfying her creditors, and to combine with the 
government such a moneyed interest as might facilitate its operations. 
But while he opened sources of wealth to thousands by establishing 
public credit, and thus restoring the public paper to its original 
value, he did not enrich himself. He did not take advantage of his 
situation, nor improve the opportunity he enjoyed for acquiring a 
fortune. Though, accused of amassing wealth, he did not vest a 
dollar in the public funds. He was exquisitely delicate in regard to 
his official character, being determined if possible to prevent the im- 
peachment of his motives, and preserve his integrity and good name 
unimpaired. 

In the early stage of the administration, a disagreement existed 
between Mr. Hamilton and the secretary of state, Mr. Jefferson, 
which increased till it issued in such open hostility, and introduced 
such confusion in the cabinet, that Washington found it necessary to 
address a letter to each, recommending forbearance and moderation. 
Mr. Hamilton was apprehensive of danger from the encroachment 
of the States, and wished to add new strength to the general govern- 
ment ; while Mr. Jefferson entertained little jealousy of the State 
sovereignties, and was rather desirous of checking and limiting the 
exercise of the national authorities, particularly the power of the 
executive. Other points of difference existed, and a reconciliation 
could not be effected. In the beginning of 1793, after intelligence 
of the rupture between France and Great Britain had been received, 
Hamilton, as one of the cabinet of the president, supported the 
opinion that the treaty with France was no longer binding, and that 
a nation might absolve itself from the obligations of real treaties. 



172 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

when such a change takes place in the internal situation of the other 
contracting party, as renders the continuance of the connection dis- 
advantageous or dangerous. He advised therefore, that the ex- 
pected French minister should not be received in an unqualified 
manner. The secretary of state on the other hand was of opinion 
that the revolution in France had produced no change in the rela- 
tions between the two countries, and could not weaken the obligation 
of treaties; and this opinion was embraced by Washington. The 
advice of Hamilton was followed in regard to the insurrection in 
Pennsylvania in 1794, and such a detachment was sent out under 
his own command that it was suppressed without effusion of blood. 
He remained but a short time afterward in ofiice. As his property 
had been wasted in the public service, the care of a rising family 
made it his duty to retire, that by renewed exertions in his profes- 
sion he might provide for their support. He accordingly resigned 
his office on the last of January, 1795, and was succeeded by Mr. 
Wolcott. When a provisional army was raised in 1798 in conse- 
quence of the injuries and demands of France, Washington suspended 
his acceptance of the command of it on the condition, that Hamilton 
should be his associate and the second in command. This arrange- 
ment was accordingly made. After the adjustment of our dispute 
with the French republic, and the discharge of the army, he returned 
again to his profession in the city of New York. In this place he 
passed the remainder of his days. 

In June, 1804, Colonel Burr, vice-president of the United States, 
addressed a letter to General Hamilton, requiring his acknow- 
ledgment or denial of the use of any expression derogatory to 
the honour of the former. This demand was deemed inadmissible, 
and a duel was the consequence. After the close of the circuit 
court, the parties met at Hoboken on the morning of Wednesday, 
July 11, and Hamilton fell on the same spot where his son a 
few years before had fallen, in obedience to the same principle of 
honour, and in the same violation of the laws of God and of man. 
He was carried into the city, and being desirous of receiving the 
sacrament of the Lord's supper, he immediately sent for the Rev. 
Dr. Mason. As the principles of his church prohibited him from 
administering the ordinance in private, this minister of the gospel 
informed General Hamilton that the sacrament was an exhibition 
and pledge of the mercies which the Son of God has purchased, and 
that the absence of the sign did not exclude from the mercies sig- 
nified, which were accessible to him by faith in their gracious 
Author. He replied, " I am aware of that. It is only as a sign 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. I73 

that I wanted it." In the conversation which ensued, he disavowed 
all intention of taking the life of Colonel Burr, and declared his 
abhorrence of the whole transaction. When the sin of which he 
had been guilty was intimated to him, he assented with strong 
emotion ; and when the infinite merit of the Redeemer, as the pro- 
pitiation for sin, the sole ground of our acceptance with God, Avas 
suggested, he said with emphasis, "I have a tender reliance on the 
mercy of the Almighty through the merits of the Lord Jesus 
Christ." The Rev. Bishop Moore was afterward sent for, and 
after making suitable inquiries of the penitence and faith of Gene- 
ral Hamilton, and receiving his assurance that he would never 
again, if restored to health, be engaged in a similar transaction, but 
would employ all his influence in society to discountenance the bar- 
barous custom, administered to him the communion. After this his 
mind was composed. He expired about two o'clock on Thursday 
July 12, 1804, aged about forty-seven years. 

General Hamilton possessed very uncommon powers of mind. To 
whatever subject he directed his attention, he was able to grasp it, 
and in whatever he engaged, in that he excelled. So stupendous 
were his talents, and so patient was his industry, that no investiga- 
tion presented difficulties which he could not conquer. In the class 
of men of intellect he held the first rank. His eloquence was of the 
most interesting kind, and when new exertions were required, he 
rose in new strength, and touching at his pleasure every string of 
pity or terror, of indignation or grief, he bent the passions of others 
to his purpose. At the bar he gained the first eminence. 

He was an honest politician; and his frankness has been com- 
mended even by those who considered his political principles as 
hostile to the American confederated republic. His views of the 
necessity of a firm general government rendered him a decided 
friend of the union of the American States. His feelings and lan- 
guage were indignant toward every thing which pointed at its disso- 
lution. His hostility to every influence which leaned toward the 
project was stern and steady, and in every shape it encountered his 
reprobation. 

With all his pre-eminence of talents, and amiable as he was in 
private life. General Hamilton is yet a melancholy proof of the influ- 
ence which intercourse with a depraved world has in perverting the 
judgment. In principle he was opposed to duelling, his conscience 
was not hardened, and he was not indiflferent to the happiness of his 
wife and children ; but no consideration was strong enough to pre- 
vent him from exposing his life in single combat. His own views 



174 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

of usefulness were followed in contrariety to the injunctions of his 
Maker and Judge. 

He published the letters of Phocion, which were in favour of the 
loyalists after the peace. The Federalist, a series of essays, which 
appeared in the public papers in the interval between the publication 
and the adoption of the constitution of the United States, or soon 
after, and which was designed to elucidate and support its principles, 
was written by him in conjunction with Mr. Jay and Mr. Madison. He 
wrote all the numbers, excepting numbers 2, 3, 4, 5, and 54, which 
were written by Mr. Jay ; numbers 10, 14, and 37 to 48 inclusive, 
by Mr. Madison ; and numbers 18, 19, and 20, which he and Mr. 
Madison wrote conjointly. This work has been published in two 
volumes, and is held in the highest estimation. His reports while 
secretary of the treasury are very long, and display great powers of 
mind. Some of them are preserved in the American Museum. In 
the report upon manufactures, he controverts the principles of Adam 
Smith. In the papers signed Pacificus, written in 1793, while he 
justified the proclamation of neutrality, he also supported his opinion 
that we were absolved from the obligation of our treaties with France, 
and that justice was on the side of the coalition of the European 
powers for the re-establishment of the French monarchy. He pub- 
lished also observations on certain documents, &c., being a defence 
of himself against the charge of peculation, 1797 ; and a letter con- 
cerning the public conduct and character of his excellency John 
Adams, president of the United States, 1800. In this letter he 
endeavours to show, that the venerable patriot, who was more dis- 
posed than himself to maintain peace with France, was unworthy of 
being replaced in the high station which he occupied. 



WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. 

The Livingston family contributed many able and devoted patriots 
to the service of America. Among these, William Livingston, 
Governor of New Jersey was conspicuous during the Revolution. He 
was born in New York about the year 1723, and was graduated at 
Yale College in 1741. He afterward pursued the study of the law. 
Possessing a strong and comprehensive mind, a brilliant imagination, 
and a retentive memory, and improving with unwearied diligence the 
literary advantages which he enjoyed, he soon rose to eminence in 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 175 

his profession. He early embraced the cause of civil and religious 
liberty. When Great Britain advanced her arbitrary claims, he em- 
ployed his pen in opposing them, and in vindicating the rights of his 
countrymen. After sustaining some important offices in New York, 
he removed to New Jersey, and as a representative of this State was 
one of the principal members of the first Congress in 1774. 

In 1776, on the formation of the new constitution of the State, 
he was elected the first governor; and such was his integrity and 
republican virtue that he was annually re-elected until his death. 
During our struggles for liberty, he bent his exertions to support the 
independence of his country. By the keenness and geverity of his 
political writings he exasperated the British, who distinguished him 
as an object of their peculiar hatred. His pen had no inconsider- 
able influence in exciting that indignation and zeal, which rendered 
the militia of New Jersey so remarkable for the alacrity with which 
on any alarm they arrayed themselves against the common enemy. 

In 1787 he was appointed a delegate to the grand convention 
which formed the constitution of the United States. After having 
sustained the office of governor for fourteen years, with great honour 
to himself, and usefulness to the State, he died at his seat near 
Elizabethtown, July 25, 1790. 

Governor Livingston was remarkably plain and simple in his dress 
and manners. He was convivial, easy, mild, witty, and fond of 
anecdote. Fixed and unshaken in Christian principles, his life pre- 
sented an example of incorruptible integrity, strict honour, and warm 
benevolence. 

His writings evince a vigorous mind and a refined taste. Intimately 
acquainted with ancient and modern literature, he acquired an ele- 
gance of style which placed him among the first writers of his time. 



DAVID BREARLEY. 



David Brearley was born in New Jersey, about the year 1763, 
and at the age of eighteen he received the honours of Princeton 
College. On leaving that celebrated seminary, he commenced the 
study of the law, and in a few years stood foremost at the bar of his 
native State. 

In consideration of his distinguished talents as a lawyer and states- 
man, he was unanimously elected a member of the grand convention 



176 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

which met at Philadelphia, in 1787, for framing the constitution of 
the United States, and his name is affixed to that charter of our 
liberties. 

In 1789 he was appointed by President Washington, chief-justice 
of the State of New Jersey, which office he held with distinguished 
honour to himself and his country until his death, which took place 
at his seat, near Trenton, August 23, 1790, in the twenty-seventh 
year of his age. 

Mr. Brearley was cut off in the bloom of his powers, and when the 
highest hopes were entertained of his future usefulness. To have 
reached the position of chief-justice at the age of twenty-six years, 
was an almost unprecedented instance of the triumph of youthful 
genius, and sufficient of itself to inspire his friends with glorious an- 
ticipations. As an advocate he was always eloquent and forcible; 
and as a judge he was learned and impartial. 



WILLIAM PATTERSON. 



Governor Patterson was one of the most accomplished states- 
men whom New Jersey has produced. He was born in that State in 
1745. Receiving an excellent education, he graduated at Princeton 
College in 1763, and then turned his attention to the study of the 
law. During the Revolution, Mr. Patterson employed his eminent 
abilities in furthering the cause of his country. After the struggle 
had ended, and the formation of a federal union was proposed, he 
was sent as a delegate to the convention which met at Philadelphia 
for that purpose. His course in that body increased his reputation 
as a statesman; and he was chosen senator from New Jersey into 
the first Congress after the adoption of the federal constitution. In 
1790, Mr. Patterson was elected governor of New Jersey, and not 
long afterward he was appointed an associate judge of the supreme 
court of the United States. Mr. Patterson died in 1806, at the 
age of sixty-three years. He possessed a vigorous, comprehensive 
mind, and a large fund of knowledge in law and politics. 



OP THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. I77 



JONATHAN DAYTON. 

Colonel Elias Dayton was a distinguished patriot and soldier of 
New Jersey in the war of independence, and his son, Jonathan Day- 
ton, was one of the ablest civilians of that State, after independence 
had been achieved. Jonathan Dayton was born at Elizabethtown, 
New Jersey, shortly before the Revolution. He was carefully edu- 
cated and prepared for the career of a lawyer and statesman, and 
from his first entrance into public life his promotion was rapid. 
After being appointed to several offices in his native State, Mr. 
Dayton was in 1788 elected a member of the national house 
of representatives. In the preceding year he had served as one 
of the delegates to the convention which framed the constitution 
of the United States. He was also elected a senator in Congress, 
and took his seat on the 4th of March, 1799. On the 3d of March, 
1805, his term expired, and he retired from public office. Mr. 
Dayton was an accomplished lawyer, a firm friend to the constitu- 
tion, and one of its ablest defenders. 



THOMAS MIFFLIN. 



General Thomas Mifflin was one of the most distinguished of 
the Pennsylvania delegates who signed the federal constitution. 
He was born in 1744, of parents who were Quakers or Friends. His 
education was intrusted to the Rev. Dr. Smith, Avith whom he was 
connected in cordial intimacy for more than forty years. Active 
and zealous, he engaged early in opposition to the measures of the 
British Parliament. He was a member of the first Congress in 
1774. He took arms, and was among the first officers commissioned 
on the organization of the continental army, being appointed quarter- 
master general in August, 1775. For this offence he was read out 
of the Society of Quakers. In 1777 he was very useful in animat- 
ing the militia, and enkindling the spirit which seemed to have been 
damped ; but he was also suspected in this year of being unfriendly 
to the commander-in-chief, and of wishing to have some other per- 
son appointed in his place. His sanguine disposition and his activity 
might have rendered him insensible to the value of that coolness and 
caution which were essential to the preservation of such an army as 
was then under the command of Washington. 

12 



178 BIOGRAPHERS OF THE FRAMERS 

In 1787, General Mifflin was a member of the convention which 
framed the constitution of the United States, and his name is affixed 
to that instrument. In October, 1788, he succeeded Franklin as 
president of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, in which 
station he continued till October, 1790. In September a constitu- 
tion for this State was formed by a convention, in which he presided, 
and he was chosen the first governor. In 1794, during the insur- 
rection in Pennsylvania, he employed to the advantage of his coun- 
try the extraordinary powers of elocution with which he was en- 
dowed. The imperfection of the militia laws was compensated by 
his eloquence. He made a circuit through the lower counties, and 
at diiferent places publicly addressed the militia on the crisis in the 
the affairs of their country, and through his animating exhortations 
the State furnished the quota required. He was succeeded in the 
office of governor by Mr. McKean, at the close of the year 1799, 
and died at Lancaster, January 20, 1800, in the fifty-seventh year of 
his age. He was an active and zealous patriot, who had devoted 
much of his life to the public service. 



THOMAS FITZSIMMONS. 



Thomas Fitzsimmons does not appear to have been a prominent 
member of the convention which framed the constitution. Nor does 
his name appear in connection with the movements of his fellow-citi- 
zens during the Revolution. But as there were no men of mean 
capacity in the convention, we may suppose that Mr. Fitzsimmons was, 
by talent and energy, rendered worthy of the high legislative trust 
which the people of his native State saw fit to place in his hands. 



JARED INGERSOLL. 



Jared Ingersoll was born in 1749. He graduated at Yale Col- 
lege, and then began the practice of the law in Philadelphia, where 
he soon acquired a high reputation, although brought in conflict with 
the most distinguished lawyers of the day. He was elected to a seat in 
Congress under the confederation, and was chosen as one of the repre- 
sentatives of Pennsylvania in the convention which assembled to frame 
the federal constitution. In both these bodies he made a decided im- 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 179 

pression as a learned and able man. Soon afterward he became at- 
torney-general of Pennsylvania, wliieh office he held until 1816, 
when he resigned. At the time of his death he was a judge. In 
1812, Mr. Ingersoll was the federal candidate for the vice-presi- 
dency of the United States. The candidates of the Republican or 
war party were, however, elected. Mr. Ingersoll died in 1822, at 
the age of seventy-three. 



GUNNING BEDFORD, Jun. 

GuNNiNa Bedford, Jun., was a patriotic statesman of the Revo- 
lution. He was chosen governor of Delaware in 1796, and he dis- 
charged the duties of his office to the general satisfaction. He was 
then appointed district judge of the United States court, and he 
continued to hold that office until his death in 1815. He was one 
of the ablest patriots that the little State of Delaware produced 
during the Revolutionary period. 



RICHARD BASSETT. 



Richard Bassett was a distinguished patriot of the Revolution. 
He was elected governor of Delaware, was a member of the old 
Continental Congress, one of the framers of the present constitu- 
tion, and then a member of the senate of the United States. In 
1801, Mr. Bessett was placed upon the bench of the federal judi- 
ciary. But the repeal of the act constituting the courts was effected 
under Jefferson, and Judge Bassett was deprived of his office, (1802.) 
He died in 1815. Mr. Bassett was a man of energy, talent, and 
learning. 



JACOB BROOM. 



Jacob Broom was a native of Delaware, and a descendant of one 
of the most respectable families of that State. He received a 
thorough education, and became an eminent lawyer early in life. 
Having been chosen to represent his native State in the convention 



180 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

that framed the constitution, Mr. Broom became a prominent mem- 
ber of that body. He was afterward an active man in the politics 
of his native State. Some of his descendants are now among the 
distinguished citizens of Pennsylvania. 



JOHN BLAIR. 



The Virginia colleague of Madison in signing the federal con- 
stitution was John Blair. This distinguished man was born in that 
State about the year 1731. On receiving a collegiate education, he 
entered upon the study of the law, and in a very fcAV years rose to 
the head of his profession. From eminence at the bar, his course to 
political distinction was rapid and successful. He was called by the 
voice of his fellow-citizens to some of the highest and most import- 
ant trusts, which he faithfully discharged, at a time when the state 
of the country wore the most gloomy aspect, and by his exertions 
contributed essentially to its liberty and independence. 

In 1787, at which time Mr. Blair was judge of the court of ap- 
peals, the legislature of Virginia, finding the judiciary system incon- 
venient, established circuit courts, the duties of which they directed 
the judges of the courts of appeals to perform. These judges, 
among whose names are those of Blair, Pendleton, and Wythe, re- 
monstrated, and declared the act unconstitutional. In the same 
year he took his seat in the convention which met at Philadelphia 
to frame the federal constitution, and was one of its most active 
members. To that instrument the names of Blair and Madison are 
affixed as the deputies from Virginia. In September, 1789, when 
the government which he had assisted in establishing had commenced 
its operations, he was appointed by President Washington an asso- 
ciate judge of the supreme court of the United States. He died 
September 12, 1800, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. Judge 
Blair was an amiable, accomplished, and truly virtuous man. 



JAMES MADISON, Jun. 

A biography of Mr. Madison will be found among those of the 
Presidents of the United States. 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 181 



WILLIAM BLOUNT. 

"William Blount was born in North Carolina in 1744. Rising 
to distinction as a lawyer and statesman, he was sent as a delegate 
to the convention which framed the federal constitution. In 1790 
he was appointed governor of the territory south of the Ohio. In 
1796 he was chosen president of the convention of Tennessee. He 
was afterward elected by that State to a seat in the United States 
senate, but was expelled in July, 1797, for having instigated the In- 
dians to assist the British in conquering the Spanish territories 
near the United States. He died at Knoxville, Tennessee, in 
March, 1800. 



BICHARD DOBBS SPAIGHT. 

Richard Dobbs Spaight was an active patriot of North Carolina 
during the Revolution, and he remained firm in the faith when the 
British seemed completely triumphant in the South. He was a 
young man when Gates led his doomed army southward. He 
hastened to join the North Carolina forces, then commanded by 
General Caswell, and was appointed aid-de-camp to that officer. 
Throughout the struggle, Mr. Spaight showed a gallant spirit. The 
people of his native State, appreciating his patriotism and capacity 
for public office, appointed him a delegate to the convention which 
framed the constitution. He was an active and influential member 
of that body, and strongly advocated the adoption of the federal 
constitution in North Carolina. In 1792, Mr. Spaight was elected 
governor of the State, and in that position his energy and ability 
were conspicuous. He was one of the noblest citizens of whom 
North Carolina could boast in the days of trial. We find no record 
of the precise time of his decease ; but notice in our researches into 
the biography of those patriots who signalized themselves by virtue, 
courage and patriotism in the early days of the republic, that North 
Carolina furnished her full share. 



182 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 



HUGH WILLIAMSON. 

Hugh Williamson, M.D., LL.D., one of the signers of the fe- 
deral constitution, was born in West Nottingham, Pennsylvania, on 
the 5th of December, 1735. At the age of sixteen, he entered the 
first class in the College of Philadelphia, and at the first commence- 
ment held in that college he received the degree of bachelor of arts. 
He afterward commenced the study of divinity with Dr. Samuel 
Finley, and prosecuted it with such success that in 1759 he was 
licensed to preach. In 1760 he received the degree of master of 
arts ; and was soon after appointed professor of mathematics in that 
institution. 

In 1764, Mr. Williamson resigned his professorship and left his 
native country for Europe, to prosecute his medical studies at the 
University of Edinburgh. After enjoying the medical lectures of 
that institution for several years, he went to London, where he re- 
mained twelve months diligently pursuing his studies. From London 
he crossed over to Holland, and completed his medical education at 
Utrecht. After his return to this country, he commenced the prac- 
tice of medicine in Philadelphia, and met with great success. 

In 1769, in conjunction with several of the American astronomers, 
Mr. Williamson was employed in making observations on the transit 
of Venus, which happened in that year ; and which were afterward 
referred to with peculiar notice and approbation by the astronomers 
of Europe. In 1770 he published " Observations upon the change 
of the climate of the United States." In consideration of these 
valuable papers, he was elected honorary member of the Holland 
Society of Sciences ; of the Society of Arts and Sciences of Utrecht ; 
and as a further reward of his literary labours, the degree of doctor 
of laws was conferred upon him by the University of Leyden. 

In 1773, Mr. Williamson was appointed, in conjunction with Dr. 
John Ewing, to make a tour through England, Scotland, and Ire- 
land, to solicit benefactions for the college at Newark. During his 
stay in London, he procured the celebrated letters of Hutchinson 
and Oliver, in which they had secretly laboured to paint, in the most 
odious colours, the character of the people of Massachusetts. He 
lost no time in delivering them into the hands of Dr. Franklin, who 
afterward transmitted them to his constituents in Boston. " The 
indignation and animosity, which were excited on their perusal. 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 183 

roused the people to a greater opposition to the measures of Great 
Britain." 

Mr. Williamson then passed into Holland, where he heard the 
news of the declaration of independence. As soon as he could 
arrange his affairs, he sailed for America, and arrived at Philadel- 
phia in March, 1779. Shortly after, he settled in North Carolina, 
and commenced the practice of physic at Edenton, and afterward 
removed to Newbern. In 1780, he was appointed a surgeon in the 
army. In 1782 he took his seat as a representative in the House 
of Commons of North Carolina ; from thence he was sent to the 
general Congress ; and in 1786 he was appointed a member to re- 
vise and amend the constitution of the United States. 

In 1787, Mr. Williamson was appointed a delegate from North 
Carolina, in the general convention at Philadelphia who formed and 
signed the federal constitution of the United States. While in Con- 
gress, he enjoyed a large share of influence, and was esteemed for 
the purity of his intentions and his inflexible devotedness to the 
interests of his country. In 1811 he pubished " Observations on the 
climate in the diff'erent parts of America, compared with the climate 
in corresponding parts of the other continent." In 1812 he published 
the "History of North Carolina," 2 vols, octavo. His other writings 
are numerous and detached, and are to be found in many of the 
literary and scientific journals of our country. 

In 1814, Mr. Williamson took an active part in the formation of 
the "Literary and Philosophical Society of New York." His intel- 
lectual faculties remained to the last period of his life unbroken 
and in their full vigour. He died on the 22d of May, 1819, in the 
eighty-fifth year of his age. 



JOHN RUTLEDGE. 



Unquestionably the great character of South Carolina during 
the Revolution was John Rutledge, who was for a time invested 
with dictatorial powers. He possessed all the qualities which con- 
stitute the man born to win and command — an eloquence of astonish- 
ing power, and a daring and decision of will which always placed 
him before his fellow-countrymen. 

He was born in South Carolina in 1739, In 1761 he commenced 
the practice of law, and soon became eminent in his profession. He 



184 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

was sent a delegate to the first Continental Congress which met at 
New York in 1765 ; and " the members of the distant provinces 
were sm-prised at the eloquence of the young member from Carolina." 
At the commencement of the Revolution he was by successive 
elections a member of Congress till the year 1776, when he was 
elected president and commander-in-chief of South Carolina, in con- 
formity to a constitution established by the people in that year. In 
this ofiice he rendered important service to his country. General 
Lee, who commanded the continental troops, pronounced Sullivan's 
Island to be a "slaughter-pen," and either gave orders, or was dis- 
posed to give them, for its evacuation. The troops which Carolina 
had raised before Congress had declared independence, remained 
subject to the authority of the State, and at this early period were 
not under the command of the officers of Congress. To prevent the 
evacuation of the fort on Sullivan's Island, President Rutledge, 
shortly before the commencement of the action on the 28th of June, 
1776, wrote the following laconic note to General Moultrie, who had 
the command on the island : " General Lee wishes you to evacuate 
the fort. You will not do it without an order from me. I would 
sooner cut oiF my hand than write one. John Rutledge." In 1778 
he resigned the office of president ; but at the next election he was 
reinstated in the executive authority of the State, under a new con- 
stitution, with the name of governor, substituted in the place of pre- 
sident. In 1784 he was elected a judge of the court of chancery in 
South Carolina. In 1787 he assisted in framing a national constitu- 
tion ; and as soon as it was in operation, he was designated by Pre- 
sident Washington as first associate judge of the supreme court of 
the United States. In 1791 he was elected chief-justice of South 
Carolina. He was afterward appointed chief-justice of the United 
States. " Thus for more than thirty years, with few short intervals, 
he served his country in one or other of the departments of govern- 
ment; and in all with fidelity and ability." 

Mr. Rutledge died on the 23d of January, 1800. He was one of 
the greatest men whom this country has produced. To his govern- 
ment during the war in South Carolina, is to be attributed in a great 
degree the successful termination to which it was brought. He pos- 
sessed a quick penetration, and soon perceived the superior merit 
of Greene, Sumpter, Marion, and Pickens, whose operations he 
seconded with great energy and skill. Although invested with dic- 
tatorial powers, he never gave occasion for complaint, and retained 
the confidence of the patriots to the end. 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 185 



CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. 

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, distinguished as a patriot, 
soldier and diplomatist, was born in South Carolina in 1740. His 
education was received in England, where he passed through West- 
minster school and the University of Oxford with a high reputation 
for ability and industry. After reading law at the Temple, he re- 
turned to Carolina in 1769, but was not able to practise his profes- 
sion for any length of time, the commencement of the Revolution 
obliging him to exchange the gown for the sword. He was first ap- 
pointed a captain in the continental line, and, soon afterward, com- 
mander of the first regiment of Carolina infantry. When the South 
had been freed, for a period, from invasion, by Moultrie's gallant 
defence of the fort on Sullivan's Island, Colonel Pinckney joined the 
northern army, and was made aid-de-camp to Washington. In that 
capacity he was present at the battles of Brandywine and German- 
town. When the South was again menaced with danger, he returned 
to Carolina, and displayed great resolution and intrepidity, on the 
rapid and harassing march which saved that city from General Pro- 
vost, and on the subsequent invasion of Georgia, and the assault on 
the lines of Savannah. On the approach of the army under Sir 
Henry Clinton, and of the fleet conducted by Admiral Arbuthnot, 
he was intrusted with the command of the fort on Sullivan's Island. 
A favourable breeze and a flowing tide, however, enabled the fleet to 
sail into the port of Charleston, beyond the reach of his guns. He 
then hastened with a part of the garrison to aid in defending the 
city, and was for continuing hostilities to the last extremity, not, as 
he said, because he thought they would eventually be able to repel 
the enemy, but because " we shall so cripple the army before us, 
that, although we may not live to enjoy the benefits ourselves, yet 
to the United States they will prove incalculably great." Other 
counsel, however, prevailed, and he was made prisoner with the rest 
of the besieged. 

Some time after the return of peace, Colonel Pinckney was placed 
in command of the militia of the lower division of the State, but was 
very soon appointed by Washington, whose confidence and friendship 
he enjoyed in a high degree, minister plenipotentiary to France. He 
resigned his commission in consequence, and sailed for Europe. The 
hostile feeling of the French directory toward this country, caused 
them to reject its conciliatory propositions in an insulting manner, 



18G BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

and to order its minister out of the territories of the republic. Ge- 
neral Pinckney immediately communicated to the government the 
indignities which he had received, and retired to Holland. Not long 
afterward, he was joined by General Marshal and Mr. Gerry, with 
fresh instructions to reiterate propositions to the directory for the 
adjustment of diiferences. When, at length, war was inevitable, and 
the whole United States were resounding with his celebrated senti- 
ment, "Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute," he returned 
home, having been named a major-general by Washington, who had 
been placed at the head of the forces raised for the protection of the 
American shores. Superior rank, however, was accorded to General 
Hamilton, who had been his junior during the Revolution. Some 
one spoke to General Pinckney of this preference as unjust, but he 
briefly answered, that he was satisfied that General Washington had 
sufficient reasons for it. "Let us," he continued, "first dispose of 
our enemies ; we shall then have leisure to settle the question of 
rank." 

Previously to his going to France, General Pinckney had been 
ofi"ered by President Washington several places under government 
of the highest importance, all of which, however, private considera- 
tions obliged him to decline. The first was that of judge of the su- 
preme court ; the next that of secretary of war, on the resignation 
of General Knox ; and then that of secretary of state, when Ran- 
dolph had been removed. He was a member of the convention 
which framed the constitution of the United States, and afterward, 
in the convention of South Carolina, assembled for deliberating upon 
the instrument, he contributed greatly to its adoption. He died in 
August, 1825. As a lawyer. General Pinckney was distinguished 
for profound and accurate learning, and strength and ingenuity of 
reasoning, without having much pretension to eloquence. In his 
practice he was highminded and liberal, never receiving any com- 
pensation from the widow and orphan. His literary attainments 
were extensive, especially his classical knowledge ; and no one was 
a more zealous friend to the advancement of learning. For more 
than fifteen years before his death, he acted as president of the 
Bible Society of Charleston — an office to which he was named with 
unanimity by the Christians of almost every sect. 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 187 



CHARLES PINCKNEY. 

Charles Pinckney was born in. Charleston, South Carolina, in the 
year 1758. Unaided bj a college education, he became by the assist- 
ance of private instructers a proficient in the languages of Greece, 
Rome, and France, and in all acquirements necessary to form a states- 
man. Ardent and impassioned in the pursuit of literature and distinc- 
tion, he did not long remain unknown. At the commencement of the 
Revolution, he took a share in the struggle for independence, and 
was one of those patriots who underwent seven years calamity to 
restore liberty and independence to his country. 

At the age of twenty-seven, Mr. Pinckney was elected a member 
of the State legislature, which place he held until the year 1787, 
when he was unanimously elected by that body one of the delegates 
to the federal convention which met at Philadelphia to frame the 
present constitution. Though youngest in this august body, yet he 
has been ranked among the most conspicuous in eloquence and effi- 
ciency. He advocated an energetic general government. Of the 
various propositions which he originated, there is one which, though 
not a part of the constitution, yet the people appear to have adopted 
in practice. This was, that the president's tenure should be seven 
years, and afterward ineligible. By custom he is continued for eight 
years, but the example of Washington in declining a third election, 
has established the utmost limit of a president's term. 

Mr. Pinckney's distinguished services were rewarded with the ap- 
plause of his constituents, and as an evidence of their high opinion, 
he was advanced to the chief-magistracy of his native State, soon 
after he had been auxiliary in procuring the adoption of the new 
constitution by the State convention. In the year 1798 he was 
elected a member of the Senate of the United States. He was after- 
ward appointed ambassador to the court of Spain, where, besides 
fulfilling his official duties, he collected a fund of information on 
the manners, laws, and customs of the old world. Upon his return 
from Europe, his native State elected him for the fourth time 
governor. 

The eloquence of Mr. Pinckney was luminous, fervid, and without 
acrimony ; his enunciation was full, ardent, and impressive. Gifted 
with unusual colloquial powers, urbane in manners, with a temper of 
great amenity, he always added to the enjoyments of social inter- 



188 BIOGRAPHIES OF THE FRAMERS 

course. Though visited with his portion of mortal frailty, yet he 
was a kind master, an indulgent parent, and a devoted patriot. 
Adversity presented him a chalice often overflowing, yet he aban- 
doned neither hope nor his equanimity ; and, after a life of utility 
and vicissitude, calmly sunk into that sleep where ambition cannot 
excite, nor the pains of misfortune invade. He died October 29, 
1824, at the advanced age of sixty-six years. 



PIERCE BUTLER. 



Pierce Butler was descended from the family of the Dukes of 
Ormond, in Ireland. Before the Revolution he was a major in a 
British regiment at Boston. He afterward became an advocate of 
the republican institutions of America. In 1787 he was a delegate 
from South Carolina to Congress, and then a member of the conven- 
tion which framed the constitution of the United States. He was 
one of the first senators elected by South Carolina after the adoption 
of the federal constitution. This eminent man died in 1822, at the 
age of 77 years. 



WILLIAM FEW. 



Of this patriotic individual, we only know that he was an active 
and prominent lawyer of Georgia, at the time of the call for the con- 
vention to frame the constitution of the United States. He did not 
take an active part in the deliberations of that august body, but re- 
presented correctly the sentiments of the people of his native State. 
He retired from public life after the organization of the national go- 
vernment. He was one of those men, "few and far between," who 
effect more by solid weight of character than many can by eloquent 
speech or restless action. 



OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 189 



ABRAHAM BALDWIN. 

Abraham Baldwin, a distinguished statesman, was graduated at 
Yale College in 1772, and distinguished for great scholarship. In 
1785 he was appointed president of the University of Georgia. He 
was a member of the grand convention, which held its session from 
May 25, to September 17, 1787, and framed the constitution of the 
United States. To that instrument he affixed his name as one of 
the deputies from Georgia. After the organization of government, 
he was elected a senator of the United States, and while in the dis- 
charge of his official duties, he died at Washington, March 2, 1807. 



AND SKETCHES OF THEIE ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



SiwQOpl^i^s 0f % f ia-|miknts an^ % Pmkrs at t\t €MmiL 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

The pure and glorious name of Washington heads the list of 
the Presidents of the United States. He was the third son of Mr. 
Augustine Washington, and was born at Bridges Creek, in the 
county of Westmoreland, Virginia, February 22, 1732. His great- 
grandfather had emigrated to that place from the North of Eng- 
land about the year 1657. At the age of ten years he lost his 
father, and the patrimonial estate descended to his elder brother, 
Mr. Lawrence Washington, who in the year 1740 had been engaged 
in the expedition against Carthagena. In honour of the British 
admiral, who commanded the fleet employed in that enterprise, 
the estate was called Mount Vernon. At the age of fifteen, agree- 
ably to the wishes of his brother, as well as to his own urgent 
request to enter into the British navy, the place of a midshipman in 
a vessel of war, then stationed on the coast of Virginia, was obtained 
for him. Every thing was in readiness for his departure, when the 
fears of a timid and affectionate mother prevailed upon him to aban- 
don his proposed career on the ocean, and were the means of retaining 
him upon the land to be the future vindicator of his country's rights. 
Most of the advantages of education which he enjoyed, were derived 
from a private tutor, who instructed him in English literature and the 
general principles of science, as well as in morality and religion. After 
his disappointment with regard to entering the navy, he devoted much 
of his time to the study of the mathematics; and in the practice of 
his profession as a surveyor he had an opportunity of acquiring that 
information respecting the value of vacant lands which afterward 
greatly contributed to the increase of his private fortune. 

At the age of nineteen, when the militia of Virginia were to be 
trained for actual service, young Washington was appointed an adju- 
tant-general with the rank of major. It was for a very short time, 
190 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 191 

that he discharged the duties of this office. In the year 1753 the 
plan formed by France for connecting Canada with Louisiana by a 
line of posts, and thus of enclosing the British colonies, and of esta- 
blishing her influence over the numerous tribes of Indians on the 
frontiers, began to be developed. In the prosecution of this design 
possession had been taken of a tract of land, then believed to be 
within the province of Virginia. Mr. Dinwiddie, the lieutenant- 
governor, being determined to remonstrate against the supposed en- 
croachment and violation of the treaties between the two countries, 
despatched Major Washington through the wilderness to the Ohio to 
deliver a letter to the commanding officer of the French, and also to 
explore the country. This trust of danger and fatigue he executed 
with great ability. He left Williamsburg, October 31, 1753, the very 
day on which he received his commission, and at the frontier settle- 
ment of the English engaged guides to conduct him over the Alle- 
ghany mountains. After passing them," he pursued his route to the 
Monongahela, examining the country with a military eye, and taking 
the most judicious means for securing the friendship of the Indians. 
He selected the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany river as a 
position which ought to be immediately possessed and fortified. At 
this place the French very soon erected Fort du Quesne, which fell 
into the hands of the English in 1758, and was called by them Fort 
Pitt. Pursuing his way up the Alleghany to French Creek, he found 
at a fort upon this stream the commanding officer, to whom he deli- 
vered the letter from Mr. Dinwiddie. On his return he encountered 
great difficulties and dangers. As the snow was deep and the horses 
weak from fatigue, he left his attendants at the mouth of French 
Creek, and set out on foot, with his papers and provisions in his pack, 
accompanied only by his pilot, Mr. Gist. At a place upon the Alle- 
ghany, called Murdering Town, they fell in with a hostile Indian, who 
was one of a party then lying in wait, and who fired upon them not 
ten steps distant. They took him into custody and kept him until 
nine o'clock, and then let him go. To avoid the pursuit, which they 
presumed would be commenced in the morning, they travelled all night. 
On reaching the Monongahela, they had a hard day's work to make 
a raft with a hatchet. In attempting to cross the river to reach a 
trader's house, they were enclosed by masses of ice. In order to stop 
the raft. Major Washington put down his setting pole; but the ice 
came with such force against it as to jerk him into the water. He 
saved himself by seizing one of the raft-logs. With difficulty they 
landed on an island, where they passed the night. The cold was so 
severe, that the pilot's hands and feet were frozen. The next day 



192 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

they crossed the river upon the ice. Washington arrived at Williams- 
burg, January 16, 1754. His journal, which evinced the solidity of 
his judgment and his fortitude, was published. 

As the French seemed disposed to remain upon the Ohio, it was 
determined to raise a regiment of three hundred men to maintain the 
claims of the British crown. The command was given to Mr. Fry, 
and Major Washington, who was appointed lieutenant-colonel, marched 
with two companies early in April, 1754, in advance of the other 
troops. A few miles west of the Great Meadows he surprised a 
French encampment in a dark, rainy night, and only one man escaped. 
Before the arrival of the two remaining companies, Mr. Fry died, and 
the command devolved on Colonel Washington. Being joined by two 
other companies of regular troops from South Carolina and New York, 
after erecting a small stockade at the Great Meadows, he proceeded 
toward Fort du Quesne, which had been built but a short time, with 
the intention of dislodging the French. He had marched only thir- 
teen miles, to the westernmost foot of the Laurel hill, before he 
received information of the approach of the enemy with superior 
numbers, and was induced to return to his stockade. He began a 
ditch around it, and called it Fort Necessity; but the next day, July 
the third, he was attacked by fifteen hundred men. His own troops 
were only about four hundred in number. The action commenced at 
ten in the morning and lasted until dark. A part of the Americans 
fought within the fort, and a part in the ditch filled with mud and 
water. Colonel Washington was himself on the outside of the fort 
during the whole day. The enemy fought under cover of the trees 
and high grass. In the course of the night, articles of capitulation 
were agreed upon. The garrison were allowed to retain their arms 
and baggage, and to march unmolested to the inhabited parts of Vir- 
ginia. The loss of the Americans in killed and wounded was supposed 
to be about a hundred, and that of the enemy about two hundred. 
In a few months afterward orders were received for settling the rank 
of the ofiicers, and those who were commissioned by the king being 
directed to take rank of the provincial officers. Colonel Washington 
indignantly resigned his commission. He now retired to Mount 
Vernon, that estate by the death of his brother having devolved upon 
him. But in the spring of 1755 he accepted an invitation from Ge- 
neral Braddock to enter his family as a volunteer aid-de-camp in his 
expedition to the Ohio. He proceeded with him to Wills's creek, 
afterward called Fort Cumberland, in April. After the troops had 
marched a few miles from this place, he was seized with a raging 
fever ; but refusing to remain behind, he was conveyed in a covered 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 103 

wagon. By his advice twelve hundred men were detached in order 
hj a rapid movement to reach Fort du Quesne before an expected 
reinforcement should be received at that place. These disencumbered 
troops were commanded by Braddock himself, and Colonel Washing- 
ton, though still extremely ill, insisted upon proceeding with them. 
After they arrived upon the Monongahela he advised the general to 
employ the ranging companies of Virginia to scour the woods and to 
prevent ambuscades ; but his advice was not followed. On the ninth 
of July, when the army was within seven miles of Fort du Quesne, 
the enemy commenced a sudden and furious attack, being concealed 
by the wood and high grass. In a short time. Colonel Washington 
was the only aid, that was unwounded, and on him devolved the Avhole 
duty of carrying the orders of the commander-in-chief. He was cool 
and fearless. Though he had two horses killed under him, and four 
balls through his coat, he escaped unhurt, while every other officer 
on horseback was either killed or wounded. Doctor Craik, the phy- 
sician, who attended him in his last sickness, was present in this battle, 
and says, " I expected every moment to see him fall. Nothing but 
the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from 
the fate of all around him." After an action of three hours the 
troops gave way in all directions, and Colonel Washington and two 
others brought off Braddock, who had been mortally wounded. He 
attempted to rally the retreating troops ; but, as he says himself, it 
was like endeavouring "to stop the wild bears of the mountains." 
The conduct of the regular troops was most cowardly. The enemy 
were few in numbers and had no expectation of victory. In a sermon 
occasioned by this expedition, the Rev. Dr. Davies, of Hanover county, 
thus prophetically expressed himself: — "As a remarkable instance of 
patriotism, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel 
Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto pre- 
served in so signal a manner for some important service to his 
country." For this purpose he was indeed preserved, and at the end 
of twenty years he began to render to his country more important 
services than the minister of Jesus could have anticipated. From 
1755 to 1758 he commanded a regiment which was raised for the 
protection of the frontiers, and during this period he was incessantly 
occupied in efforts to shield the exposed settlements from the incur- 
sions of the savages. His exertions were in a great degree ineffectual 
in consequence of the errors and the pride of government, and of the 
impossibility of guarding with a few troops an extended territory 
from an enemy which was averse to open warfare. He in the most 

earnest manner recommended offensive measures as the only method 

13 



104 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND YICE-PIIESIDENTS, 

of giving complete protection to tlie scattered settlements. In the 
year 1758, to his great joy it was determined to undertake another 
expedition against Fort du Quesne, and he engaged in it with zeal. 
Early in July the troops were assembled at Fort Cumberland; and 
here, against all the remonstrances and arguments of Colonel Wash- 
ington, General Forbes resolved to open a new road to the Ohio 
instead of taking the old route. Such was the predicted delay, oc- 
casioned by this measure, that in November it was resolved not to 
proceed further during that campaign. But intelligence of the weak- 
ness of the garrison induced an alteration of the plan of passing the 
winter in the wilderness. By slow marches the army was enabled on 
the twenty-fifth of November to reach Fort du Quesne, of which 
peaceable possession was taken, as the enemy on the preceding night, 
after setting it on fire, had abandoned it and proceeded down the 
Ohio. The works in this place were repaired, and its name was 
changed to that of Fort Pitt. The success of the expedition was to 
be attributed to the British fleet, which intercepted reinforcements 
destined for Canada, and to events in the Northern colonies. The 
great object which he had been anxious to effect being now accom- 
plished, and his health being enfeebled. Colonel Washington resigned 
his commission as commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in 
Virginia. 

Soon after his resignation he was married to the widow of Mr. 
Custis, a young lady, to whom he had been for some time strongly 
attached, and who to a large fortune and a fine person added those 
amiable accomplishments which fill with silent felicity the scenes of 
domestic life. His attention for several years was principally di- 
rected to the management of his estate, which had now become con- 
siderable. He had nine thousand acres under his own management. 
So great a part was cultivated, that in one year he raised seven thou- 
sand bushels of wheat, and ten thousand of Indian corn. His slaves 
and other persons employed by him amounted to near a thousand; 
and the woollen and linen cloth necessary for their use was chiefly 
manufactured on the estate. He was at this period a respectable 
member of the legislature of Virginia, in which he took a decided 
part in opposition to the principle of taxation asserted by the British 
Parliament. He also acted as a judge of a county court. In 1774 
he was elected a member of the first Congress, and was placed on all 
those committees whose duty it was to make arrangements for defence. 
In the following year, after the battle of Lexington, when it was de- 
termined by Congress to resort to arms. Colonel Washington was 
unanimously elected commander-in-chief of the army of the united 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 195 

colonies. All were satisfied as to his qualifications, and the delegates 
from New England were particularly pleased with his election, as it 
would tend to unite the Southern colonies cordially in the war. He 
accepted the appointment with difiidence, and expressed his intention 
of receiving no compensation for his services, and only a mere dis- 
charge of his expenses. He immediately repaired to Cambridge, in 
the neighbourhood of Boston, where he arrived on the second of July. 
He formed the army into three divisions, in order the most effectually 
to enclose the enemy, entrusting the division at Roxbury to General 
Ward, the division on Prospect and Winter hills to General Lee, and 
commandino; himself the centre at Cambridge. Here he had to struff- 
gle with great difiiculties, with the want of ammunition, clothing, and 
magazines, defect of arms and discipline, and the evils of short en- 
listments; but instead of yielding to despondence, he bent the whole 
force of his mind to overcome them. He soon made the alarming 
discovery, that there was only sufficient powder on hand to furnish 
the army with nine cartridges for each man. With the greatest cau- 
tion to keep this fact a secret, the utmost exertions were employed 
to procure a supply. A vessel, which was despatched to Africa, ob- 
tained in exchange for New-England rum all the gunpowder in the 
British factories; and in the beginning of winter. Captain Manly, cap- 
tured an ordnance brig, which furnished the American army with the 
precise articles of which it was in the greatest want. In September, 
General Washington despatched Arnold on an expedition against 
Quebec. In February, 1776, he proposed to a council of his officers 
to cross the ice and attack the enemy in Boston, but they unanimously 
disapproved of the daring measure. It was however soon resolved 
to take possession of the Heights of Dorchester. This was done 
without discovery on the night of the fourth of March, and on the 
seventeenth the enemy found it necessary to evacuate the town. The 
recovery of Boston induced Congress to pass a vote of thanks to 
General Washington and his brave army. 

In the belief that the efforts of the British would be directed 
toward the Hudson, he hastened the army to New York, where he 
himself arrived on the 14th of April. He made every exertion to 
fortify the city, and attention was paid to the forts in the highlands. 
While he met the most embarrassing difficulties, a plan was formed 
to assist the enemy in seizing his person, and some of his own guards 
engaged in the conspiracy; but it was discovered, and some who were 
concerned in it were executed. In the beginning of July, General 
Howe landed his troops at Staten Island. His brother, Lord Howe, 
who commanded the fleet, soon arrived; and as both were com- 



196 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PPvESIDENTS, 

missioners for restoring peace to the colonies, the latter addressed 
a letter upon the subject to "George Washington, Esq. ;" but the 
general refused to receive it, as it did not acknowledge the public 
character with which he was invested by Congress, in which charac- 
ter only he could have any intercourse with his lordship. Another 
letter was sent to "George Washington, &c. &c." This for the same 
reason was rejected. After the disastrous battle of Brooklyn on the 
27th of August, in which Stirling and Sullivan were taken prisoners, 
and of which he was only a spectator, he withdrew the troops from 
Long Island, and in a few days he resolved to withdraw from New 
York. At Kipp's Bay, about three miles from the city, some works 
had been thrown up to oppose the enemy ; but on their approach the 
American troops fled with precipitation. Washington rode toward 
the lines, and made every exertion to prevent the disgraceful flight. 
He drew his sword, and threatened to run the cowards through; he 
cocked and snapped his pistols ; but it was all in vain. Such was 
the state of his mind at this moment, that he turned his horse toward 
the advancing enemy apparently with the intention of rushing upon 
death. His aids now seized the bridle of his horse and rescued him 
from destruction. New York was on the same day, September the 
15th, evacuated. In October he retreated to the White Plains, 
where on the 28th a considerable action took place, in which the 
Americans were overpowered. After the loss of Forts Washington 
and Lee, he passed into New Jersey in November, and was pursued 
by a triumphant and numerous enemy. His army did not amount 
to three thousand, and it was daily diminishing; his men, as the 
winter commenced, were barefooted and almost naked, destitute of 
tents and of utensils with which to dress their scanty provisions; 
and every circumstance tended to fill the mind with despondence. 
But General Washington was undismayed and firm. He showed 
himself to his enfeebled army with a serene and unembarrassed coun- 
tenance, and they were inspired with the resolution of their com- 
mander. On the 8th of December he was obliged to cross the Dela- 
ware; but he had the precaution to secure the boats for seventy 
miles upon the river. While the British were waiting for the ice to 
afford them a passage, as his own army had been re-enforced by 
several thousand men, he formed the resolution of carrying the can- 
tonments of the enemy by surprise. On the night of the 25th of 
December he crossed the river nine miles above Trenton, in a storm 
of snow mingled with hail and rain, with about two thousand four 
hundred men. Two other detachments were unable to effect a pas- 
sage. In the morning precisely at eight o'clock he surprised Trenton 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 197 

and took a thousand Hessians prisoners, and a thousand stand of 
arms, and six field-pieces. Twenty of the enemy were killed. Of 
the Americans two privates were killed, and two frozen to death; 
and one officer and three or four privates were wounded. On the 
same day he recrossed the Delaware with the fruits of his enterprise ; 
but in two or three days passed again into New Jersey, and concen- 
trated his forces, amounting to five thousand, at Trenton. On the 
approach of a superior enemy under Cornwallis January 2, 1777, he 
drew up his men behind Assumpinck Creek. He expected an attack 
in the morning, which would probably result in a ruinous defeat. 
At this moment, when it was hazardous if not impracticable to return 
into Pennsylvania, he formed the resolution of getting into the rear 
of the enemy, and thus stop them in their progress toward Philadel- 
phia. In the night he silently decamped, taking a circuitous route 
through Allentown to Princeton. A sudden change of the weather 
to severe cold rendered the roads favourable for his march. About 
sunrise his van met a British detachment on its way to join Corn- 
wallis, and was defeated by it ; but as he came up he exposed him- 
self to every danger and gained a victory. With three hundred 
prisoners he then entered Princeton. During this march many of 
his soldiers were without shoes, and their feet left the marks of blood 
upon the frozen ground. This hardship and their w^ant of repose 
induced him to lead his army to a place of security on the road to 
Morristown. Cornwallis in the morning broke up his camp, and 
alarmed for his stores at Brunswick urged the pursuit. Thus the 
military genius of the American commander, under the blessing of 
Divine Providence, rescued Philadelphia from the threatened danger, 
obliged the enemy, which had overspread New Jersey, to return to 
the neighbourhood of New York, and revived the desponding spirit 
of his country. Having accomplished these objects, he retired to 
Morristown, where he caused the whole army to be inoculated with 
the small-pox, and thus was freed from the apprehension of a ca- 
lamity which might impede his operations during the next campaign. 
On the last of May he removed his army to Middlebrook, about 
ten miles from Brunswick, where he fortified himself very strongly. 
An ineffectual attempt was made by Sir William Howe to draw him 
from his position by marching toward Philadelphia; but after Howe's 
return to New York, he moved toward the Hudson in order to defend 
the passes in the mountains, in the expectation that a junction with 
Burgoyne, who was then upon the lakes, would be attempted. After 
the British general sailed from New York and entered the Chesa- 
peake in August, General Washington marched immediately for the 



198 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

defence of Philadelphia. On the 11th of September he was defeated 
at Brandjwine with the loss of nine hundred in killed and wounded. 
A few days afterward, as he was pursued, he turned upon the enemy, 
determined upon another engagement; but a heavy rain so damaged 
the arms and ammunition, that he was under the absolute necessity 
of again retreating. Philadelphia was entered by Cornwallis on the 
26th of September. On the 4th of October the American commander 
made a well-planned attack upon the British camp at Germantown ; 
but in consequence of the darkness of the morning, and the imperfect 
discipline of his troops, it terminated in the loss of twelve hundred 
men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. In December he went into 
winter quarters at Valley Forge, on the west side of the Schuylkill, 
between twenty and thirty miles from Philadelphia. Here his army 
was in the greatest distress for want of provisions, and he was re- 
duced to the necessity of sending out parties to seize what they could 
find. About the same time a combination, in which some members 
of Congress were engaged, was formed to remove the commander-in- 
chief and to appoint in his place Gates, whose successes of late had 
given him a high reputation. But the name of Washington was too 
dear to the great body of Americans to admit of such a change. 
Notwithstanding the discordant materials of which his army was 
composed, there was something in his character which enabled him 
to attach both his officers and soldiers so strongly to him, that no 
distress could w^eaken their affection, nor impair the veneration in 
which he was generally held. Without this attachment to him the 
army must have been dissolved. General Conway, who was con- 
cerned in this faction, being wounded in a duel with General Cad- 
walader, and thinking his wound mortal, wrote to General Washing- 
ton, "You are, in my eyes, the great and good man." On the 1st 
of February, 1778, there were about four thousand men in camp un- 
fit for duty for want of clothes. Of these scarcely a man had a pair 
of shoes. The hospitals also were filled with the sick. At this time 
the enemy, if they had marched out of their winter quarters, would 
easily have dispersed the American army. The apprehension of the 
approach of a French fleet inducing the British to concentrate their 
forces, when they evacuated Philadelphia on the 17th of June and 
marched toward New York, General Washington followed them. 
Contrary to the advice of a council he engaged in the battle of Mon- 
mouth on the 28th, the result of which made an impression favoura- 
ble- to the cause of America. He slept in his cloak on the field of 
battle, intending to renew the attack the next morning, but at mid- 
night the British marched off in such silence as not to be discovered. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 199 

Their loss in killed was about three hundred, and that of the Ameri- 
cans sixty-nine. As the campaign now closed in the Middle States, 
the American army went into winter quarters in the neighbourhood 
of the highlands upon the Hudson, Thus after the vicissitudes of 
two years, both armies were brought back to the point from Avhich 
they set out. During the year 1779, General Washington remained 
in the neighbourhood of New York. In January, 1780, in a winter 
memorable for its severity, his utmost exertions were necessary to 
save the army from dissolution. The soldiers in general submitted 
with heroic patience to the want of provisions and clothes. At one 
time they ate every kind of hovse-food but hay. Their sufferings at 
length were so great, that in March two of the Connecticut regiments 
mutinied, but the mutiny was suppressed and the ringleaders secured. 
In September the treachery of Arnold was detected. In the winter 
of 1781, such were again the privations of the army, that a part of 
the Pennsylvania line revolted and marched home. Such however 
was still their patriotism, that they delivered up some British emissa- 
ries to General Wayne, who hanged them as spies. Committing the 
defence of the posts on the Hudson to General Heath, General 
Washington in August marched with Count Rochambeau for the 
Chesapeake to co-operate with the French fleet there. The siege of 
Yorktown commenced on the 28th of September, and on the 19th of 
October he reduced Cornwallis to the necessity of surrendering with 
upward of seven thousand men to the combined armies of America 
and France. The day after the capitulation, he ordered that those 
who were under arrest should be pardoned, and that divine service 
in acknowdedgment of the interposition of Providence should be per- 
formed in all the brigades and divisions. This event filled America 
with joy, and was the means of terminating the war. 

Few events of importance took place in 1782. In March, 1783, 
he exhibited his characteristic firmness and decision in opposing an 
attempt to produce a mutiny by anonymous letters. His address to 
his ofiicers on the occasion displays in a remarkable degree his pru- 
dence and the correctness of his judgment. When he began to 
read it he found himself in some degree embarrassed by the im- 
perfection of his sight. Taking out his spectacles, he said, " These 
eyes, my friends, have grown dim, and these locks white, in the ser- 
vice of my conntry ; yet I have never doubted her justice." He only 
could have repressed the spirit which was breaking forth. On the 
nineteenth of April a cessation of hostilities was proclaimed in the 
American camp. In June he addressed a letter to the governors of 
the several States, congratulating them on the result of the contest 



200 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

in the establishment of independence, and recommending an indis- 
soluble union of the States under one federal head, a sacred regard 
to public justice, the adoption of a proper peace establishment, and 
the prevalence of a friendly disposition among the people of the 
several States. It was with keen distress, as well as with pride and 
admiration, that he saw his brave and veteran soldiers, who had 
suffered so much, and who had borne the heat and burden of the 
war, returning peaceably to their homes without a settlement of their 
accounts or a farthing of money in their pockets. On the twenty- 
fifth of November, New York was evacuated, and he entered it ac- 
companied by Governor Clinton and many respectable citizens. On 
the fourth of December he took his farewell of his brave comrades 
in arms. At noon the principal officers of the army assembled at 
Frances' tavern, and their beloved commander soon entered the 
room. His emotions were too strong to be concealed. Filling a 
glass with wine, he turned to them and said, " With a heart full of 
love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I most devoutly wish 
that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your 
former ones have been glorious and honourable." Having drank, 
he added, " I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall 
be obliged to you if each of you will come and take me by the 
hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Incapable 
of utterance. General Washington grasped his hand, and embraced 
him. In the same affectionate manner he took his leave of each suc- 
ceeding officer. In every eye was the tear of dignified sensibility, 
and not a word was articulated to interrupt the silence and the ten- 
derness of the scene. Ye men, who delight in blood, slaves of am- 
bition ! when your work of carnage was finished, could ye thus 
part with your companions in crime ? Leaving the room, General 
Washington passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked 
to Whitehall, where a barge waited to carry him to Powles' Hook. 
The whole company followed in mute procession with dejected coun- 
tenances. When he entered the barge, he turned to them, and 
waiving his hat, bade them a silent adieu, receiving from them the 
same, last, affectionate compliment. On the twenty-third of De- 
cember he resigned his commission to Congress, then assembled at 
Annapolis. He delivered a short address on the occasion, in which 
he said, "I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last solemn 
act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest 
country to the protection of Almighty God ; and those who have the 
superintendence of them, to his holy keeping." He then retired to 
Mount Vernon to enjoy again the pleasures of domestic life. Here 



AND OF ME^ICERS OF THE CABINETS, 201 

the expressions of the gratitude of his countrymen in affectionate 
addresses poured in upon him, and he received every testimony of 
respect and veneration. 

In his retirement, however, he could not overlook the public in- 
terests. He was desirous of opening by water-carriage a commu- 
nication between the Atlantic and the western portions of our coun- 
try in order to prevent the diversion of trade down the Mississippi, 
and to Canada, from which he predicted consequences injurious to 
the Union. Through his influence two companies were formed for 
promoting inland communication. The legislature of Virginia pre- 
sented him with three hundred shares in them, which he appropri- 
ated to public uses. In the year 1786 he was convinced, with other 
statesmen, of the necessity of substituting a more vigorous general 
government in the place of the impotent articles of confederation. 
Still he was aware of the danger of running from one extreme to 
another. He exclaims in a letter to Mr. Jay, "What astonishing 
changes a few years are capable of producing ! I am told that even 
respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government 
without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking ; thence to acting 
is often but a single step. But how irrevocable, and tremendous ! 
What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! What 
a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are inca- 
pable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis 
of equal liberty are ideal and fallacious!" In the following year he 
was persuaded to take a seat in the convention which formed the 
present constitution of the United States, and he presided in that 
body. In 1789 he was unanimously elected the first president of 
the United States. It was with great reluctance that he accepted 
this office. His feelings, as he said himself, were like those of a 
culprit going to the place of execution. But the voice of a whole 
continent, the presssing recommendation of his particular friends, 
and the apprehension that he should otherwise be considered as un- 
willing to hazard his reputation in executing a system which he had 
assisted in forming, determined him to accept the appointment. In 
April he left Mount Vernon to proceed to New York, and to enter 
on the duties of his high office. He every where received testimo- 
nies of respect and love. At Trenton the gentler sex rewarded him 
for his successful enterprise and the protection which he afforded 
them twelve years before. On* the bridge over the creek which 
passes through the town, was erected a triumphal arch, ornamented 
with laurels and flowers, and supported by thirteen pillars, each en- 



202 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PEESIDENTS, 

circled mth. wreaths of evergreen. On the front of the arch was 
inscribed in large gilt letters, 

At this place he was met by a party of matrons, leading their 
daughters, who were dressed in white, and who with baskets of 
flowers in their hands sang with exquisite sweetness the following 
ode, written for the occasion : 

Welcome, mightj' chief, once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore ; 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow. 
Aims at thee the fatal blow. 

Virgins fair and matrons grave, 
Those thy conquering arm did save, 
Build for thee triumphal bowers ; 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers, 
Strew your hero's way with flowers. 

At the last line the flowers were strewed before him. After re- 
ceiving such proofs of affectionate attachment he arrived at New 
York, and was inaugurated first president of the United States on 
the thirtieth of April. In making the necessary arrangements of 
his household, he publicly announced that neither visits of business 
nor of ceremony would be expected on Sunday, as he wished to re- 
serve that day sacredly to himself. At the close of his first term 
of four years, he prepared a valedictory address to the American 
people, anxious to return again to the scenes of domestic life ; but 
the earnest entreaties of his friends and the peculiar situation of 
his country induced him to be a candidate for a second election. 
During his administration of eight years, the labour of establishing 
the difierent departments of a new government was accomplished; 
and he exhibited the greatest firmness, wisdom, and independence. 

As the period for a new election of a president of the United 
States approached, and after plain indications that the public voice 
would be in his favour, and when he probably would be chosen for 
the third time unanimously, he determined irrevocably to withdraw 
to the shades of private life. He published in September, 1796, his 
farewell address to the people of the United States, which ought to 
be engraven upon the hearts of his countrymen. In the most earnest 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 203 

and aflfectionate manner he called upon them to cherish an immova- 
ble attachment to the national Union, to watch for its preservation 
with jealous anxiety, to discountenance even the suggestion that it 
could in any event be abandoned, and indignantly to frown upon the 
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country 
from the rest. Overgrown military establishments he represented as 
particularly hostile to republican liberty. While he recommended 
the most implicit obedience to the acts of the established govern- 
ment, and reprobated all obstructions to the execution of the laws, 
all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, 
with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regu- 
lar deliberation and action of the constituted authorities ; he wished 
also to guard against the spirit of innovation upon the principles of 
the constitution. Aware that the energy of the system might be 
enfeebled by alterations, he thought that no change should be made 
without an evident necessity, and that in so extensive a country as 
much vigour as is consistent with liberty is indispensable. On the 
other hand, he pointed out the danger of a real despotism by break- 
ing down the partitions between the several departments of govern- 
ment, by destroying the reciprocal checks, and consolidating the 
different powers. Against the spirit of party, so peculiarly baneful 
in an elective government, he uttered his most solemn remonstrances, 
as well as against inveterate antipathies or passionate attachments 
in respect to foreign nations. While he thought that the jealousy 
of a free people ought to be constantly and impartially awake against 
the insidious wiles of foreign influence, he wished that good faith 
and justice should be observed toward all nations, and peace and 
harmony cultivated. In his opinion, honesty, no less in public than 
in private affairs, is always the best policy. Providence, he believed, 
had connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue. 
Other subjects to which he alluded were the importance of credit, 
of economy, of a reduction of the public debt, and of literary in- 
stitutions ; above all, he recommended religion and morality as in- 
dispensably necessary to political prosperity. "In vain," says he, 
"would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour 
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest 
props of the duties of men and citizens." Bequeathing these coun- 
sels to his countrymen, he continued in office till the 4th of March, 
1797, when he attended the inauguration of his successor, Mr. 
Adams, and with complacency saw him invested with the powers 
which had for so long a time been exercised by himself. He then 
retired to Mount Vernon, giving to the. world an example most hu- 



204 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

miliating to its emperors and kings ; the example of a man volun- 
tarily disrobing himself of the highest authority, and returning to 
private life with a character having upon it no stain of ambition, of 
covetousness, of profusion, of luxury, of oppression, or of injustice. 
It was now that the soldier, the statesman, and the patriot hoped 
to repose himself after the toils of so many years. But he had not 
been long in retirement before the outrages of republican France 
induced our government to raise an army, of which in July, 1798, 
he was appointed commander-in-chief. Though he accepted the 
appointment, his services were not demanded, and he himself did 
not believe that an invasion would take place. Pacific overtures 
■were soon made by the French Directory, but he did not live to see 
the restoration of peace. On Friday, December 13, 1799, while 
attending to some improvements upon his estate, he was exposed 
to a light rain, which wetted his neck and hair. Unapprehensive 
of danger he passed the afternoon in his usual manner ; but at 
night he was seized with an inflammatory affection of the windpipe. 
The disease commenced with a violent ague, accompanied with 
some pain and a sense of stricture in the throat, a cough, and a dif- 
ficult deglutition, which were soon succeeded by fever and a quick 
and laborious respiration. About twelve or fourteen ounces of blood 
were taken from him. In the morning his family physician. Dr. 
Craik, was sent for; but the utmost exertions of medical skill were 
applied in vain. The appointed time of his death was near. Believ- 
ing from the commencement of his complaint that it would be 
mortal, a few hours before his departure, after repeated efforts to be 
understood, he succeeded in expressing a desire that he might be 
permitted to die without being disquieted by unavailing attempts to 
rescue him from his fate. After it became impossible to get any 
thing down his throat, he undressed himself and went to bed, there 
to die. To his friend and physician, who sat on his bed, and took 
his head in his lap, he said w^ith difficulty, " Doctor, I am dying, and 
have been dying for a long time ; but I am not afraid to die." Respi- 
ration became more and more contracted and imperfect until half- 
past eleven on Saturday night, when, retaining the full possession 
of his intellect, he expired without a struggle. Thus on the 14th 
of December, 1799, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, died the 
father of his country, "the man, first in war, first in peace, and first 
in the hearts of his countrymen." This event spread a gloom 
over the country, and the tears of America proclaimed the services 
and virtues of the hero and sage, and exhibited a people not insen- 
sible to his worth. The senate of the United States, in an address 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 205 

to tlie president on this melancholy occasion, indulged their patriotic 
pride, while they did not transgress the bounds of truth in speak- 
ing- of their Washington. "Ancient and modern names," said 
they, "are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too 
often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The 
destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. 
It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the 
splendour of victory. The scene is closed, and we are no longer 
anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory ; he has travelled on 
to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight 
of honour ; he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tar- 
nish it, where malice cannot blast it." 

General Washington was rather above the common stature ; his 
frame was robust, and his constitution vigorous. His exterior cre- 
ated in the beholder the idea of strength united with manly grace- 
fulness. His eyes were of a gray colour, and his complexion light. 
His manners were rather reserved than free. His person and whole 
deportment exhibited an unaffected and indescribable dignity, un- 
mingled with haughtiness, of which all, who approached him, were 
sensible. The attachment of those who possessed his friendship, 
was ardent but always respectful. His temper was humane, bene- 
volent and conciliatory ; but there was a quickness in his sensibility 
to any thing apparently offensive, which experience had taught him 
to watch and correct. He made no pretensions to vivacity or wit. 
Judgment rather than genius constituted the most prominent feature 
of his character. As a military man he was brave, enterprising, 
and cautious. At the head of a multitude, whom it was sometimes 
impossible to reduce to proper discipline before the expiration of 
their time of service, and having to struggle almost continually with 
the want of supplies, he yet was able to contend with an adversary 
superior in numbers, well disciplined, and completely equipped, and 
was the means of saving his country. The measure of his caution 
has by some been represented as too abundant ; but he sometimes 
formed a plan which his brave officers thought was too adventurous, 
and sometimes contrary to their advice he engaged in battle. If 
his name is not rendered illustrious by splendid achievements, it is 
not to be attributed to the want of military enterprize. He con- 
ducted the war with that consummate prudence and wisdom which the 
situation of his country and the state of his army demanded. He 
also possessed a firmness of resolution, which neither dangers nor 
difficulties could shake. In his civil administration he exhibited 
repeated proofs of that practical good sense, of that sound judgment, 



206 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

■which is the most valuable quality of the human mind. More than 
once he put his whole popularity to hazard in pursuing measures 
which were dictated by a sense of duty, and which he thought would 
promote the welfare of his country. In speculation he was a real 
republican, sincerely attached to the constitution of the United States, 
and to that system of equal political rights on which it is founded. 
Real liberty, he thought, was to be preserved only by preserving the 
authority of the laws and maintaining the energy of government. 
Of incorruptible integrity, his ends were always upright, and the 
means which he employed were always pure. He was a politician 
to whom wiles were absolutely unknown. When any measure of 
importance was proposed, he sought information, and was ready to 
hear, without prejudice, whatever could be said in relation to the 
subject ; he suspended his judgment till it was necessary to decide; 
but after his decision had been thus deliberately made, it was seldom 
shaken, and he was as active and persevering in executing, as he 
had been cool in forming it. He possessed an innate and unassum- 
ing modesty, which adulation would have offended, which the plaudits 
of millions could not betray into indiscretion, and which was blended 
with a high sense of personal dignity, and a just consciousness of 
the respect which is due to station. 

General Washington was blessed with abundant wealth, and he 
was not ignorant of the pleasure of employing it for generous pur- 
poses. His style of living was dignified, though he maintained 
the strictest economy. While he was in the army he wrote to the 
superintendent of his estate in the following terms : — " Let the hos- 
pitality of the house be kept up with regard to the poor. Let no 
one go hungry away. If any of this sort of people should be in want 
of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not encourage 
them in idleness. I have no objection to your giving my money in 
charity, when you think it will be well bestowed ; I mean, that it is 
my desire that it should be done. You are to consider that neither 
myself nor my wife are in the way to do these good offices." Thus 
was he beneficent, while at the same time he required an exact 
compliance with engagements. A pleasing proof of the generous 
spirit which governed him, is exhibited in his conduct toward the 
son of his friend, the Marquis de La Fayette. The marquis, after 
fighting in this country for American liberty, had returned to 
France ; but in the convulsions of the French revolution he was ex- 
iled and imprisoned in Germany. General Washington gave evidence 
of sincere attachment to the unhappy nobleman, not only by exerting 
all his influence to procure his release from confinement, but by 



AND OP MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 207 

extending his patronage to his son, who made his escape from France, 
and arrived with his tutor at Boston in 1795. As soon as he was 
informed of his arrival, he wrote to a friend, requesting him to visit 
the young gentleman and make him acquainted with the relations 
between this country and France, which would prevent the President 
of the United States from publicly espousing his interest, but to 
assure him of his protection and support. He also directed this 
friend to draw upon him for moneys to defray all the expenses which 
young La Fayette might incur. Toward his slaves, General Washing- 
ton manifested the greatest care and kindness. Their servitude lay 
with weight upon his mind, and he directed in his will that they 
should be emancipated on the decease of his wife. There were insu- 
perable difficulties in the way of their receiving freedom previously 
to this event. On the death of Mrs. Washington, May 22, 1802, the 
estate of General Washington, as he had no children, was divided 
according to his will among his and her relations. It amounted by 
his own estimate to more than five hundred thousand dollars. 

The public addresses and other productions of General Washing- 
ton's pen are written in a style of dignified simplicity. Some have 
seen so much excellence in his writings that they have been ready 
to transfer the honour to his secretaries ; but nothing has appeared 
under his name, to which his own powers were inadequate. 

It remains now to sketch the events of the eight years during 
which his wisdom and firmness were employed in the administration 
of the federal government. He was inaugurated at New York on 
the 30th of April, 1789. The oath of office was administered by 
Chancellor Livingston. The inaugural address was replied to by 
John Adams, as president of the senate, and by Frederick A. 
Muhlenberg, as speaker of the house of representatives. 

Only ten States participated in the first presidential election. New 
York had neglected to adopt a law regulating the mode of election, 
and North Carolina and Rhode Island had rejected the constitution. 
North Carolina came into the Union in November, 1789, and Rhode 
Island adopted the constitution in May, 1790. The first Congress 
under the federal constitution met at New York, and its first session 
continued six months, during which period the machinery of govern- 
ment was set in motion and the construction of the provisions of the 
constitution were very ably discussed. Sixteen articles of amend- 
ments to the constitution were adopted by Congress, and ten of them 
were approved by the requisite number of States. 

Washington displayed his usual judgment in the formation of his 
cabinet. Thomas Jefferson was appointed secretary of state ; Alex- 



208 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

ancler Hamilton, secretary of the treasury ; Henry Knox, secretary 
of -war ; Edmund Randolph, attorney-general, and Samuel Osgood, 
postmaster-general. John Jay was appointed chief-justice of the 
supreme court, and John Rutledge, James Wilson, John Blair, 
William Gushing, and Robert H. Harrison "were chosen for the posts 
of associate judges. 

After the adjournment of Congress, the president made a tour 
through New England, where he was received by the inhabitants 
with demonstrations of the most filial affection. 

The second session of the first Congress began the 6th of January, 
1790. At this session, Mr. Hamilton made his celebrated report 
with respect to the discharge of public debts contracted during the 
war of the Revolution. With regard to the foreign debt, he remarked 
that no difference of opinion existed ; all agreed that provision should 
be made for its discharge according to the terms of the contract ; but 
with respect to the domestic debt, opinions were entirely opposite — 
some advocating a discrimination between the present holders of 
public securities, and those to whom the debt was originally due. 
This subject opened a field of debate which shook the government 
to its foundation, and may fairly be said to be the origin of that 
division of sentiment and feeling which agitated so long and so vio- 
lently the national councils, and which gave rise to the two great 
political parties, which, under the names of Federalists and Republi- 
cans, for thirty years arrayed one part of the American community 
against the other. The question was, shall the present holders of 
public securities, who have given but two or three shillings on the 
pound, receive the full value of what appears on the face of the obli- 
gations, or only the amount which they gave ? After much debate, 
Mr. Madison proposed that the present holder of assignable paper 
should receive the highest price such paper had borne in market, and 
the original holder receive the residue. These propositions were 
finally rejected. 

During the war, the States had frequently exerted their resources 
under their own authority, independent of Congress. Some had 
funded their debts ; some had paid the interest, and some had done 
neither. All looked forward to the new Congress to assume their 
debts. Mr. Hamilton recommended this assumption of the State 
debts ; and also, that provision should be made for paying the inte- 
rest, by imposing taxes on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits 
distilled within the couutry. These recommendations again opened 
a torrent of debate in Congress. The Republican party, who existed 
chioliy in the Southern States, warmly opposed Mr. Hamilton. The 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. 209 

Federal party, existing principally in the Northern States, supported 
with great ability the plans of the secretary ; but they were rejected 
by a majority of two. 

Disputes had taken place with respect to the temporary as well as 
the permanent seat of government. It was understood that should 
it be fixed for ten years at Philadelphia, and afterward at a place to 
be selected on the Potomac, some of the members of the house of 
representatives, from the Potomac, would withdraw their opposition 
to Mr, Hamilton. This was accordingly done, and his plans were 
adopted. 

The debt funded amounted to a little more than 75,000,000 dollars, 
upon a part of which an interest of three per cent, was paid, and on 
the remainder, six per cent. 

Soon after the commencement of the third session of Congress a 
bill was introduced for laying the taxes which the secretary had pro- 
posed for the payment of the interest on the assumed debt of the 
States. That for laying duties on distilled spirits was urged on the 
ground that the inhabitants beyond the xilleghany mountains, where 
no other spirits were consumed, would not otherwise bear an equal 
burden with those on the seacoast, who consumed most of the articles 
on which an import duty was laid. The bill, after much debate, was 
carried. In 1790 a termination was put to the war which had for 
several years raged between the Creek Indians and the State of 
Georgia. 

During the third session of Congress, an act was passed accepting 
the cession of the claims of North Carolina to a district west of that 
State, and a territorial government was established by Congres under 
the title of "The Territory of the United States south of the Ohio." 
This year the States of Pennsylvania and North Carolina esta- 
blished their constitutions. This year also Kentucky was erected 
into an independent State, receiving its name from its principal 
river. 

A national bank was during this session recommended by the 
secretary. It met with a violent opposition from the Republican 
party. They considered all banking institutions as useless, the pre- 
sent bill defective, and the power of establishing a bank not granted 
to Congress. The supporters of the bill considered it as constitu- 
tional ; and a national bank not only useful, but necessary for the 
operations of government. The president required the opinions of 
the cabinet in writing. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph opposed, 
while Mr. Hamilton sanctioned the bill. After deliberate investisra- 

14 



210 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICErRESIDENTS, 

tion, the president was convinced of its constitutionality and utility, 
and gave it his signature. 

In 1791, Vermont adopted the federal constitution, and applied to 
Congress to be admitted into the Union. New Hampshire and New 
York had both laid claim to the territory of this State, and both had 
made grants of land within its limits. In 1777 the inhabitants re- 
fusing to submit to either, declared themselves independent. At the 
request of her citizens, Vermont was this year admitted a member 
of the Union. 

In 1791 the first census, or enumeration of the inhabitants of the 
United States, was completed. They amounted to 3,921,326. The 
revenue amounted to 4,771,000 dollars, the exports to 19,000,000, 
and the imports to about 20,000,000. 

In October the second Congress commenced its first session. One 
of its first acts was that of apportioning the number of representa- 
tives according to the census. After much disagreement, a bill passed 
fixing the ratio at one for every 33,000. 

While Congress was agitated by party strife and conflicting 
interests, an Indian war was opening in the north-western frontiers 
of the States. Pacific arrangements had been attempted by the 
president with the hostile tribes in Ohio, but without efiect. On 
their failure. General Harmer was sent with a force amounting to 
1400 to reduce them to terms. He was successful in destroying 
their villages, and the produce of their fields ; but in an engagement 
near Chillicothe he was defeated with considerable loss. Upon the 
failure of General Harmer, Major-General St. Clair was appointed to 
succeed him. He hastened to protect with his army the unfortunate 
inhabitants who were now left without defence to suffer all the mid- 
night horrors of Indian warfare. With a force amounting to nearly 
2000 men, St. Clair marched into the wilderness in the month of 
October. On the 3d of November he encamped within a few miles 
of the Miami villages, with his army, which was reduced by desertion 
and detachment to 1400. Here he intended to remain until reinforced. 
Notwithstanding the many melancholy examples of similar disasters 
in the armies of his country, St. Clair suffered himself to be sur- 
prised. The militia who were posted in front, were driven in great 
disorder upon the regulars. In vain did St. Clair attempt to rally 
the flying militia and repulse the savages. They appeared on all 
sides of the American army, and poured in such a deadly fire from 
the surrounding thickets, as strewed the field with the wounded, the 
dying and the dead. After a contest of three hours. General St. 
Clair, disabled by indisposition from the active duties of commander, 



AND OF MEJIBERS OF THE CABINETS. 211 

ordered a retreat, which was effected, and the remnant of his army 
saved from total ruin. The victorious Indians pursued closely about 
four miles, when they returned to share the spoils of the camp. Ge- 
neral St. Clair retreated to Fort Jefferson, and afterward to Fort 
Washington. In this disastrous engagement, the numbers on each 
side were nearly equal. The loss of the Indians is not known ; but 
that of the Americans was 630 killed and missing, and 260 were 
wounded — a slaughter almost unparalleled. The whole American 
camp and artillery fell into the hands of the enemy. 

On receiving information of this disaster. Congress resolved to 
prosecute the war with increased vigour, to augment the army by 
enlistment, and to put the frontiers in a state of defence. 

In pursuance of the resolutions of Congress, Washington endea- 
voured to put on foot an army sufficient for a vigorous prosecution 
of the war with the Indians ; but the defeats of Harmer and St. Clair 
produced such a dread of the Indians, that a sufficient number of 
recruits could not be raised to authorize an expedition against them. 
There was a violent clamour against the war; and the president 
deemed it advisable to make another effort at negotiation with the 
unfriendly Indians. The charge of this business was committed to 
Colonel Harden and Major Freeman, who were both murdered by 
the savages. 

Kentucky was this year admitted to the Union. 

Soon after the opening of the next session of Congress, a motion 
was made to reduce the military establishment, but it did not pre- 
vail. In 1792 a Mint was established by Congress, and the division 
and value of the money to be used throughout the country regulated 
by statute. General Washington was again elected president, and 
in March, 1793, was inaugurated. Mr. Adams was also re-elected 
vice-president. 

The president, intent on terminating the war with the Indians, 
had obtained the intervention of the Six Nations. Through their 
friendly agency, a treaty of peace had been negotiated with the In- 
dians on the Wabash ; and the Miamis had consented to a conference 
the ensuing spring. 

About this time the French Revolution, which had commenced in 
1789, began seriously to affect the politics of the United States. A 
new government was at first established in France, which had for its 
fundamental principle the universal equality of man. Hopes were 
entertained that France would now enjoy the blessings of a free 
government ; but the leaders of the revolution were selfish and un- 
principled men, and their sanguinary measures soon blasted these 



212 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

hopes. Louis XVI. was executed, his family murdered or impri- 
soned, and all who were suspected as being hostile to their views, 
particularly the nobility, suffered decapitation by the guillotine. 

The parties which had agitated the union were now raging with 
increased violence. The Democratic or Republican party beheld 
with pleasure the downfall of kings, and the dissemination of what 
they regarded as their own peculiar principles ; and though they 
contemplated with horror the proceedings of those sanguinary leaders, 
Marat and Robespierre, they trusted that when the first commotions 
were assuaged, a republic 9f the most perfect kind would be esta- 
blished, and would remain as a proof to the world of the compati- 
bility of good order with liberty. The Federalists, regarding their 
country as connected with Britain by identity of origin, and the 
various ties of commercial interest, by resemblance of institutions — 
by similarity of language, of literature, and of religion, shocked with 
the crimes of the French rulers, and alarmed at the system of disor- 
ganization which they had introduced, became more inveterate in 
their animosity to the Democratic or Republican party, whom they 
charged with fostering this spirit. 

In April, 1793, information was received of the declaration of 
war by France against Great Britain and Holland. Washington was 
an American, and he did not choose to involve his country in the 
contests of Europe. He accordingly, with the unanimous advice of 
his cabinet, consisting of Messrs. Jefferson, Hamilton, Knox, and 
Randolph, issued a proclamation of neutrality. This measure con- 
tributed in a great degree to the prosperity of America. Its adoption 
was the more honourable to the president, as the general sympathy 
was in favour of the sister republic, against whom it was said Great 
Britain had commenced a war for the sole purpose of imposing upon 
her a monarchical form of government : but he preferred the welfare 
of his country to the popular applause. 

M. Gerard, the French minister, who had been appointed by the 
king, was about this time recalled, and in April, M. Genet, who was 
appointed by the republic, arrived at Charleston, South Carolina. 
The flattering reception he met with induced him to believe that he 
could easily persuade the American people to embark in the cause 
of France, whatever might be the determination of government. This 
opinion of his was followed by the presumptuous procedure of fitting 
out privateers from the port of t^harleston, to cruise against the ves- 
sels of the enemies of France — nations, however, at peace with the 
United States. 

Notwithstanding these illegal assumptions of power, he was wel- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 213 

corned at Philadelphia by the most extravagant marks of joy. Mr. 
Hammond, the British minister, complained of these proceedings. 
The cabinet unanimously disapproved of them, and determined to 
enforce the laws against those citizens who had committed the offence. 
Genet accused the executive of acting in opposition to the wishes of 
the people, and even threatened an appeal from the government to 
the people. This threat turned many against him who had before 
been his advocates. When Congress met in December, the proclama- 
tion of neutrality was approved, as well as the conduct of the admi- 
nistration toward M. Genet. France, at the request of the presi- 
dent, annulled his powers, and he was succeeded by M. Fauchet. 

On the 1st of January, 1794, Mr. Jefferson resigned his office of 
secretary of state, and was succeeded by Mr. Randolph. The office 
of attorney-general was filled by Mr. William Bradford. 

An insurrection of the western counties of Pennsylvania took place 
about this time. Great dissatisfaction had arisen from the laws of 
Congress laying duties on distilled spirits. A sheriff was killed in 
the execution of his duty. A meeting of the malecontents was held 
at Pittsburg, correspondences were established among them, and an 
armed force, calculated to amount to 7000 men, was organized. 

General Washington, after having vainly attempted persuasive 
measures, found himself compelled to resort to force. An army of 
15,000 men was raised, and placed under the command of General 
Lee. This powerful force had the intended effect — inspiring such 
salutary terror that no opposition was attempted. Sixteen of the 
most active leaders were seized, tried, and convicted of treason, but 
afterward pardoned. 

At this session of Congress an act was passed to raise a naval 
force, consisting of six frigates, for the purpose of protecting the 
American commerce against Algerine corsairs. Eleven merchant 
vessels and upward of one hundred citizens had been captured by 
these corsairs, and further preparations, it was understood, were 
making for a renewed attack upon the unprotected commerce of the 
United States. 

A war with Great Britain was now apprehended. Since the peace 
of 1783, mutual complaints were made by the United States and 
Great Britain for violating the stipulations contained in the treaty. 
The former were accused of preventing the loyalists from regaining 
possession of their estates, and British subjects from recovering debts 
contracted before the commencement of hostilities. The Americans 
complained that certain military posts situated in the western wilder- 
ness, within the limits of the United States, were still retained, that 



214 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the Indians were incited to make incursions upon the frontier settle- 
ments, and that injurious commercial restrictions had been imposed. 
By these restrictions, American vessels trading to the ports of 
France might be seized by English cruisers, carried into England, 
and there condemned. A bill passed, laying an embargo for thirty 
days, one for erecting fortifications, one for raising a provincial 
army, and another for organizing the militia. To avert, however, if 
possible, the calamity of another war, Mr. Jay was sent to England 
for the purpose of negotiating with the British government. 

The Indians still continuing hostile. General Wayne had been ap- 
pointed to succeed General St. Clair. Wayne having in vain attempted 
to negotiate with the savages, marched against them, at the head of 
3000 men, and a battle was fought near the Miami of the Lakes. 
The Indians were totally routed, a vast number killed, and their 
whole country laid v/aste. This decisive victory disposed them to 
peace, and had a salutary effect on all the tribes north-west of the 
Ohio, as well as upon the Six Nations. 

January 1st, Mr. Hamilton resigned his office of secretary of the 
treasury, and was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott from Connecticut. 
At the close of this session, General Knox also resigned his office 
of secretary of war, and was succeeded by Timothy Pickering. 

In the spring of 1795, Mr. Jay, having negotiated a treaty with 
Great Britain, returned to America. This treaty having been laid 
before the senate, was, after considerable debate, ratified by that 
body. This treaty provided that the posts which the British had 
retained should be given up to the Americans, and compensation 
made for illegal captures, and that the American government should 
pay to the British 600,000 pounds in trust for the subjects of Great 
Britain to whom American citizens were indebted. But it did not 
prohibit the right of searching merchant-vessels claimed by the Bri- 
tish ; and was thus an abandonment of the favourite principle of the 
Americans, that "free ships make free trade." Meantime, while 
the senate were debating the subject with closed doors, a member 
had given an incorrect copy of it to a printer. It was circulated 
with rapidity, and produced much irritation. The president received 
addresses from every part of the Union, praying him to withhold his 
signature ; but Washington, believing the treaty to be the best which, 
under existing circumstances, could be obtained, signed it in defiance 
of popular clamour : at the next session of Congress an attempt was 
made by the Republican party to hinder the treaty from going into 
effect, by refusing to vote for the necessary supplies of money. 
After a long debate, in which several members, particularly Fisher 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 215 

Ames, of Massachusetts, displayed much eloquence, and the parties 
generally much heat and irritation, the appropriation was carried by 
a majority of three, and the treaty went into effect. 

A treaty was also made this season with Algiers, the commerce of 
the Mediterranean was opened, and the American captives were 
restored. A treaty was also concluded with the Indians in the West ; 
thus securing the frontiers from savage invasion. A treaty with 
Spain soon after followed. Spain had endeavoured to cause the 
western boundary of the new republic to be fixed three hundred miles 
east of the Mississippi. She denied the inhabitants beyond the 
Alleghany mountains access to the ocean through that river, the 
mouth of which was in her province of Louisiana. To adjust these 
differences, Thomas Pinckney was appointed envoy extraordinary to 
the court of Madrid. In October, a treaty was signed, allowing the 
claims of the republic as to the western boundary, securing to the 
United States the free navigation of the Mississippi to the ocean, 
and the privilege of landing and depositing cargoes at New Orleans. 

In 1796, Tennessee was admitted to the Union. 

The treaties of the last year met with no opposition in Congress. 
The conduct of France still continued to be a source of disquiet to the 
American republic. M. Fauchet, ardently attached to his nation, 
and believing himself supported by a numerous party in America, 
gradually assumed an authoritative manner. He accused the admi- 
nistration of partiality to their former foes, enmity to their friends, 
and cold indifference to the cause of liberty. Mr. Morris, who had 
been sent minister to France, failing to secure the confidence of 
those in power, was at their request recalled. Mr. Monroe succeeded 
him. This gentleman possessed the ardour for liberty and the rights 
of man common to the Republican party ; and, with them, hoped 
that the French revolution would eventually lead to the establish- 
ment of a free government in the room of the ancient despotism of 
that country. He was received in the most flattering manner by the 
convention, who decreed that the flags of the two republics, entwined, 
should be suspended in the legislative hall as a symbol of their friend- 
ship and union. 

M. Adet soon after succeeded M. Fauchet, and brought with him 
the colours of France, which, with much ceremony, were deposited 
with those archives of the United States which are at once the me- 
morials of their freedom and independence, and an honourable testi- 
mony of the existing sympathies and affections of the sister republics. 

Notwithstanding the professions of friendship between the govern- 
ments, France still wished to involve America in her European wars; 



216 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

but finding her maintaining a steady system of neutrality, slie adopted 
measures highly injurious to American commerce. Her cruisers 
were allowed in certain cases to capture vessels of the United States, 
and while prosecuting a lawful trade, many hundreds were taken and 
confiscated. 

Mr. Monroe, at this time, was suspected by the president of not 
asserting and vindicating the rights of the nation with proper energy. 
These suspicions were attributed by the Republican party to the 
false insinuations of his political opponents. The president, how- 
ever, recalled him, and appointed Charles C. Pinckney, of South 
Carolina, in his stead. 

As the period for a new election of president of the United States 
arrived, Washington announced his determination to retire to private 
life. He issued a " Farewell Address" to his countrymen, replete 
with sound political principles and the counsels of prudence, such as a 
father might communicate to his beloved children. He was gratified 
by the choice of Mr. Adams as his successor, and after remaining to 
grace the inaugural ceremonies with his presence, he retired to the 
shades of Mount Vernon, followed by the common exclamation of 
mankind — "Well done, thou good and faithful servant." 



HENRY KNOX. 



The statesmen who were members of the cabinet during Washing- 
ton's two terms of administration were Thomas Jefferson, Alexander 
Hamilton, Henry Knox, Edmund Randolph, Oliver Wolcott, Jun., 
Timothy Pickering, William Bradford, Charles Lee, and John 
McHenry. At that period the postmaster-general was not con- 
sidered a member of the cabinet as at present. But for the sake of 
uniformity we will record their biographies. During Washington's 
administration that ofiice was filled successively by Samuel Osgood, 
Timothy Pickering, and Joseph Habersham. The lives of Jefferson 
and Hamilton have already been given. 

Henry Knox, the distinguished general and war minister, was born 
in Boston on the 25th of July, 1750. His parents were of Scottish 
descent. Before our Revolutionary war, which afforded an oppor- 
tunity for the development of his patriotic feelings and military 
talents, he was engaged in a book store. By means of his early 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 217 

education and this honourable employment he acquired a taste for 
literary pursuits, which he retained through life. 

Young Knox gave early proofs of his attachment to the cause of 
freedom and his country. It will be recollected, that, in various 
parts of the State, volunteer companies were formed in 1774, with 
a view to awaken the martial spirit of the people, and as a sort of 
preparation for the contest which was apprehended. Knox was an 
officer in a military corps of this denomination, and was distinguished 
by his activity and discipline. There is evidence of his giving un- 
common attention to military tactics at this period, especially to the 
branch of engineering and artillery, in which he afterward so greatly 
excelled. 

It is also to be recorded in proof of his predominant love of coun- 
try and its liberties, that he had before this time become connected 
■with a very respectable family, which adhered to the measures of the 
British ministry, and had received great promises both of honour 
and profit, if he would follow the standard of his sovereign. Even 
at this time his talents were too great to be overlooked ; and it was 
wished if possible, to prevent him from attaching himself to the 
cause of the provincials. He was one of those whose departure from 
Boston was interdicted by Governor Gage soon after the affair of 
Lexington. The object of Gage was probably not so much to keep 
these eminent characters as hostages, as to deprive the Americans 
of their talents and services. In June, however, he found means to 
make his way through the British lines to the American army at 
Cambridge. He was here received with joyful enthusiasm ; for his 
knowledge of the military art and his zeal for the liberties of the 
country were admitted by all. The provincial Congress, then con- 
vened at Watertown, immediately sent for him, and intrusted solely 
to him the erection of such fortresses as might be necessary to pre- 
vent a sudden attack from the enemy in Boston. 

The little army of militia collected in and about Cambridge in 
the spring of 1775, soon after the battle of Lexington, was without 
order and discipline. All was insubordination and confusion. Gene- 
ral Washington did not arrive to take command of the troops until 
after this period. In this state of things, Knox declined any par- 
ticular commission, though he readily directed his attention and 
exertions to the objects which Congress requested. 

It was in the course of this season, and before he had formally 
undertaken the command of the artillery, that Knox volunteered his 
services to go to St. John's, in the province of Canada, and to bring 
thence to Cambridge all the heavy ordnance and military stores. 



218 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

This hazardous enterprise he effected in a manner which astonished 
all who knew the difficulty of the service. 

Soon after his return from this fortunate expedition, he took com- 
mand of the whole corps of the artillery of our army, and retained 
it until the close of the war. To him the country was chiefly in- 
debted for the organization of the artillery and ordnance depart- 
ment. He gave it both form and efficiency ; and it was distinguished 
alike for its expertness of discipline and promptness of execution. 

At the battle of Monmouth, in New Jersey, in June, 1778, Gene- 
ral Knox exhibited new proofs of his bravery and skill. Under his 
personal and immediate direction, the artillery gave great effect to 
the success of that memorable day. It will be remembered that the 
British troops were much more numerous than ours, and that Gene- 
ral Lee was charged with keeping back the battalion he commanded 
from the field of battle. The situation of our army was most critical. 
General Washington was personally engaged in rallying and directing 
the troops in the most dangerous positions. The afiair terminated 
in favour of our gallant army, and Generals Knox and Wayne re- 
ceived the particular commendations of the commander-in-chief the 
following day, in the orders issued on the occasion. After mention- 
ing the good conduct and bravery of General Wayne, and thanking 
the gallant officers and men who distinguished themselves. General 
Washington says, "he can with pleasure inform General Knox, and 
the officers of the artillery, that the enemy have done them the justice 
to acknowledge that no artillery could be better served than ours." 

When General Greene was offered the arduous command of the 
Southern department, he replied to the commander-in-chief, "Knox 
is the man for this difficult undertaking; all obstacles vanish before 
him; his resources are infinite." "True," replied Washington, "and 
therefore I cannot part with him." 

No officer in the army, it is believed, more largely shared in the 
affection and confidence of the illustrious Washington. In every 
action where he appeared, Knox was with him : at every council of 
war he bore a part. In truth, he possessed talents and qualities 
which could not fail to recommend him to a man of the discriminating 
mind of Washington. He was intelligent, brave, patriotic, humane, 
honourable. Washington soon became sensible of his merits, and 
bestowed on him his esteem, his friendship, and confidence. 

On the resignation of Major-general Benjamin Lincoln, Knox 
was appointed secretary of the war department by Congress, during 
the period of the convention. And when the federal government 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 219 

was organized in 1789, he was designated by President Washington 
for the same honourable and responsible office. 

This office he held for about five years, enjoying the confidence 
of the president, and esteemed by all his colleagues in the adminis- 
tration of the federal government. Of his talents, his integrity, and 
his devotion to the interests and prosperity of his country, no one 
had ever any reason to doubt. In 1794 he retired from office to a 
private station, followed by the esteem and love of all who had been 
honoured with his acquaintance. 

At this time he removed with his family to Thomaston, on St. 
George's river, in the district of Maine, two hundred miles north- 
east of Boston. He was possessed of extensive landed property in 
that part of the country, which had formerly belonged to General 
Waldo, the maternal grandfather of Mrs. Knox. 

At the request of his fellow-citizens, though unsolicited on his 
part, he filled a seat at the council-board of Massachusetts, during 
several years of his residence at Thomaston ; and the degree of doctor 
of laws was conferred on him by the president and trustees of Dart- 
mouth College. 

The amiable virtues of the citizen and the man were as con- 
spicuous in the character of General Knox as the more brilliant and 
commanding talents of the hero and statesman. The afflicted and 
destitute were sure to share of his compassion and charity. " His 
heart was made of tenderness;" and he often disregarded his own 
wishes and convenience, in kind endeavours to promote the interest 
and happiness of his friends. 

In his person, General Knox was above the common stature ; of 
noble and commanding form, of manners elegant, conciliating, and 
dignified. 

General Knox died at Thomaston, October 25, 1806, aged fifty- 
six years. His death was occasioned by swallowing the bone of a 
chicken. 



EDMUND RANDOLPH. 



Edmund Randolph, the first attorney-general of the United States, 
was the son of John Randolph, attorney-general of Virginia before 
the Revolution. He rose to eminence at the bar before the great 
struggle for independence began, and then became a fervent advocate 



220 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of the rights of the colonies. After having held several honourable 
stations in the State, Mr. Randolph was in 1779 elected to a seat 
in Congress, and he continued to be an active member of that body 
until 1782. In 1787 he was a member of the convention which 
framed the federal constitution; but his name does not appear among 
the signers of that instrument; and, in fact, he was one of its most 
formidable opponents in Virginia. In conjunction with the cele- 
brated George Mason and the eloquent Patrick Henrj, he advocated 
its rejection. 

In 1788, Mr. Randolph was chosen governor of Virginia. In the 
next year he received the appointment of attorney-general of the 
United States, and, upon the resignation of Mr. Jefferson in 1794, he 
was selected to fill the responsible position of secretary of state. 
While in this position, however, he was charged with engaging in an 
intrigue with the French minister, by which he lost the confidence of 
the cabinet. He resigned in August, 1795, and returning to Vir- 
ginia, resumed the practice of his profession. Mr. Randolph died on 
the 12th of September, 1813. He was a profound lawyer, but is 
said to have lacked prudence in his general political course. 



OLIVER WOLCOTT, Jun. 

Oliver Wolcott, Jun., was the son of the Oliver Wolcott who 
signed the Declaration of Independence, and was born in Litchfield, 
Connecticut, in 1759. He was educated for the bar, was appointed 
by Washington comptroller of the treasury, and, on the retirement of 
Hamilton, secretary of the treasury, which oflBce he filled during the 
remainder of Washington's and the whole of John Adams's admi- 
nistration. In 1800 he commenced business as a merchant in the 
city of New York. In 1815 he returned to his native town, and was 
was annually elected ten years in succession governor of Connecticut. 
He afterward returned to the city of New Yoi-k, where he died, June 
1, 1833, at the age of 74 years. He possessed great financial ability. 



JOHN M'HENRY. 

Of this cabinet ofiicer we have no reliable material for biography. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 221 



TIMOTHY PICKERING. 

Colonel Pickering, the distinguislied and successful soldier and 
statesman, was born in Salem, Massachusetts, on the 17th of July, 
1745, of a respectable family. He was graduated at Harvard College 
in 1763, and, after the usual course of professional studies, was ad- 
mitted to the practice of the law. When the dissensions between the 
colonies and the mother country commenced, he soon became the 
champion and leader of the Whigs of the quarter where he lived. He 
was a member of all the committees of inspection and correspondence, 
and bore the entire burden of writing. The address which, in 1774, 
the inhabitants of Salem, in full town-meeting, voted to Governor 
Gage on the occasion of the Boston port-bill, proceeded from his pen. 
A part of it, disclaiming any wish, on the part of the inhabitants of 
Salem, to profit by the closing of the port of Boston, is quoted by 
Dr. Ramsay, in his History of the American Revolution. 

In April, 1775, on receiving intelligence of the battle of Lexing- 
ton, Colonel Pickering marched, with the regiment of which he was 
at the time commander, to Charlestown, but had not an opportunity 
of coming to action. Before the close of the same year, when the 
provisional government was organizing, he was appointed one of the 
judges of the court of common pleas for Essex, his native county, 
and sole judge of the maritime court (which had cognizance of all 
prize causes) for the middle district, comprehending Boston, Avith 
Salem and the other ports in Essex. These offices he held until he 
accepted an appointment in the army. In 1777 he was named adju- 
tant-general by Washington, and joined the army then at Middlebrook, 
New Jersey. He continued with the commander-in-chief until the 
American forces went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, having 
been present at the battles of Brandywine and Germantown. He 
then proceeded to discharge the duties of a member of the continental 
board of war, to which he had been elected by Congress, then sitting 
at Yorktown, Pennsylvania. In this station he remained until he was 
appointed to succeed General Greene in the office of quarter-master 
general, which he retained during the residue of the war, and in which 
he contributed much to the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. 
From 1790 to 1794, he was charged by President Washington with 
several negotiations with the Indian nations on our frontiers. In 
1791 he was also made postmaster-general, and, in 1794, removed 
from that station to the secretaryship of war, on the resignation of 



222 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

General Knox. In 1795 he Avas appointed secretary of state in the 
place of Mr. Randolph. From that office he was removed by Presi- 
dent Adams, in May, 1800. At the end of the year 1801 he returned 
to Massachusetts. In 1803 the legislature of that State chose him 
a senator to Congress for the residue of the term of Dwight Forster, 
Esq., who had resigned, and, in 1805, re-elected him to the same sta- 
tion for the term of six years. After its expiration in 1811, he was 
chosen by the legislature a member of the executive council ; and, 
during the war of 1812, he was appointed a member of the board of 
war for the defence of the State. In 1814, he was sent to Congress, 
and held his seat until March, 1817. He then finally retired to pri- 
vate life. His death took place January 29, 1829, in the eighty- 
fourth year of his age. In his manners, Colonel Pickering was plain 
and unassuming. In public life, he was distinguished for energy, 
ability, and disinterestedness ; as a soldier, he was brave and patriotic ; 
and his writings bear ample testimony to his talents and information. 
He was one of the leaders of the Federal party. 



WILLIAM BRADFORD. 

William Bradford was born in Philadelphia, September 14, 
1755, and was graduated at Princeton College in 1772. He com- 
menced the study of the law under Edward Shippen, Esq., late chief- 
justice of Pennsylvania, and prosecuted his studies with unwearied 
application. In 1776 he joined the standard of his country, and 
fought in defence of her rights. In 1779 he recommenced the study 
of the law, and in September following was admitted to the bar of 
the supreme court of Pennsylvania. In 1780 he was appointed at- 
torney-general of the State. 

In 1784 he married the daughter of Elias Boudinot, of New Jersey, 
with whom he lived in the exercise of every domestic virtue that 
adorns human nature. In 1791 he was appointed by Governor Mifflin 
judge of the supreme court of Pennsylvania. Here he had deter- 
mined to spend a considerable part of his life; but on the promotion 
of Mr. Edmund Randolph to the office of secretary of state, as suc- 
cessor of Mr. Jefferson, he was urged by various public considerations 
to accept the office of attorney-general of the United States, now left 
vacant. He accordingly received the appointment January 28, 1794. 
He continued only a short time in this station, to which he was ele- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 223 

vated by Washington. He died August 23, 1795. He published, in 
1793, an Inquiry how far the Punishment of Death is necessary in 
Pennsylvania, "with notes and illustrations. 

Mr. Bradford was a lawyer of great ability, and at the period of 
his death, his prospect of reaching the highest stations in the United 
States was considered equal to that of any of the contemporary 
statesman. 



CHARLES LEE. 



The Lee and the Livingston families were in glorious rivalry dur- 
ing the early days of the republic, in furnishing patriots and states- 
men for the service of the country. It is difficult to decide to which 
belongs the palm. Besides those Lees whose names are familiar to 
most readers of American history, Virginia contributed to the na- 
tional administration a statesman and lawyer of the name who stood 
high in the confidence of Washington. Charles Lee was a distin- 
guished lawyer of Virginia at the time of the adoption of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and he advocated its acceptance in his 
native State. In December, 1795, he was appointed attorney-general 
of the United States, a post for which he was peculiarly fitted. It 
was by his advice that Mr. Monroe was recalled by Washington from 
the French mission. On the 12th of February, 1800, Mr, Lee was 
appointed commissioner to adjust the claims of Georgia ; and on the 
20th February, 1801, he was appointed chief judge of the fourth 
circuit. In all these positions Mr. Lee displayed ability, energy, and 
learning. 



JOSEPH HABERSHAM. 



Joseph Habersham was the son of a merchant, and was born in 
Savannah, in 1750. Having received a good education, he was about 
to engage in the peaceful pursuits of commerce when the Revolution oc- 
curred. Mr. Habersham was an ardent patriot, and having received the 
commission of lieutenant-colonel in the continental army, he engaged 
in a number of daring enterprises, which gave him a high military 
reputation. In 1785, Colonel Habersham was elected to Congress, 
where he served with distinction. In 1795, Washington appointed 



224 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

him postmaster-geceral of the United States, to succeed Timothy 
Pickering. He held that office until 1800, when he resigned. He 
was then made president of the branch bank of the United States at 
Savannah, which position he held until his death, in November, 1815, 
at the age of 65 years. Colonel Habersham filled with eminent 
ability and patriotism the various offices to which he was called. 



We have thus completed the notices of the several members of 
Washington's cabinet. It is hardly necessary to remind the reader 
that the vice-president during the period of this administration was 
the illustrious John Adams. We now proceed to give the life and 
administration of John Adams, and the lives of the members of his 
cabinet. 



Jiks 0f t\t ^rtstbnits of W^t WiwM States, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



§i0gra^Mcs at tk iitc-frcsi^tnts m\)i tk ITcnibxrs at ik €i\hhtU, 



JOHN ADAMS. 

The ancestors of John Adams were among the first Puritan settlers 
of New England. He was born at Braintree, Massachusetts, on the 
19th of October, 1735. He was carefully educated, anc( in 1755 
graduated at Harvard College. He then turned his attention to the 
study of the law. In 1758 he was admitted to the bar, and began 
the practice of his profession in the city of Boston. There his learn- 
ing and eloquence soon gave him the pre-eminence among the younger 
members of the bar. But the cares of his profession did not wholly 
engross his mind. He was deeply interested in the disputes between 
the colonies and their unnatural mother, and evinced a bold, patriotic 
spirit in advocating the cause of his countrymen. In 1765, Mr. 
Adams published a bold and energetic dissertation in support of the 
rights of the colonies, in which he invoked the people to make them- 
selves acquainted with their rights, and resist the encroachments of 
arbitrary power. 

On the 5th of March, 1770, occurred the memorable "Boston 
Massacre." This event furnished Mr. Adams with an opportunity to 
display that peculiar courage in the discharge of what he believed to 
be his duty, for which he was ever remarkable. In company with 
Josiah Quincy, another distinguished patriot, he undertook the de- 
fence of the British officers and soldiers involved in the disaster, and 
by a splendid effort of eloquence and forensic skill, procured their 
acquittal. 

In the same year, Mr. Adams was elected a representative in the 
Assembly of Massachusetts. In 1773 and 1774, he was chosen a 
counsellor by the general court, but rejected by the governors, who 
feared the influence of one who had taken a deep interest in the con- 
troversy between the colony and Great Britain, and was devoting his 
time and talents to the cause. 

15 225 



226 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

The great cause of emancipation was spreading and strengtliening 
through the colonies; and the unjust and unwise arrogance and se- 
verity of the mother country, naturally hastened the catastrophe. 
The crisis came rapidly on. In June, 1774, a general Congress of 
delegates from all the colonies was agreed to ; and Mr. Adams was 
one of those chosen by Massachusetts. This Congress assembled at 
Philadelphia in September, 1774. The high character of this assem- 
bly of patriots, for wisdom, solidity, firmness, and discretion, has 
been justly celebrated even by the greatest names of Europe; and, 
perhaps, was never surpassed. The eulogium of Lord Chatham upon 
it, is well known. It is is designated by the emphatic appellation of 
the first Congress. In such a body Mr. Adams became at once dis- 
tinguished for talents, zeal, and usefulness ; taking a leading part in 
every important measure. It was truly said of him, that, " in patriotic 
zeal and devotion to the public cause, he had no superior in that im- 
mortal senate. He sat in council with heroes and sages, and was 
himself the exciting spirit of the assembly." 

From the first, John Adams had believed in the necessity of inde- 
pendence. He laboured under all circumstances to prepare the minds 
of his countrymen for the great event. When the declaration of 
independence was moved, he was its chief champion — and, in its ad- 
vocacy, says Thomas Jeff"erson, "he came out with a power of thought 
and expression which moved us from our seats." He was the Colossus 
of that Congress. 

As our contest with Great Britain assumed the character of a 
regular and protracted war, and lost that of a short-lived insurrec- 
tion, to be immediately strangled by force or conciliated by com- 
promise, it became indispensable to engage some powerful European 
ally to aid us in the strife. France was naturally looked to, not 
only for her ability to give us support, but from her known jealousy 
of England, and her readiness to cherish every eflFort to diminish her 
power. In November, 1777, Mr. Adams was appointed a com- 
missioner to the court of France co solicit her patronage. This 
delicate and difficult ofiice he performed to the entire satisfaction of 
Congress. On his return to America in 1779, he was elected a 
member, and, of course, an active and leading one, of the convention 
which framed the constitution of Massachusetts ; a considerable part 
of which was drafted by him. In August of the same year, he was 
again sent to Europe as a commissioner to negotiate a general peace; 
and did not return to his country until her independence was consum- 
mated and secured by the treaty of 1783. In the mean time he was 
labouring with indefatigable zeal and fidelity with the powers of 



AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 227 

Europe, to obtain their co-operation in the great cause of his coun- 
try; making, in 1781, a favourable treaty -with the Dutch provinces. 
In 1780 he received a vote of thanks from Congress for his services 
in Europe. In the following year he was associated with Franklin, 
JeiFerson, and others, in a plenipotentiary commission for concluding 
treaties with several European powers. He assisted with great dis- 
tinction, and his usual decision and sagacity, in making the treaty 
of 1783 with Great Britain, which restored us to peace, and termi- 
nated for ever her claims and power over this country. 

When the United States were thus liberated from foreign shackles, 
and stood among the nations on the basis of her own strength and 
resources, Mr. Adams was the first minister appointed to London. 
He Avas there to stand in the presence of the monarch he had so 
deeply injured, and to meet the gaze of a court which well knew how 
much he had contributed to dismember their empire, and pluck the 
fairest jewel from the crown. But he enjoyed a distinction even 
more remarkable than this: he was the first minister that, may we 
not say, had ever appeared as the representative of a republic, in its 
full and just sense. 

In the year 1787, Mr. Adams, at his own request, was permitted 
to return home; and a vote of thanks was passed for him in Con- 
gress, of a character beyond the ordinary language of compliment. 
In September, 1787, that which may well be styled the grand con- 
vention of the United States, promulgated their scheme of govern- 
ment; which, in due time, was adopted by the people, and im- 
mediately put into operation. In 1789, Mr. Adams was elected the 
first vice-president under this constitution ; and he was re-elected to the 
same office in 1793. On the retirement of General Washington from 
the presidency in 1797, Mr. Adams succeeded him in that dignified 
station. 

Mr. Adams was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1797. His 
address was remarkable for its patriotic sentiments and simple vigour 
of style. ^'^ 

In the preceding year, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney had been 
appointed minister plenipotentiary to the French republic. The 
object of his mission Avas declared, in his letter of credence, to be 
"to maintain that good understanding, which, from the commence- 
ment of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations; and to 
efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that 
cordiality which was, at once, the evidence and pledge of a friendly 
union." On inspecting his letter of credence, the Directory an- 
nounced to him their determination "not to receive another minister 



228 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-rRESIDENTS, 

plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress of 
grievances demanded of the American government, which the French 
republic had a right to expect from it." The American minister was 
afterward obliged, by a written mandate, to quit the territories of 
the French republic. Besides other hostile indications, American 
vessels were captured wherever found; and, under the pretext of 
their wanting a document, with which the treaty of commerce had 
been uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as 
prizes. 

The president, by proclamation, required Congress to meet on the 
15th of June ; when, in a firm and dignified speech, he stated the 
great and unprovoked outrages of the French government. Having 
mentioned a disposition indicated in the executive Directory to sepa- 
rate the people of America from their government, "such attempts," 
he added, "ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince 
France and all the world that we are not a degraded people, hu- 
miliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted 
to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless 
of national honour, character, and interest.' He expressed, how- 
ever, his wish for an accommodation, and his purpose of attempting 
it. "Retaining still the desire which has uniformly been manifested 
by the American government to preserve peace and friendship with 
all nations, and believing that neither the honour nor the interest of 
the United States absolutely forbade the repetition of advances for 
securing these desirable objects with France, he should," he said, 
"institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and should not fail to pro- 
mote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible Avith the 
rights, duties, interests, and honour of the nation." In the mean 
time, he earnestly recommended it to Congress to provide effectual 
measures of defence. 

Three envoys extraordinary were now appointed, at the head of 
whom was General Pinckney. By their instructions, "Peace and 
reconciliation were to be pursued by all means compatible with the 
honour and the faith of the United States ; but no national engage- 
ments were to be impaired, no innovations to be permitted upon 
those internal regulations for the preservation of peace, which had 
been deliberately and uprightly established; nor were the rights of 
the government to be surrendered. 

A treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the United 
States and the bey and subjects of Tripoli, in January. 

On the 7th of July an act was passed to declare the treaties here- 
tofore concluded with France, no longer obligatory on the United 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 229 

States. The reasons assigned in the preamble, are, that those 
treaties had been repeatedly violated on the part of the French 
government; that the just claims of the United States for the 
reparation of those injuries had been refused, and their attempts to 
negotiate an amicable adjustment of all complaints between the two 
nations, repelled with indignity; and that, under authority of the 
French government, there was yet pursued against the United States 
a system of predatory violence, infracting the said treaties, and 
hostile to the rights of a free and independent nation. 

In the spring of 1798, despatches were received from the Ameri- 
can envoys in France, announcing the total failure of their mission. 
It was stated that money was demanded as an antecedent condition, 
not only of the reconciliation of America with France, but of any 
negotiation on the subject of differences ; and that the envoys had 
given a decided negative to all such demands. Two of the envoys 
were then ordered to quit the territories of the republic ; the third 
was permitted to remain and resume the discussions. The despatch 
excited great indignation throughout the United States, and the lan- 
guage was "Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute." 

Congress adopted vigorous measures, one of which was, a regular 
army. A regiment of artillerists and engineers was added to the 
permanent establishment. The president was authorized to raise 
twelve additional regiments of infantry, and one regiment of cavalry, 
to serve during the continuance of the existing differences with the 
French republic, if not sooner discharged. He was authorized also 
to appoint oiEcers for a provision army, and to receive and organize 
volunteer corps; the provisional army not to receive pay, unless 
called into actual service. An act was passed, more effectually to 
protect the commerce and coasts of the United States. These acts 
were passed in May. In June, Congress passed an act to authorize 
the defence of the merchant vessels of the United States against 
French depredations. In July, President Adams appointed George 
Washington lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of the de- 
fensive army raising in the United States ; and the appointment was 
accepted. In his letter of acceptance, General Washington observed, 
" Satisfied that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert 
war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can, 
with pure hearts, appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, and 
may confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence who 
has heretofore, and so often, singularly favoured the people of the 
United States." Happily for this great and good patriot, and for 
his country, and in accordance with his own uniform belief, the 



230 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

hostile attitude of France was followed by no invasion of the United 
States. 

The French government having made a fresh proposal of negotia- 
tion, President Adams appointed Oliver Ellsworth, chief-justice of 
the United States, Patrick Henry, late governor of Virginia, and 
William Vans Murray, minister at the Hague, to be envoys to the 
French republic, to discuss and settle by treaty all controversies 
between the United States and France. Mr. Henry died on the 4th 
of June, before the time of embarkation; and Governor Davie, of 
North Carolina, was appointed in his room. The envoys were not 
to embark for Europe until the executive directory of France should 
give assurances to the United States that they should be cordially 
received, and that a minister of equal powers should be appointed to 
treat with them. 

A treaty of peace and friendship between the United States and 
the kingdom of Tunis, negotiated by William Eaton and James L. 
Cathcart, was concluded on the 6th of March ; and a treaty of amity 
and commerce between the United States and the King of Prussia, 
negotiated by John Quincy Adams, minister plenipotentiary at the 
court of Berlin, on the 11th of July. 

Although the armies of France and the United States had not an 
opportunity for hostile collision, the superiority of the infant repub- 
lic was established at sea. Commodore Truxtun, commander of the 
frigate Constellation, thirty-eight guns, captured the French frigate 
L'Insurgente, forty guns, after a sharp action, off St. Christopher's, 
in the West Indies, on the 9th of February, 1799; and on the 2d of 
February, 1800, the same vigilant and skilful commander compelled 
the French frigate La Vengeance, fifty guns, to strike her colours, 
but the vanquished vessel escaped in the night. During this short 
war, the American privateers inflicted an immense amount of damage 
upon the French commerce. 

The American envoys found the government of France in the 
hands of Napoleon Bonaparte, who had not taken part in the trans- 
actions which had embroiled the two countries. With him negotia- 
tions were opened, which terminated in an amicable adjustment of 
all disputes. The provisional army was soon after disbanded by 
order of Congress. 

On the 14th of December, 1799, the illustrious Washington, the 
model man and the hero citizen, departed from the scene of his 
earthly glory. The great people whom he had so faithfully served, 
mourned for him, as for a father; and the government, by a solemn 



AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 231 

and august pageantry, showed its appreciation of the greatness of 
the loss. 

During the year 1800, the seat of government, agreeably to a law 
passed by Congress in 1790, was transferred from Philadelphia to 
the City of Washington. A territory ten miles square, in which the 
permanent seat of government was located, had been ceded to the 
General Government by the States of Virginia and Maryland. It 
was situated on both sides of the Potomac, a few miles from Mount 
Vernon. Public buildings had been erected, and in November of 
this year, Congress for the first time held their session in that place. 

Indiana was this year constituted a state; and Mississippi was 
erected into a territorial government. 

The time had now arrived for electing a president. It was about 
this period that the feuds and animosities of the Federal and Republi- 
can parties were at their greatest height. When Mr. Adams was 
first made the opposing candidate to Mr. Jefierson, he was by no 
means obnoxious to the great body of the Republican party, who voted 
against him. They recognised in him a patriot of the Revolution, 
and they liked him well, although they liked Mr. Jefferson better. 
It was Mr. Hamilton, not Mr. Adams, who was the chief object of 
party aversion ; and although a clamour was raised to serve party 
purposes, accusing Mr. Adams of being too much in favour of the 
British form of government; yet the real cause of dissatisfaction 
was, that he was supported by those who they were persuaded had 
monarchical views. After the lapse of four years, when Mr. Adams 
was again to be a candidate for the presidency, he was opposed with 
far more bitterness. 

In some of his measures he had been unfortunate, and the vigilant 
spirit of party was awake to make the most of the real or supposed 
errors of the nominal head of their opponents. In the early part 
of his administration the acts by which the army and navy were 
strengthened, and 80,000 of the militia subjected to his order, were 
represented by the republicans as proofs, that however he might have 
been a friend to the constitution of his country, he now either wished 
to subvert it, or was led blindfold into the views of those who did. 
The republicans scrupled the policy of a war with France, and denied 
the necessity, even in the case of such a war, of a great land force 
against an enemy totally unassailable except by water. They 
believed that spirits were at work to produce this war, or to make 
the most of the prospect of a disturbance, in order to lull the people, 
while they raised an army which they intended as the instrument of 
subverting the republican, and establishing a monarchical government. 



232 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

The president was stung by the clamours of the opposition, ■who 
imputed to him intentions which he never had. Attributing the evil 
to French emissaries; and moreover, ascribing to too much liberty 
the horrible excesses of the French revolution, he gave his signature 
to two acts, which were considered by the body of the people as 
dangerous to, if not subversive of, the constitutional liberty of 
America. One of these, called the alien law, authorized the presi- 
dent to order any alien whom he should judge dangerous to the peace 
and liberty of the country, to depart from the United States on pain 
of imprisonment. The other, called the sedition law, had for its 
avowed object to punish the abuse of speech and of the press; and 
imposed a heavy fine and imprisonment for years upon such as 
should "combine or conspire together to oppose any measure of the 
government;" upon such as should <' write, print, utter, publish, &c. 
any false, scandalous, and malicious writing against the government 
of the United States or either house of the Congress of the United 
Sates, or the president," &c. 

Under the sedition law several persons were actually imprisoned. 
The sympathies of the people were awakened in their behalf, and 
their indignation was aroused against those, by whose means they 
were confined. These were the principal causes why Mr. Adams was 
at this period unpopular, and that the Federal party, as appeared by 
the election, had become the minority. 

Immediately preceding his retirement from office, Mr. Adams ap- 
pointed in pursuance of a law made by Congress twelve new judges: 
these were called his midnight judiciary, from the alleged fact that 
they were appointed at twelve o'clock on the last night of his presi- 
dential authority. 

At the general election, the republican electors, who had the 
majority, voted for Thomas Jefierson and Aaron Burr, and those two 
statesmen had an equal number of votes. The choice then devolved 
upon the house of representatives. But in that body, it was found 
that repeated ballots resulted in giving the two candidates an equal 
number of votes, and it was not until the thirty-sixth ballot had been 
taken that Mr. JeiFerson was found to have a majority of one State. 
He was accordingly declared to be elected president, and Aaron 
Burr vice-president. 

Mr. Adams retired from office a very unpopular man. Even a 
portion of the Federal party, following the lead of General Hamilton, 
expressed their dissatisfaction with his course of action. But the 
great statesman of the Revolution had a consciousness of having 
acted according to the best dictates of his judgment, and he was con- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 233 

tent to leave his vindication to posterity; and in 1801 he retired to 
his family residence near Boston, devoting his life "to the culture 
of patriotism, charity, and benevolence," and declining the repeated 
calls of his fellow-citizens to high official stations. In 1820, how- 
ever, he consented to serve as a member of the convention for re- 
vising the constitution of Massachusetts, and was elected president 
thereof by nearly an unanimous vote ; but he declined the chair on 
account of his great age. He nevertheless took an interesting and 
useful part in the deliberations and debates of that body. 

Mr. Adams enjoyed the privilege of seeing his son, John Quincy 
Adams, elected president of that republic for the independence and 
prosperity of which he had so triumphantly toiled. He died on the 
4th of July, 1826, at the green old age of ninety-one. His last 
"words were "Independence for ever!" 

The character of this great man was once violently assailed by 
politicians. But the mists of prejudice have cleared away, and it 
now appears in its own grand, splendid proportions. Incorruptible 
as a patriot ; all-powerful as an orator ; sagacious as a diplomatist, 
and bold and decided as a statesman, John Adams must be ranked 
as one of the noblest men among the founders of the republic. 



SAMUEL DEXTER. 



During the administration of John Adams, the following dis- 
tinguished men were members of the cabinet : — Secretary of state, 
Timothy Pickering ; secretary of the treasury, Oliver Wolcott, Jun,, 
and Samuel Dexter ; secretary of war, John McHenry ; secretary of 
the navy, George Cabot, and Benjamin Stoddart; attorney-general, 
Charles Lee. Joseph Habersham Avas post-master general. The 
lives of most of these statesmen have already been given. 

Samuel Dexter was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1761. He 
was the son of a distinguished merchant of the same name, who was 
an ardent patriot during the Revolution, and one of the benefactors 
of Harvard College. The son was graduated at that institution, in 
1781, with its first honours. He then engaged in the study of the 
law. He had not been long at the bar before he was elected to the 
State legislature, from which he was transferred to Congress, first to 
the house of representatives, and then to the senate. He was in 
Congress during a period of strong party excitement, and succeeded 



234 LIVES OF THE TRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

in gaining much influence and honour by the force of his talents and 
character, proving himself an enlightened politician and superior 
orator. President Adams made him, successively, secretary of war 
and of the treasury. He discharged these offices in a masterly 
manner. Toward the end of Mr. Adams's administration, he was 
offered a foreign embassy, but declined it. When Mr. Jefferson 
became president, he resigned his public employments, and returned 
to the practice of the law. In 1815, President Madison requested 
him to accept an extraordinary mission to the court of Spain, but he 
declined the offer. For many years, he continued to display extra- 
ordinary powers in his profession, having no superior, and scarcely a 
rival before the supreme court at Washington, in which he appeared 
every winter, in cases of the highest importance. On his return 
from that capital, in the spring of 1816, he fell sick at Athens, in the 
State of New York, and died there May 4, aged fifty-five. Mr. Dexter 
was tall and well-formed, with strong features and a muscular frame. 
His eloquence was that of clear exposition, and cogent philosophical 
reasoning ; his delivery in general simple, and his enunciation 
monotonous; but he often expressed himself with signal energy and 
beauty, and always gave evidence of uncommon power. He devoted 
much of his leisure to theological studies, and died a zealous Chris- 
tian. In the party divisions of the American republic, he held, at 
first, the post of an acknowledged leader among the Federalists : 
eventually, however, he separated himself from his colleagues, on 
some questions of primary interest and magnitude. In the fine 
sketch of his life and character, drawn by Judge Story, it is truly 
said of him, "He considered the union of the States as the main 
security of their liberties; whatever might be his opinion of any 
measures, he never breathed a doubt to shake public or private con- 
fidence in the excellence of the constitution itself." 



GEORGE CABOT. 



George Cabot was one of the most distinguished statesmen of 
the period immediately subsequent to the Revolution. He was the 
first secretary of the navy, that department being created under 
Mr. Adams's administration. He was born in Salem, Massachusetts, in 
the year 1752. He spent the early part of his life in the employ- 
ment of a shipmaster. But he did not neglect the improvement of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 235 

his mind, even amid the restlessness and danger of a seafaring 
career. Before he was twenty-six years of age, he was chosen to 
the provincial Congress, which met at Concord, with the visionary 
project of ordaining a maximum of prices, in order that commodities 
might be cheapened by constraining the owners to sell at reduced 
and fixed i-ates ; and there he first displayed that intimate acquaint- 
ance with the true principles of political economy, for which he was 
thenceforward pre-eminent. 

Before Adam Smith was known in the United States, and Say 
and the other continental writers had formed any correct notions on 
the subject, Mr. Cabot maintained the present doctrines, and strenu- 
ously contended for the entire liberty of domestic and international 
commerce. Mr. Cabot was a prominent member of the State con- 
vention assembled to deliberate on the adoption of the federal con- 
stitution, and, soon after that event took place, was elected a senator 
of the United States, an office which his sense of public duty caused 
him to accept, although against his inclinations. In that station, he 
enjoyed the unlimited confidence, not only of the august body of 
which he was a member, but also of Washington and Hamilton ; and 
to his commercial knowledge and profound views of finance and 
political economy, the latter was greatly indebted in the formation 
of his financial system. With Fisher Ames, also, Mr. Cabot was 
long linked by ties of the most affectionate friendship. When, in 
the late war, the exigencies of the country seemed to him to require 
his co-operation, he presided over a body of delegates from New 
England, who, in a season of extreme solicitude, attempted to pro- 
vide means for averting a dreadful storm of public calamity. Mr. 
Cabot died at Boston, April 18, 1823, in the seventy-second year 
of his age. He was the delight and veneration of all who knew him, 
and his talents seemed the most extraordinary, his virtues the most 
bright, to those who had the happiness to see him most familiarly. 
His mind was capacious and elevated. In public life he was pure 
and disinterested, all his exertions tending to one single object — 
public good ; in private, he was endeared to his family and his 
friends by his kindness, urbanity, and benevolence. The study of 
political economy and the science of government was his favourite 
pursuit. His eloquence, which was oftener displayed in private than 
in public, was remarkable for its beauty and simplicity. 



AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



§iogtii|)l]ics 0f i\)t Wm-''§xtsxh\\U anij gl'cmkrs at i\t €MmtL 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



At length we have reached the name of the illustrious author of 
the Declaration — Thomas Jefferson. He was born on the 2d 
of April, 1743, at the farm called Shadwell, adjoining Monticello, 
in the county of Albemarle, Virginia. His ancestors were among the 
most distinguished of the early settlers of his native State. His 
father, Peter Jefferson, was an energetic, self educated man, who 
rose to reputation and influence by a course of steady exertions. At 
the age of five, Thomas was placed by his father at an English 
school, where he continued four years, at the expiration of which he 
was transferred to a Latin school, where he remained five years, 
under the tuition of Mr. Douglass, a clergyman from Scotland. With 
the rudiments of the Latin and Greek languages, he acquired at the 
seme time a knowledge of French. When he was but fourteen years 
of age, his father died, (August 17, 1757.) Mrs. Jefferson was left 
a widow, with six daughters and two sons, of whom Thomas was the 
elder. Both sons inherited large estates, Thomas receiving for his 
portion the Shadwell lands, including Monticello. 

At this period, the subject of this memoir was placed under the 
instruction of the Rev. Mr. Maury, to complete preparation for 
college. In the spring of 1760 he entered William and Mary 
College, and continued there the space of two years more. At the 
latter place it was his great good fortune, and what he considered as 
fixing the destinies of his life, that Dr. William Small, of Scotland, 
was then professor of mathematics in the institution ; "a man," says 
his pupil, "profound in most of the useful branches of science, with 
a happy talent of communication, of correct and gentlemanly man- 
ners, and with an enlarged and liberal mind." An attachment was 
soon formed between these congenial spirits, and they became daily 
and inseparable companions. From the conversations of this learned 
236 



MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 237 

man and true friend, Jefferson confesses that he first imbibed his 
views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in 
which we are placed. 

Dr. Small returned to Europe in 1TC2, having first occupied the 
philosophical chair at the college, and filled up the measure of good- 
ness to his young friend by procuring for him a reception as a 
student at law under the direction of the celebrated George Wythe, 
one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and afterward 
chancellor of the State of Virginia. With this gentleman he was 
also united not merely by the ties of professional connection, but by 
a congeniality of feeling and similarity of views alike honourable to 
them both; the friendship formed in youth was cemented and 
strengthened by age, and when the venerable preceptor closed his 
life in 1806, he bequeathed his library and philosophical apparatus 
to a pupil and friend who had already proved himself worthy of his 
instruction and regard. 

In 1767 he was introduced to the practice of the law at the bar of 
the general court of the colony, and at which he continued until the 
Revolution. His legal career was not only pursued with zeal, but 
attended with overflowing success. In the short period he devoted 
himself to it, he acquired an enviable reputation ; and a monument 
of his professional labour and legal research still exists in a volume 
of reports of adjudged cases in the supreme courts of Virginia, com- 
piled and digested amid the engagements of active occupation. 

But his energy and talents were demanded by his fellow-citizens 
for public life, and his country would not permit him to remain in a 
private station or attend to ordinary affairs ; their hopes and desires 
already pointed to him, and their interests directed his aim to higher 
objects and more extensive usefulness. As early as the year 1769 
he was elected a member of the provincial legislature from the county 
where he resided, and continued a member of that body until it was 
closed by the Revolution. In consequence, he became associated 
with men who will always stand in bold relief among the first, the 
most ardent, and most determined champions of our rights. 

Ever since the year 1763, a spirit of opposition to the British 
government had been gradually arising in the province of Virginia, 
and this spirit was rapidly increasing, owing to the arbitrary measures 
of the mother country, which seemed to be the result no less of mad- 
ness than determined oppression. The attachment to England was 
great in all the colonies, and in Virginia it was more than usually 
strong ; many of the principal families, according to a popular writer, 
were connected with it by the closest ties of consanguinity; the 



238 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

young men of talent were sent thither to complete their education 
in its colleges ; and by many, and those not the least patriotic, it 
was fondly looked to as their home. To sever so intimate a con- 
nection could not be an undertaking of ordinary facility ; yet such 
was the rash course pursued by the British ministry, that very brief 
space was suflScient to dissolve in every breast that glowed with 
national feeling, those ties which had been formed by blood, by time, 
and by policy. It cannot be doubted that Mr. Jefferson was among 
the first to perceive and suggest the only course that could be 
adopted. The conviction of his mind and ardour of his feelings 
may, in some measure, be judged, from his recollections of the 
powerful efforts of the celebrated Patrick Henry, and of which he 
was a witness. " When the famous resolutions of 1765 against the 
stamp-act were proposed, I was yet a student of law in Williamsburg. 
I attended the debate, however, at the door of the lobby of the house 
of burgesses, and heard the splendid display of Mr. Henry's talents 
as a popular orator. They were great indeed ; such as I never heard 
from any other man. He appeared to me to speak as Homer wrote." 
In Mr. Jefferson's opinion, Henry was the first who gave impetus to 
the ball of the Revolution in the province of Virginia. 

In 1769, shortly after the election of Mr. Jefferson to the pro- 
vincial legislature, these discontents arrived at their crisis. In May 
of that year, a meeting of the general assembly was called by the 
governor. Lord Botetourt. To that meeting was made known the 
joint resolutions and address of the British Lords and Commons of 
1768-9, on the proceedings in Massachusetts. Counter resolutions, 
and an address to the king, by the house of burgesses, were agreed 
to with little opposition, and a spirit manifestly displayed itself of 
considering the cause of Massachusetts as a common one. The 
governor dissolved the general assembly in consequence of the 
sympathy which was thus exhibited by a majority of its members ; 
but they met the next day in the public room of the Raleigh Tavern, 
formed themselves into a convention, drew up articles of association 
against the use of any merchandise from Great Britain, and signed 
and recommended them to the people. They then repaired to their 
respective counties ; and were all re-elected except those few who 
had declined assenting to their proceedings. 

On the 1st of January, 1772, Mr. Jefferson married the daughter 
of Mr. John Wayles of Virginia, an alliance by which he at once 
gained an accession of strength and credit, and received, in the 
intervals of public business, that domestic happiness he was so well 
fitted to partake and enjoy. Its duration, however, was but short ; 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 239 

in little more than ten years, death deprived him of his wife, and 
left him the sole guardian of two infant daughters ; to whose educa- 
tion he devoted himself with a constancy and zeal which might, in 
some measure, compensate for the want of a mother's care and 
instruction. Mr. Wayles was an eminent lawyer of the province, 
and having by his great industry, punctuality, and practical readi- 
ness, acquired a handsome fortune, he died in May, 1773, leaving 
three daughters : the portion which came on that event to Mrs. Jef- 
ferson was about equal to the patrimony of her husband, and con- 
sequently doubled the ease of their circumstances. 

After the dissolution of the Virginia legislature in 1769, nothing 
of particular excitement in the country occurred for a considerable 
length of time ; the nation appeared to have fallen into an apathy 
or insensibility to their situation ; although the duty on tea was not 
yet repealed, and the declaratory act of a right in the British Par- 
liament to bind them by their laws in all cases, was still suspended 
over them. But they at length aroused from their stupor, A court 
of inquiry held in Rhode Island, in 1762, with a power to send 
persons to England to be tried for offences committed here, was 
thought to have aimed a deadly stab at the most sacred rights of the 
citizen, and as demanding the attention of the legislature of Virginia. 
The subject was taken up and considered at the spring session of 
1773. On this occasion, Mr. Jefferson associated himself with seve- 
ral of the boldest and most active of his companions in the house, 
("not thinking," as he says himself, "the old and leading members 
up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times required,") 
and with them formed the system of committees of correspondence, 
in a private room, in the same Raleigh Tavern. 

On the 12th of March, 1773, Mr. Jefferson was chosen a member 
of the first committee of correspondence established by the colonial 
legislatures. The year 1774 found Mr, Jefferson still actively en- 
gaged in his duties as a member of the legislature of Virginia. The 
passage by Parliament of the Boston port bill, by which that port 
was to be shut up on the 1st of June, 1774, was the next event 
which aroused the indignation and excited the sympathy of the house. 
It arrived while they were in session in the spring of 1774. It was 
at this crisis that Mr. Jefferson wrote, and the members, though not 
then adopting as resolutions, afterward published his "Summary 
view of the Rights of British America;" and in which he maintained 
what was then thought by many a bold position, but which he con- 
sidered as the only orthodox and tenable one : that the relation 
between Great Britain and the colonies was exactly the same as that 



240 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PEESIDENTS. 

of England and Scotland, after the accession of James, and until tlie 
union, and the same as her present relation with Hanover, having the 
same executive chief, hut no other necessary political connection ; 
and that our emigration from England to this county gave her no 
more rights over us than the emigration of the Danes and Saxons 
gave to the authorities of the mother country over England. 

In these sentiments, however, bold as they were, his political asso- 
ciates joined with him ; they considered those acts of oppression 
directed against the colonies of New England, acts in which all were 
concerned, and an attack on the liberties and immunities of every 
other province- They accordingly resolved that the 1st day of June, 
the day on which the Boston port bill was to go into operHion, 
should be set apart by the members as a day of fasting, humiliation, 
and prayer. 

Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of the province, could not be 
otherwise than highly exasperated at such proceedings. Mr. Jeffer- 
son, who had boldly avowed himself the author of the obnoxious 
pamphlet, was threatened with a prosecution by him for high- treason ; 
and the house of burgesses was immediately dissolved after their 
daring publication. Notwithstanding these measures, the members 
met in their private capacities, and mutually signed a spirited publi- 
cation, setting forth the unjust conduct of the governor, Avho had left 
them this, their only method, to point out to their countrymen the 
measures they deemed the best calculated to secure their liberties 
from destruction by the arbitrary hand of power. They told them 
that they could no longer resist the conviction that a determined 
system had been formed to reduce the inhabitants of British America 
to slavery, by subjecting them to taxation without their consent, by 
closing the port of Boston, and raising a revenue on tea. They 
therefore strongly recommended a closer alliance with the sister 
colonies, the formation of committees of correspondence, and the 
annual meeting of a general Congress ; and earnestly hoping that a 
persistence in these principles would not compel them to adopt 
measures of a more decisive character. 

The pamphlet having found its way to England, it was taken up 
by the opposition, and, with a few interpolations by the celebrated 
Edmund Burke, passed through several editions. It procured for 
its author considerable reputation, and likewise the dangerous honour 
of having his name placed on a list of proscriptions in a bill of at- 
tainder, which was commenced in one of the houses of parliament, but 
was speedily suppressed. In the same bill the names of Hancock, the 
two Adamses, Peyton Randolph, and Patrick Henry, M'ere inserted. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 241 

The year 1775 opened with a renewal of oppressive and insulting 
enactments by the British Parliament. The ministers of the crown 
brought forward the project of a law, purporting that when in any 
province or colony, the governor, council, assembly, or general 
court should propose to make provisions according to their respective 
conditions, circumstances, and faculties for contributing their pro- 
portion to the common defence ; such proportion to be raised under 
the authorities of the general court or assembly in each province or 
colony, and disposable by Parliament ; and should engage to make 
provision also for the support of the civil government, and the admi- 
nistration of justice in such province or colony; it would be proper, 
if such proposal should be approved by the king in his parliament, 
and for so long as such provision should be made accordingly to 
forbear, in respect of such province or colony, to impose any duties, 
taxes, or assessments, except only such as might be thought neces- 
sary for the regulation of commerce. On the 1st of June, 1775, this 
resolution was presented by Lord Dunmore, the governor, to the 
legislature of Virginia ; and Mr. Jefferson was selected by the com- 
mittee, to whom it was referred, to frame the reply. This was done 
with so much force of argument, enlarged patriotism, and sound 
political discretion, that it will ever be considered as a document of 
the highest order. 

When this address had been passed, Mr. Jefferson immediately 
proceeded to Congress, which was then in session, and gave them 
the first notice they had of it. It was highly approved of by them. 
He had been elected on the 27th of March, 1775, one of the members 
to represent Virginia in the general Congress already assembled at 
Philadelphia, but had delayed his departure until now at the request 
of Mr. Randolph, who was fearful the draughting of the address 
alluded to would, in his absence, have fallen into feebler hands. 

On the 21st of June, 1775, Mr. Jefferson appeared, and took his 
seat in the Continental Congress. In this new capacity he per- 
ocvered in the decided tone which he had assumed, ahvays maintain- 
ing that no accommodation should be made between the two countries, 
unless on the broadest and most liberal principles ; and here, as 
elsewhere, he soon rendered himself conspicuous among the dis- 
tinguished men of the day. On the 24th of the same month, a com- 
mittee which had been appointed to prepare a declaration setting 
forth the causes and necessity of resorting to arms, brought in their 
report, (drawn up, as it was believed, by J. Rutledge,) which, not 
being approved of, the house recommitted it, and added Mr. Dick- 
inson and Mr. Jefferson to the committee. 

16 



242 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Mr. Jefferson prepared the draught of the declaration committed 
to them. It was drawn with singular ability, and exhibited his usual 
firmness and discretion ; but it was considered as too decided by Mr. 
Dickinson. He still nourished the hope of a reconciliation with 
Great Britain, and was unwilling it should be lessened by what he 
considered as offensive statements. He was so honest a man, says 
Mr. Jefferson, and so able a one, that he was greatly indulged even 
by those who could not feel his scruples. He was therefore requested 
to take the paper and put it in a form he could approve. He did so, 
preparing an entire new statement, and preserving of the former only 
the last four paragraphs and half of the preceding one. The com- 
mittee approved and reported it to Congress, who accepted it. Con- 
gress, continues Mr. Jefferson, gave a signal proof of their indulgence 
to Mr. Dickinson, and of their great desire not to go too fast for any 
respectable part of their body, in permitting him to draw their second 
petition to the king, according to his own ideas, and passing it with 
scarcely any amendment. The disgust against its humility was general. 

On the 15th of May, 1775, the convention of Virginia instructed 
their delegates in Congress to propose to that body to declare the 
colonies independent of Great Britain, and appointed a committee 
to prepare a declaration of rights and a plan of government. Ac- 
cordingly, the eloquent Richard Henry Lee made the desired propo- 
sition. After the great debate was concluded, and the majority 
appeared in favour of independence, a committee was appointed to 
draw up the declaration, consisting of Messrs. Thomas Jefferson, John 
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. 

It is a decisive proof of the consideration which he enjoyed in Con- 
gress, that in selecting five of their most distinguished members for 
the solemn purpose of composing this instrument, Jefferson, although 
only thirty-three years of age, and one of the youngest members of 
Congress, received the greatest number of votes, and of course pre- 
sided over the committee. When they met, they delegated to Jeffer- 
son and John Adams the task of preparing the sketch of it — and 
then, after some mutual expressions from each, that the other should 
perform it, Jefferson yielded to the wishes of his elder colleague. 
He then presented it to the committee, by whom only a few slight 
and verbal alterations were made, at the suggestion of Franklin and 
Adams ; but in its progress through Congress, it underwent several 
modifications. But the changes are comparatively so few, that, in 
all literary justice, the authorship of it must be ascribed to Jefferson. 

The Declaration of Independence is among the noblest productions 
of the human intellect. It stands apart, alike the first example, and 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 248 

the great model of its species — of that simple eloquence, worthy of 
conveying to the world and to posterity the deep thoughts and the 
stern purposes of a proud, yet suffering nation. It contains nothing 
new, for the grave spirits of that Congress were too intent on their 
great work to aspire after ambitious novelties. But it embodies the 
eternal truths which lie at the foundation of all free governments. 
It announces with singular boldness and self-possession their wrongs, 
and their determination to redress them. It sustains that purpose 
in a tone of such high, and manly, and generous enthusiasm — it 
breathes around an atmosphere of so clear and fresh an elevation, 
and then it concludes with such an heroic self-devotion, that it is im- 
possible even at this distant day to hear it without a thrill to the soul. 

In the September following, Mr. Jefferson was appointed a com- 
missioner to France, in conjunction with Franklin and Deane ; but 
in consequence of the state of his family, he declined accepting it, 
and having resigned his seat in Congress, was elected a member of 
the house of delegates of Virginia, which met in October, 1776. 
While there, he was appointed, with Wythe, Pendleton, Lee, and 
Mason, to prepare a code of laws for that State. Of these distin- 
guished associates, one died in the progress of the work, and another 
withdrew from it, so that the burden and the glory of this service 
belong principally to Jefferson. After being occupied with it for 
more than two years, he presented to the legislature in June, 1779, 
the result of his labours in what is called the revised code. Its 
object was to simplify the laws, by reducing into a single code the 
whole body of the British statutes and of the common law, so far as 
they were applicable to Virginia, and the acts of the State legisla- 
ture. This mere revision could have been accomplished by ordinary 
jurists, but that which stamps the work with the seal of his peculiar 
genius, was the adaptation of the laws of Virginia to its new political 
condition. It was evident that as no form of political constitution 
can be permanent unless sustained by a corresponding legislation, it 
was necessary to readjust the foundations of the commonwealth, and 
more especially to modify the laws with regard to slavery, to entails, 
to primogeniture, and to religion. 

He had begun by obtaining the passage of a law prohibiting the 
further importation of slaves. His plan for their gradual emancipa- 
tion was this : — All slaves born after the establishment of the law, 
were to be free ; to continue with their parents until a certain age, 
then to be brought up to useful callings, at the public expense, until 
the age of eighteen for females, and twenty-one for males, when they 
were to be sent with implements of war and husbandry to some 



244 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

colony, where they should be protected until able to defend them- 
selves. In the same spirit, the constitution which he prepared in 
1783, contained a provision against the introduction of slaves, and 
for the emancipation of all born after the year 1800. 

His second measure was the abolition of entails. Governments 
which extend equal rights to all their citizens, can be best maintained 
by preventing any excessive inequality of condition among them, 
consistent with the full exercise of individual power over the fruits 
of industry. The law of entail, as transferred from England, had so 
seconded the natural tendency to build up large fortunes, that, to 
use the language of Jefferson, "by accumulating immense masses of 
property in single lines of families, it had divided our country into 
two distinct orders of nobles and plebeians." Against such tenden- 
cies, as inconsistent with the improved condition of the State, he 
succeeded in obtaining a law. 

He resisted, with equal success, another part of the system, which 
assigned an unequal distribution of fortune among the members of 
the same family. 

The easy naturalization of foreigners, the proportioning of punish- 
ment to crimes, and the establishment of common schools throughout 
the State, form other parts of his system. But there remained one 
great achievement, the security of religious freedom. 

The Church of England, as established in Virginia, required a 
permanent contribution for its support from every citizen, and a law 
of the State prescribed that any person of either sex, unless Pro- 
testant dissenters exempted by act of Parliament, who omitted to 
attend the church service for one month, should be fined, and in 
default of payment, received corporeal punishment. The neighbour- 
hood of Maryland appears to have excited no tenderness toward the 
religion of that State ; for if any person, suspected to be a Catholic, 
refused to take certain oaths, he was subjected to the most degrad- 
ing disqualifications. To undermine this fanaticism, Jefferson began 
by procuring a suspension of the salaries of the clergy for one year. 
Other years of similar suspense succeeded, till at length the public 
sentiment was prepared for his plan, which formed originally part of 
the revised code, but was not finally enacted until the year 1786, 
when, during his absence, the care of it devolved on the kindred 
mind of him who was equally worthy to be his friend in all stations, 
and his successor in the highest, James Madison. 

On completing the revised code, he was elected, in the year 1779, 
governor of Virginia, which place he held for two years. About 
that period, M. Marbois, of the French legation, being desirous of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 245 

collecting information with regard to the United States, prepared 
certain queries, a copy of which he addressed to a member of Con- 
gress from each of the States. The member from Virginia requested 
JeiFerson to answer these inquiries. This he accordingly did, in the 
year 1781, and enlarged his observations in the year 1782, when a 
few copies were printed for the use of his friends ; but it was not 
until the year 1787, that the work appeared in its present form, 
under the unassuming title of "Notes on Virginia." A translation 
into French, by the Abbe Morellet, was printed at Paris in the same 
year. It professes to be an answer to M. Marbois's queries, in the 
order in which they were presented, and to give the outlines of the 
history, geography, and general statistics of Virginia. But it is not 
so much in the .details of the work, though these are perfectly well 
digested, as in the free and manly sense, the fine philosophical tem- 
per, and the liberal feeling which pervade it, that consists its princi- 
pal attraction. Constitutions, laws, the nature and consequences of 
domestic slavery, are all discussed with an impartiality which dis- 
plays the independent spirit of the writer. Here, too, he overthrew 
the idle fancy of Buflfon as to the inferiority of the animal creation 
of the new world. 

On leaving the government of Virginia, he was appointed a minis- 
ter plenipotentiary, to unite with those already in Europe, in nego- 
tiating a peace between the United States and England ; but at the 
moment of embarking, intelligence arrived of the signature of that 
treaty. He returned to Congress in 1783, and in the following year, 
was sent to Europe to join Franklin and John Adams, as plenipo- 
tentiaries, to arrange with the several powers of Europe their future 
commercial relations with the United States. They framed a treaty 
with Prussia only, after which Jefferson visited England for a few 
weeks, in order to assist in an effort, which proved abortive, to make 
a treaty with that power. On the return of Franklin, he was ap- 
pointed his successor as minister plenipotentiary to France, where he 
remained for several years. During his residence in Paris, his public 
duties were chiefly confined to the details of the commercial intercourse 
between the two countries, and the diligent performance of these left 
him leisure for the cultivation of every species of liberal knowledge. 

He returned from France in November, 1789, on a visit to his 
family, but instead of resuming his place, he yielded to the request 
of General Washington, and in April, 1790, accepted the office of 
secretary of state under the new constitution. Here he soon evinced, 
that in enlarging his acquirements, he had lost none of his practical 
sagacity as a statesman. His department was in fact to be created, 



246 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

our diplomatic relations under the new government to be established, 
and the general arrangement of our intercourse with foreign nations 
to be organized. Then arose the difficulties growing out of the French 
revolution, and it was his peculiar duty to sustain the rights of the 
country against the pretensions of England and France, and to vindi- 
cate the neutrality of our government. The interest of these dis- 
cussions has passed with the occasion, as more recent facts and longer 
experience have in some degree superseded them ; but there are three 
of his public labours at that period, entitled to particular remem- 
brance. The first is his report on foreign commerce. The second 
is his correspondence with the British minister on the mutual com- 
plaints of the two countries — which combines with great force of 
reasoning and perspicuity of style, a tone of dignified courtesy 
rarely seen in similar papers. The third is his report on weights 
and measures, which presents, in a clear and condensed form, all the 
knowledge of that day on this interesting and intricate question. 

lie withdrew from this station on the 1st of January, 1794, and 
resumed his tranquil pursuits at home. These, however, he was not 
long suffered to enjoy, for in the year 1797, he was elected vice- 
president of the United States. While in this office, not content to 
remain inactive in any station, he composed the system of rules 
known by the name of "Jefferson's Manual ;" a digest of the parlia- 
mentary practice of England, with such modifications as had been 
adopted by the senate, or are suggested by the difference between 
the British and American legislatures. 

About this time he was elected president of the American Philoso- 
phical Society, having been previously a member of the French In- 
stitute, the most learned body perhaps in Europe — distinctions which 
were richly earned by the variety of his acquirements in science. 

His services were now to receive their highest reward by his ad- 
vancement to the presidency of the United States, on the 4th of 
March, 1801, and his re-election in 1805. 

Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated President of the United States on 
the 4th of March, 1801. At the same time, Aaron Burr became 
vice-president. Many changes were expected to be made by the 
new president, both in the offices under the administration, and in 
the practices of the government ; and Mr. Jefferson displayed his 
originality as a statesmen in numerous particulars. On his accession 
to office, he departed from the example of his predecessors, and 
instead of a speech delivered to the two houses of Congress in person, 
he sent to them a written message, which was first read by the senate, 
and then transmitted to the house of representatives. This prac- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 247 

tice has been sanctioned and followed by bis successors. The levees 
at the presidential mansion were abolished as anti-republican. The 
principal offices were transferred to the Republicans. 

A bill was passed by Congress, in accordance with the recom- 
mendation of the president, reorganizing the judiciary department, 
by means of which the twelve judges appointed during the last days 
of Mr. Adams's administration, were deprived of their offices. An- 
other bill was passed enlarging the rights of naturalization. A 
second census of the United States was now completed, giving a 
population of 5,319,762, an increase of 1,400,000 in ten yeai-s. 

Daring this year. Congress declared war against Tripoli. 

In 1802, Ohio was admitted as an independent State into the 
Union. The territory of this State was originally claimed by Vir- 
ginia and Connecticut, and was ceded by them to the United States, 
at difierent times after the year 1781. From this extensive and 
fertile tract of country slavery was entirely excluded. 

In 1802, the port of New Orleans was closed against the United 
States. The king of Spain having ceded Louisiana to the French, 
the Spanish intendant was commanded to make the arrangements to 
deliver the country to the French commissioners. In consequence 
of this order, the intendant announced that the citizens of the United 
States should no longer be permitted to deposit their merchandises 
and effects in the port of New Orleans. By this prohibition, the 
Western States were in danger of suffering the ruin of their com- 
merce, and great agitation was excited in the public mind. In Con- 
gress, a proposition was made to take the whole country by force ; 
but reposing just confidence in the good faith of the government 
whose officers had committed the wrong, that body caused friendly 
and reasonable representations of the grievances sustained, to be 
made to the court of Spain, and the right of deposit was restored. 

Aware of the danger to which the United States would be per- 
petually exposed, while Louisiana remained in the possession of a 
foreign power, propositions had been made for procuring it by pur- 
chase. This was a subject of much discussion and feeling. But by 
a treaty concluded at Paris in 1803, Louisiana, comprising all that 
immense region of country extending from the Mississippi to the 
Pacific Ocean, was ac(i[uired by the United States, as well as the free 
and exclusive navigation of the river. The sum of 15,000,000 dollars 
was the price of these newly acquired rights. The minority were 
opposed to a ratification of the treaty, contending that the sum was 
exorbitantly large, and that the navigation of the river could have 
been secured without such heavy pecuniary sacrifices. Mr. Jcfi'erson 



248 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

and the majority of Congress viewed the subject in a very different 
lio-ht. They considered that, compared with the importance of the 
object attained, the purchase-money was trifling; that the pros- 
perity of all the Western States was dependent on the free and unin- 
terrupted navigation of the waters of the Mississippi, and a safe 
depot at New Orleans; that by this treaty the Western frontier 
would be protected and preserved from collisions with a foreign 
power, and that such was the happy organization of the American 
government, that it was fully adequate for the security and protec- 
tion of its territories, however extensive they might be. 

In the mean time, the semi-barbarous nations which inhabit the 
southern shores of the Mediterranean had commenced depredations 
on the American commerce. Tripoli, in particular, had intimated 
to the government that the only method of securing their commerce, 
was the payment of tribute. This led to a war between that power 
and the United States. 

In prosecution of this war, the United States had, during the year 
1801, sent out Commodore Dale, with a squadron of two frigates and 
a sloop of war. By blockading the harbour of Tripoli, he prevented 
the piratical cruisers from leaving it, and thus afforded protection to 
the American commerce. 

Early in the year 1803, Congress, bent on more efficient opera- 
tions against their barbarian enemy, sent out Commodore Preble, 
with a squadron of seven sail. In October, one of his ships, the 
frigate Philadelphia, Captain Bainbridge, was sent into the harbour 
of Tripoli to reconnoitre ; and while in pursuit of a small vessel, he 
unfortunately proceeded so far that the Philadelphia was grounded, 
and fell into the hands of the enemy. The officers were considered 
as prisoners, and the crew treated as slaves. 

As soon as the news of the capture of the Philadelphia reached 
the squadron, Stephen Decatur, who held a lieutenancy under Com- 
modore Preble, conceived the design of recapturing or destroying it. 
Having obtained the consent of the commodore, he armed a small 
ketch, the Intrepid, and sailed from Syracuse, February, 1804, with 
seventy men. He entered the harbour of Tripoli undiscovered, and 
advancing boldly, took a station along side of the frigate, which was 
moored within gun-shot of the bashaw's castle and of the principal 
battery. Two of the enemy's cruisers lay within two cables' length, 
and all the guns of the frigate were mounted and loaded. Decatur 
sprang on board, and his intrepid crew rushed, sword in hand, upon 
the astonished and terrified Tripolitans ; killed and drove them into 
the sea, and were soon masters of the frigate. The situation of De- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 249 

catur and his crew became perilous from the artillery of the battery, 
which now began to be poured in upon them. The corsairs in the 
harbour were approaching, and they had no time to lose in making 
their escape. They set fire to the Philadelphia, left her, and were 
soon out of the reach of their pursuers, having accomplished this 
daring enterprise without the loss of a single man. 

In the month of August, Commodore Preble went three times into 
the harbour of Tripoli, and opened the broadsides of his fleet upon 
the shipping and the batteries of the city. Although the Americans 
destroyed some of the Tripolitan shipping, yet they failed of making 
any material impression upon the fortifications. Meantime, the bar- 
barians treated the American prisoners with every degree of in- 
dignity and cruelty. Captain Bainbridge, who, with his crew, had 
remained in captivity since the capture of the Philadelphia, vainly en- 
deavoured to obtain some mitigation of their suiferings. Their country 
deeply commiserated their distresses, and Congress was ready to listen 
to any proposition which afforded a reasonable prospect of their relief. 

In 1803, Captain William Eaton, on his return from Tunis, where 
he had been consul, represented to the government, that his joint 
operation with an elder and expelled brother of the reigning bashaw 
of Tripoli might be useful. Permission was given him to undertake 
the enterprise, and such supplies granted as could be afforded, and 
the co-operation of the fleet recommended. In 1804, Eaton was ap- 
pointed navy-agent of the United States for the Barbary Powers. 
After reaching Malta, he left the American fleet, and proceeded to 
Cairo and Alexandria, where he formed a convention with Hamet, 
who hoped, by attacking the usurper in his dominions, to regain his 
throne. For this purpose, an army was to be raised in Egypt, where 
Hamet had been kindly received and presented with a military com- 
mand by the Mameluke Bey. Early in 1805, Eaton was appointed 
general of Hamet's forces. From Egypt, he marched with a few 
hundred troops, principally Arabs, across a desert 1000 miles in 
extent, to Derne, a Tripolitan city on the Mediterranean. In this 
harbour he found a part of the American fleet, which was destined 
to assist him. He learned, also, that the usurper, with a consider- 
able force, was within a few days' march of the city. The next 
morning, he summoned the governor of Derne to surrender, who 
returned for answer, "My head or yours." He then commenced an 
assault upon the city, and, after a contest of two hours and a half, 
took possession of it. General Eaton was wounded, and his army 
suffered severely, but immediate exertions were, notwithstanding, 
made to fortify the city. On the 8th of May, it was attacked by the 



250 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Tripolitan army. Although the assailants were ten times more 
numerous than Eaton's band, yet, after persisting four hours in the 
attempt, they were compelled to retire. On the 10th of June, an- 
other battle was fought, in which Eaton was again victorious. The 
next day, the American frigate Constitution arrived in the harbour, 
and the Tripolitans fled precipitately to the desert. While the im- 
pression resulting from the bravery displayed at Derne, operated at 
Tripoli, and an attack upon that city was daily expected from the 
United States' squadron. Colonel Lear, the consul at Tripoli, 
thought it the best moment to listen to the terms of peace offered by 
the bashaw. He did so, and it was stipulated that a mutual delivery 
of prisoners should take place; among whom were Captain Bain- 
bridge, with the officers and crew of the Philadelphia ; and, as the 
bashaw had a balance of more than two hundred prisoners in his 
favour, he was to receive sixty thousand dollars for them. It was 
also understood, that all support from Hamet was to be withdrawn, 
and hostilities were to cease. It was, however, stipulated, that on 
Hamet's retiring from the territory, his wife and children, then in 
the power of the reigning bashaw, should be given up to him. Thus 
ended the war in the Mediterranean. 

In July, 1804, occurred the death of General Alexander Hamilton. 
He died in a duel fought with Aaron Burr, vice-president of the 
United States. Colonel Burr had addressed a letter to General 
Hamilton, requiring his denial or acknowledgment of certain offensive 
expressions contained in a public journal. Hamilton declining to 
give either, Colonel Burr sent him a challenge. They met, and 
Hamilton fell at the first fire. His death caused a deep sensation 
throughout the Union. The city of New York paid extraordinary 
honours to his remains. 

In 1804, the general elections occurred. Mr. Jefi'erson's popu- 
larity had greatly increased, and he was now re-chosen to the presi- 
dency by a large majority. The popularity of Burr had, on the 
other hand, dwindled away since the death of Hamilton ; and George 
Clinton, of New York, the candidate of the Jefi'erson party, was 
elected vice-president. 

Mr. Jefi'erson, on entering upon the discharge of the duties of the 
second term of his administration, although a decided majority in 
both houses of Congress were friendly to the principles of govern- 
ment by which he was actuated, perceived himself to be placed in a 
more critical position than at any former period of his public life. 
The manner in which European wars were conducted created appre- 
hensions in the minds of the American citizens that their rights and 



/ AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 251 

liberties would not only be endangered, but sacrificed. The wise 
policy of America had been eminently conspicuous in maintaining a 
steady system of neutrality, during the whole of those wars which 
broke out in consequence of the French revolution. Her neutrality 
enabled her to profit by the colonial commerce of France and Spain, 
as also the whole branch of European trade, which, in consequence 
of the general war, could not be transported with native ships. 

On two subjects, Britain and America were at issue. One was re- 
specting what the former power denominated "the right of search;" 
by which, on various pretences, she assumed and exercised an au- 
thority to search the vessels of other nations. Another subject in 
dispute was that of expatriation. England maintained that a man 
once a subject was always a subject; and that no act of his could 
change his allegiance to the government under which he was born. 

This difference in principles on the subjects of the right of search, 
and that of expatriation, produced the difficulties between the two 
nations on the subject of the impressment of American seamen. 
Officers of British ships, in the exercise of the pretended right of 
search, entered American vessels, and impressed from thence certain 
seamen, whom they claimed as British subjects, because they were 
born in Great Britain ; while the same men, having become natural- 
ized in America, were regarded by that power as her citizens. The 
practice of impressment thus begun, did not end here, but proceeded 
to extremes that the Americans considered unjustifiable on any 
principles. 

America, thus situated, was meditating measures for the defence 
of her commerce, when she received from both the belligerents fresh 
cause of provocation. Great Britain, under the administration of 
Fox, issued a proclamation, May, 1806, blockading the coast of the 
continent, from Elbe to Brest. The French government, exaspe- 
rated at this measure, retaliated by the decree issued at Berlin, 
November 21st, declaring the British Isles in a state of blockade. 
Thus each nation declared in effect that no neutral power should 
trade with the other. 

In 1807 the public attention was again directed to Colonel Burr. 
He had lost the confidence of the Republican party, by his supposed 
intrigue against Mr. Jefi'erson for the office of president, and ex- 
cited the indignation of the whole Federal party by his encounter 
with Hamilton. Thus situated, he had retired a private citizen into 
the Western States. It was at length understood that he was at 
the head of a great number of individuals, who were arming and or- 
ganizing themselves, and purchasing and building boats on the Ohio. 



252 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Their ostensible object was peaceful and agricultural. It was 
to form a settlement on the banks of the Washita, in Louisiana. 
Their boats, it was said, were calculated to accommodate families 
who were removing to their settlements. But the vigilant eye of 
government was upon their leader ; and, as the nature and designs 
of his movements were suspected, he was closely scrutinized ; prose- 
cutions were instituted against him in Tennessee, in Kentucky, and in 
the Mississippi Territory, from which, as proof of guilt was wanting, 
he was discharged. At length, these suspicions gaining strength, he 
was apprehended on the Tombigbee river, in Missouri Territory, in 
February, 1807, brought to Richmond under military escort, and com- 
mitted in order to take his trial upon two charges exhibited against him 
on the part of the United States. First, for a high misdemeanour in 
setting on foot within the United States a military expedition against 
the king of Spain, with whom the United States were at peace ; 
second, for treason in assembling an armed force, with a design to 
seize the city of New Orleans, to revolutionize the territory attached 
to it, and to separate the Atlantic States from the Western. It was 
supposed that he intended to make New Orleans the seat of his do- 
minions, and the capital of his empire. In August, after a trial be- 
fore Judge Marshall, the chief-justice of the United States, evidence 
of his guilt not being presented, he was acquitted by the jury. 

In June of this year (1807) an alleged outrage was committed 
upon the United States' frigate, the Chesapeake, by the British ship 
of war Leopard, which produced throughout the country a general 
burst of indignation. The Chesapeake, commanded by Commodore 
Barron, having been ordered on a cruise in the Mediterranean, sailed 
from Hampton Roads on the 22d of June. She had proceeded but 
a few leagues from the coast, when she was overtaken by the Leopard. 
A British officer came on board, with an order from Vice-admiral 
Berkely, to take from the Chesapeake three men, alleged to be 
deserters from the Melampus frigate. These men, it appears, were 
American citizens, who had been impressed by the British, but kad 
deserted, and enlisted in the American service. Commodore Barron 
replied to the British officer in terms of politeness, but refused to 
have his crew mustered for examination by any officers but his own. 
Commodore Barron was unprepared for an attack, not contemplating 
the possibility of meeting an enemy so near the Capes ; but, during 
this interview, he noticed preparations on board the Leopard, indica- 
tive of a hostile disposition, and he immediately gave orders to pre- 
pare for action. But before any efficient preparations could be made, 
the Leopard opened a broadside upon the Chesapeake. After re- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 253 

ceiving hev fire about thirty minutes, during which time the Americans 
had three men killed, and eighteen wounded, Commodore Barron 
ordered the colours to be struck. An oiEcer from the Leopard came 
on board, and took four men, the three who had been previously 
demanded, and another, who, they affirmed, had deserted from a 
merchant vessel. Commodore Barron observed that he considered 
the Chesapeake a prize of the Leopard. The officer replied, "No," 
he had obeyed his orders in taking out the men, and had nothing 
further to do with her. This event produced great excitement. 
That rancour of party which had so long embittered all the inter- 
course of social life, was lost in the general desire to avenge a com- 
mon wrong. The president, by proclamation, commanded all British 
armed vessels within the harbours or waters of the United States to 
depart from the same without delay, and prohibited others from en- 
tering. Mr. Monroe, the American minister in London, was instructed 
to demand reparation ; and a special Congress was called. 

In November, Britain issued her orders in council, a measure 
declared to be in retaliation of the French decree of November, 1806. 
These orders in council prohibited all neutral nations from trading 
with France, or her allies, except upon the condition of paying tri- 
bute to England. This was immediately followed by a decree of 
Bonaparte, at Milan, which declared that every vessel which should 
submit to be searched or pay tribute to the English, should be con- 
fiscated if found within his ports. 

Thus was the commerce of America subjected to utter ruin, as 
almost all her vessels were, on some of these pretences, liable to 
capture. The American government, after much discussion, resorted 
to an embargo on their own vessels, as a measure best fitted to the 
crisis. This would eifectually secure the mercantile property, and 
the mariners now at home, and also those who were daily arriving; 
and, at the same time, it would not be a measure of war, or a just 
cause of hostility. 

Mr. Monroe was instructed not only to demand satisfaction for the 
Chesapeake, but to obtain security against future impressments from 
American ships. But Mr. Canning, the British minister, objected 
to uniting these subjects, and Mr. Monroe was not authorized to treat 
them separately. Mr. Rose was sent envoy extraordinary to the 
United States, to adjust the difficulty which had arisen on account 
of the Chesapeake. In 1808, Commodore Barron was tried for pre- 
maturely surrendering that frigate. 

In 1809, Mr. Jefferson's second term of office having expired, he 
declared his wish to retire from public life, and Mr. Madison, who 



254 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE PRESIDENTS, 

had during Mr. Jefferson's administration held the important office 
of secretary of state, was elected president. Mr. George Clinton, of 
New York, M^as re-elected vice-president. 

Mr. Jefferson's political course had given satisfaction to a vast 
majority of the people of the United States ; and when he retired to 
the shades of Monticello he was followed by the good wishes of his 
countrymen. At the expiration of his second term of service, he de- 
clined a re-election, and withdrawing to his farm at Monticello, re- 
sumed the favourite studies and occupations from which his public duties 
had so long withheld him. On this spot, endeared by attachments 
which had descended with it from his ancestors, and scarcely less 
cherished from the embellishments with which his own taste had 
adorned it; on this elevated seclusion, of which more than forty 
years ago Chastelleux had said, "it seemed, as if from his youth, he 
had placed his mind as he had his house, upon a high situation, from 
which he might contemplate the universe;" he appears to have 
realized all that the imagination can conceive of a happy retirement, 
that blessing after which all aspire, but so few are destined to enjoy. 
There, surrounded by all that can give lustre or enjoyment to exist- 
ence, an exalted reputation, universal esteem, the means of indulging 
in the studies most congenial to him, a numerous and affectionate 
family, enlivened by the pilgrimage of strangers who hastened to see 
what they had so long venerated, a correspondence that still preserved 
his sympathies with the world he had left, blessed with all the con- 
solations which gently slope the decline of life, he gave up to philo- 
sophical repose the remainder of that existence already protracted 
beyond the ordinary limits assigned to men. But it was not in his 
nature to be unoccupied, and his last years were devoted to an enter- 
prise every way worthy of his character. Aware how essentially free 
institutions depend on the diffusion of knowledge, he endeavoured to 
establish in his native State a seminary of learning; and his success 
may be seen in the rising prosperity of the University of Virginia, 
his last and crowning work. 

The time, however, had arrived, when his cares and his existence 
were to end. His health had been through life singularly robust ; as 
the vigorous frame which nature had bestowed on him was preserved , 
by habits of great regularity and temperance. But for some months 
previous to his death he was obviously declining, and at length, on 
the 4th of July, 1826, in the eighty-fourth year of his age, he died 
with the firmness and self-possession native to his character, and the 
last hours of his existence were cheered and consecrated by the 
return of that day, when, of all others, it was most fit that he should 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS, 255 

die — the birthday of his country. He felt that this was not his 
appropriate resting-place, and he gave up to God his enfeebled frame 
and his exhausted spirit, on the anniversary almost of that hour, 
which, half a century before, had seen him devoting the mature 
energies of his mind and the concentrated affections of his heart to 
the freedom of his country. 

In person, Mr. Jefferson was tall, erect, and well-formed, though 
thin. His countenance was bland and expressive, his conversation 
fluent, entertaining, and abounding in various information. Few men 
equalled him in the art of pleasing in personal intercourse. His 
complexion was fair, his forehead was broad, and his whole face 
square, and expressive of a mild but determined spirit. In dis- 
position, Mr. Jeflerson was liberal and benevolent, his charity being 
as bountiful as it was unostentatious. He was warmly attached to 
his children and relatives. His mind was capacious and powerful, 
and a wide range of thought and study had stored it with the 
treasures of knowledge. He was, perhaps, the most philosophical 
of American statesmen, Franklin alone excepted. His faith in the 
capacity of humanity was firm through life, and from it flowed those 
liberal, democratic sentiments which have exercised so vast an in- 
fluence upon the politics of the United States. Up to the time of 
his death, he was considered the Nestor of the State-rights Democratic 
party. Mr. Jefferson lacked the voice and action necessary to an 
orator; but as a writer, either upon politics or general subjects, he 
had few superiors in America. His pen could give a life and a vivid 
attraction to any matter he chose to illustrate. The Declaration of 
Independence will endure as a monument of his literary skill, and 
as the great charter of the rights of man. 



AARON BURR. 



It is a part of the plan of this work to give the biographies of the 
vice-presidents of the United States. Those of the earlier vice- 
presidents have already been written under other heads. Aaron 
Burr is the first person who held that high ofiice who had not pre- 
viously been connected with the administration of the government. 
Colonel Burr was certainly one of the most remarkable characters 
in the early history of the great Republic. He possessed a com- 
bination of qualities which rendered him a leader in the council and 



256 LIVES OF TFIE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

in the field. He was born in Newark, New Jersey, on the 6th of 
February, 1756, and was the son of Aaron Burr, president of the 
College of New Jersey. He graduated at Princeton when only six- 
teen years old. At the age of twenty years, he joined the American 
army, then in the vicinity of Boston. He volunteered to accompany 
General Arnold in the famous expedition against Quebec, by way of 
the Kennebec. Having endured with wonderful fortitude all the 
trials of that celebrated march through the wilderness, young Burr 
was appointed aid-de-camp to General Montgomery. In May, 1776, 
he returned to Canada, and was soon afterward appointed aid-de- 
camp to General Putnam. In the summer of 1777 he was promoted 
to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army. But ill health com- 
pelled him to resign his commission in March, 1779. 

On the restoration of peace. Colonel Burr applied himself to the 
study of the law, and was admitted to the bar. He commenced to 
practise at Albany, New York, and soon met with that success which 
his abilities were calculated to achieve. He then married, and set- 
tled in the city of New York, where his energy and eloquence soon 
secured him great influence. In 1788, Colonel Burr was appointed 
attorney-general of the State, and in January, 1799, he was elected 
to a seat in the senate of the United States. In the following year 
he was appointed a judge of the supreme court of the State of New 
York, but he preferred to continue in his prominent position as a 
senator, and leader of the Democratic party. At the presidential 
election of 1800, Mr. Burr and Mr. Jefferson received an equal 
number of votes, and when the election devolved upon the house of 
representatives, thirty-six ballots were held before Mr. Jefferson was 
elected to the presidency. Colonel Burr became vice-president. 

The conduct of Burr during the presidential canvass destroyed his 
popularity, and at the end of four years he had but few friends. In 
1805 he became a candidate for governor of New York. Colonel 
Hamilton was at that time in the meridian of his fame and the rival of 
Colonel Burr in business and reputation. Having no confidence in 
the integrity of Burr, he gave vent to his opinions, and refusing to 
retract them, was challenged to fight a duel. The challenge was ac- 
cepted, and Hamilton was mortally wounded. Soon after this 
bloody affair, Colonel Burr forsook his former employments and led 
a life full of mystery. He made frequent journeys to the West, and 
it soon became apparent that he was preparing an expedition, 
the purpose of which was unknown. But the government of the 
United States, suspecting him of the design of separating the 
Western States from the Union, watched his movements narrowly, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 257 

and at length its agents arrested him. He was brought to trial at 
Richmond, upon the charge of treason, and then of misdemeanour, 
but the evidence was insufficient to convict him of either charge. 
Yet the popular opinion was decidedly against him, and in June, 
1808, he was induced to go to England. He remained abroad four 
years, and then, returning to New York, resumed the practice of the 
law. He declined several tempting offers of command from the 
Spanish-American republics. This extraordinary man died on 
Staten Island, on the 14th of September, 1836, in the eighty-first 
year of his age. 

The character of Colonel Burr has excited a great deal of discus- 
sion. By the majority he is regarded as the Sergius Catiline of the 
American republic — a bold, artful, eloquent, but selfishly ambitious 
and corrupt man. His private life was undeniably dissolute, and 
in public life he displayed more of the mere political intriguer than 
any of his American contemporaries. As to the precise character of 
his schemes in the West, the world knows nothing, but suspects much 
that is to be condemned. In the latter part of his life, Colonel Burr 
certainly rejected several splendid opportunities for attaining power 
in the Spanish- American republics — opportunities that most ambitious 
men would have eagerly seized. Upon the whole, however, it is to 
be regretted that a man of such, energy and ability had not possessed 
a purer and more honest heart. 



GEORGE CLINTON. 



George Clinton, vice-president during the second term of Jeffer- 
son's administration, and the first of Madison's, was born on the 
26th of July, 1739, in the county of Ulster, New York. He was 
the youngest son of Colonel Charles Clinton, an emigrant from Ire- 
land, and a gentleman of distinguished worth and high consideration. 
He was educated principally under the eye of his father, and re- 
ceived the instruction of a learned minister of the Presbyterian 
church, who had graduated in the University of Aberdeen ; and, after 
reading law, in the office of William Smith, afterward chief-justice 
of Canada, he settled himself in that profession in the county of his 
nativity, where he rose to eminence. 

In 1768 he took his seat as one of the members of the colonial 
Assembly, for the county of Ulster, and he continued an active mem- 

17 



258 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

her of that body until it was merged in the Revolution. His energy 
of character, discriminating intellect, and undaunted courage, placed 
him among the chiefs of the Whig party, and he was always consi- 
dered possessed of a superior mind and master spirit, on which his 
country might surely rely, in the darkest periods of her fortunes. 

On the 22d of April, 1775, he was chosen by the provincial con- 
vention of New York one of the delegates to the Continental Con- 
gress, and took his seat in that illustrious body on the 15th of May. 
On the 4th of July, 1776, he was present at the glorious declaration 
of independence, and assented, with his usual energy and decision, 
to that measure ; but having been appointed a brigadier-general in 
the militia, and also in the army, the exigencies of his country, at 
that trying hour, rendered it necessary for him to take the field in 
person, and he therefore retired from Congress immediately after 
his vote was given, and before the instrument was transcribed for the 
signature of the members, for which reason his name does not appear 
among the signers. 

A constitution having been adopted for the State of New York on 
the 20th of April, 1777, he was chosen at the first election under it, 
both governor and lieutenant-governor, and he was continued in the 
former office for eighteen years, by triennial elections ; when, owing 
to ill health, and a respect for the Republican principle of rotation in 
office, he declined a re-election. 

During the Revolutionary war, he cordially co-operated with the 
immortal Washington ; and without his aid, the army would have 
been disbanded, and the Northern separated from the Southern States, 
by the intervention of British troops. He was always at his post in 
the times that tried men's souls : at one period repelling the ad- 
vances of the enemy from Canada, and at another meeting them in 
battle when approaching from the South. His gallant defence of 
Fort Montgomery, with a handful of men, against a powerful force 
commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, was equally honourable to his 
intrepidity and his skill. 

The administration of Governor Clinton was characterized by 
wisdom and patriotism. He was a republican in principle and prac- 
tice. After a retirement of five years, he was called by the citizens 
of the city and county of New York to represent them in the As- 
sembly of the State ; and to his influence and popularity may be 
ascribed, in a great degree, the change in his native State, which 
finally produced the important political revolution of 1801. 

At that period, much against his inclination, but from motives of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 259 

patriotism, he consented to an election as governor ; and in 1805, he 
was chosen vice-president of the United States, in which office he 
continued until his death, presiding with great dignity in the senate, 
and evincing, by his votes and his opinions, his decided hostility to 
constructive authority, and to innovations on the established prin- 
ciples of republican government. 

He died at Washington, when attending to his duties as vice-pre- 
sident, and was interred in that city, where a monument was erected 
by the filial piety of his children, with this inscription, written by 
his nephew : — 

"To the memory of George Clinton. He was born in the State 
of New York, on the 26th of July, 1739, and died in the city of 
Washington, on the 20th of April, 1812, in the seventy-third year 
of his age. He was a soldier and statesman of the Revolution. 
Eminent in council, and distinguished in war, he filled, with unex- 
ampled usefulness, purity, and ability, among many other ofiices, 
those of governor of his native State and of vice-president of the 
United States. While he lived, his virtue, wisdom, and valour were 
the pride, the ornament, and security of his country ; and when he 
died, he left an illustrious example of a well-spent life, worthy of all 
imitation." 



JOHN MARSHALL. 



The members of the cabinet during Jefierson's administration 
were as follows : — Secretaries of State, John Marshall and James 
Madison ; secretary of the treasury, Albert Gallatin ; secretary of 
war, Henry Dearborn ; secretaries of the navy, Robert Smith and 
Jacob Crowninshield ; attorney-generals, Levi Lincoln, Robert 
Smith, John Breckenridge, and Ciesar A. Rodney. Gideon Granger 
was postmaster-general. 

A few months' service as secretary of state brings the celebrated 
Judge, John Marshall, within the scope of this work. He was born 
at Germantown, Fauquier county, Virginia, on the 24th of September, 
1755. The house in which he was born is not in existence. When 
he wj^ quite a young man, the family moved to Goose's Creek, under 
Manassa's Gap, near the Blue Ridge, and still later to Oak Hill, 
where the family lived at the commencement of the Revolution. 
His father, Thomas Marshall, was a planter of limited means and 



260 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

education, but of strong natural powers, wMcli, cultivated by observa- 
tion and reflection, gave him tbe reputation of extraordinary ability. 
He served with distinction in the Revolution as a colonel in the con- 
tinental army. John was the eldest of fifteen children. The narrow 
fortune of Colonel Marshall, and the sparsely inhabited condition 
of Fauquier, compelled him to be almost exclusively the teacher of 
his children, and to his instructions, the chief-justice said, "he owed 
the solid foundation of all his success in life." He early implanted 
in his eldest son a taste for English literature, especially for poetry 
and history. At the age of twelve, John had transcribed the whole 
of Pope's Essay on Man, and some of his Moral Essays ; and had 
committed to memory many of the most interesting passages of that 
distinguished poet. 

At the age of fourteen he was placed with the Eev. Mr. Campbell, 
in Westmoreland, where for a year he was instructed in Latin, and 
had for a fellow-student James Monroe. The succeeding year was 
passed at his father's, where he continued to study under the Rev. 
Mr. Thompson, a Scotch gentleman, which "was the whole of the 
classical tuition he ever obtained. By the assistance of his father, 
however, and the persevering efforts of his own mind, he continued 
to enlarge his knowledge, while he strengthened his body by ' hardy, 
athletic exercises in the open air. He engaged in field-sports ; he 
indulged his solitary meditations amid the wildest scenery of na- 
ture ; he delighted to brush away the earliest dews of the morning.' " 
To these early habits in a mountain region he owed a vigorous con- 
stitution. The simple manner of living among the people of those 
regions of that early day, doubtless contributed its share. He ever 
recurred with fondness to that primitive mode of life, when he par- 
took, with a keen relish, of balm-tea and mush, and when the females 
used thorns for pins. 

In the summer of 1775 he was appointed lieutenant in the "Minute 
Battalion," and had an honourable share in the battle of Great 
Bridge. In July, 1776, he was appointed first lieutenant in the 
eleventh Virginia regiment, on the continental establishment, which 
marched to the North in the ensuing winter; and in May, 1777, he 
was promoted to a captaincy. He was in a skirmish at Iron Hill, 
and at the battles of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth. 
He was one of that body of men, never surpassed in the history of 
the world, who, unpaid, unclothed, unfed, tracked the snows of^ Val- 
ley Foi-ge with the blood of their footsteps in the rigorous winter of 
1778, and yet turned not their faces from their country in resent- 
ment, or from their enemies in fear. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 261 

That part of the Virginia line which was not ordered to Charleston, 
S. C, being in effect dissolved by the expiration of the term of en- 
listment of the soldiers, the officers (among whom was Captain Mar- 
shall) were, in the winter, of 1779-80, directed to retm-n home, in 
order to take charge of such men as the State legislature should 
raise for them. It was during this season of inaction that he availed 
himself of the opportunity of attending a course of law lectures 
given by Mr. Wythe, afterward chancellor of the State ; and a course 
of lectures on natural philosophy, given by Mr. Madison, president 
of "William and Mary College in Virginia. He left this college in 
the summer vacation of 1780, and obtained a license to practise law. 
In October he returned to the army, and continued in service until 
the termination of Arnold's invasion. After this period, and be- 
fore the invasion of Phillips, in February, 1781, there being a re- 
dundancy of officers in the Virginia line, he resigned his commission. 

During the invasion of Virginia, the courts of law were not re- 
opened until after the capitulation of Lord Cornwallis. Immediately 
after that event, Mr. Marshall commenced the practice of law, and 
soon rose into distinction at the bar. In the spring of 1782 he was 
elected a member of the State legislature, and, in the autumn 
of the same year, a member of the executive council. In January, 
1783, he married Miss Ambler, the daughter of a gentleman who 
was then treasurer of the State, and to whom he had become at- 
tached before he left the army. This lady lived for nearly fifty 
years after her marriage, to partake of the distinguished honours of 
her husband. In 1784 he resigned his seat at the council-board in 
order to return to the bar; and he was immediately afterward again 
elected a member of the legislature for the county of Fauquier, of 
which he was then only nominally an inhabitant, his actual residence 
being at Richmond. In 1787 he was elected a member from the 
county of Henrico ; and though at that time earnestly engaged in 
the duties of his profession, he embarked largely in the political ques- 
tions which then agitated the State, and, indeed, the whole confederacy. 

Every person at all read in our domestic history must recollect 
the dangers and difficulties of those days. The termination of the 
Revolutionary war left the country impoverished and exhausted by 
its expenditures, and the national finances at a low state of depres- 
sion. The powers of Congress under the confederation, which even dur- 
ing the war were often prostrated by the neglect of a single State to en- 
force them, became in the ensuing peace utterly relaxed and inefficient. 

Credit, private as well as public, was destroyed. Agriculture and 
commerce were crippled. The delicate relation of debtor and creditor 



262 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

became more and more embarrassed and embarrassing ; and, as is 
usual upon sucb occasions, every sort of expedient was resorted to 
by popular leaders, as well as by men of desperate fortunes, to in- 
flame the public mind, and to bring into odium those who laboured 
to preserve the public faith and to establish a more energetic go- 
vernment. The whole country was soon divided into two great 
parties, the one of which endeavoured to put an end to the public 
evils by the establishment of a government over the Union, which 
should be adequate to all its exigencies, and act directly on the 
people ; the other was devoted to State authority, jealous of all 
federal influence, and determined at every hazard to resist its increase. 

It is almost unnecessary to say that Mr. Marshall could not re- 
main an idle or indiflferent spectator of such scenes. As little doubt 
could there be of the part he would take in such a contest. He was 
at once arrayed on the side of Washington and Madison. In Vir- 
ginia, as everywhere else, the principal topics of the day were 
paper money, the collection of taxes, the preservation of public 
faith, and the administration of civil justice. The parties were 
nearly equally divided upon all these topics ; and the contest con- 
cerning them was continually renewed. In such a state of things, 
every victory was but a temporary and questionable triumph, and 
every defeat still left enough of hope to excite to new and strenuous 
exertions. The affairs, too, of the confederacy were then at a crisis. 
The question of the continuance of the Union, or a separation of the 
States, was freely discussed; and, what is almost startling now to 
repeat, either side of it was maintained without reproach. Mr. 
Madison was at this time, and had been for two or three years, a 
member of the house of delegates, and was in fact the author of the 
resolution for the general convention at Philadelphia to revise the 
confederation. He was at all times the enlightened advocate of 
union, and of an efiicient federal government, and he received on all 
occasions the steady support of Mr. Marshall. Many have wit- 
nessed, with no ordinary emotions, the pleasure with which both of 
these gentlemen looked back upon their co-operation at that period, 
and the sentiments of profound respect with which they habitually 
regarded each other. 

Both of them were members of the convention subsequently called 
in Virginia for the ratification of the federal constitution. This 
instrument, having come forth under the auspices of General Wash- 
ington and other distinguished patriots of the Revolution, was at 
first favourably received in Virginia, but it soon encountered decided 
hostihty. Its defence was uniformly and most powerfully main- 



AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 263 

tained there by Mr. Marshall. He was then not thirty years old. 
It was in these debates that Mr. Marshall's mind acquired the skill 
in political discussion which afterward distinguished him, and which 
would of itself have made him conspicuous as a parliamentarian, had 
not that talent been overshadowed by his renown in a more soberly 
illustrious though less dazzling career. Here, too, it was that ho 
conceived that deep dread of disunion, and that profound conviction 
of the necessity for closer bonds between the States, which gave the 
colouring to the whole texture of his opinions upon federal politics 
in after life. 

The constitution being adopted, Mr. Marshall was prevailed upon 
to serve in the legislature until 1792. From that time until 1795 
he devoted himself exclusively to his profession. In 1795, when Jay's 
treaty was "the absorbing theme of bitter controversy," he was elected 
to the house of delegates, and his speech in its defence, says Judge 
Story, "has always been represented as one of the noblest efforts of 
his genius. His vast powers of reasoning were displayed with the 
most gratifying success The fame of his admirable argu- 
ment spread through the Union. Even with his political enemies it 
enhanced the estimate of his character ; and it brought him at once 
to the notice of some of the most eminent statesmen who then 
graced the councils of the nation." 

Soon after, he, with Messrs. Pinckney and Gerry, was sent by 
President Adams as envoy extraordinary to France. The Directory 
refused to negotiate, and though the direct object of the embassy 
failed, much* was effected by the official papers the envoys addressed 
to Talleyrand, her minister of foreign relations, in showing France 
to be in the wrong. These papers — models of skilful reasoning, 
clear illustration, accipate detail, and urbane and dignified modera- 
tion — have always been attributed to Marshall, and bear internal 
marks of it. Such was the impression made by the despatches, that 
on the arrival of Mr. Marshall in New York in June, 1798, his entry 
had the ^clat of a triumph. A public dinner was given him by both 
houses of Congress, "as an evidence of affection for his person, 
and of their grateful approbation of the patriotic firmness with which 
he sustained the dignity of his country during his important mis- 
sion ;" and the country at large responded with one voice to the 
sentiment : "Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute." 

Mr. Marshall was elected to Congress in 1799. He had not been 
there three weeks when it became his lot to announce the death of 
Washington. Never could such an event have been told in language 
more impressive or more appropriate. " Mr. Speaker — The melan- 



264 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

choly event, which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been 
rendered too certain. Our Washington is no more ! The hero, the 
patriot, and the sage of America: the man on whom in times of 
danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now 
only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and 
afflicted people," &c. &c. That house of representatives abounded 
in talent of the first order for debate ; and none were more con- 
spicuous than John Marshall. Indeed, when the law or constitution 
were to be discussed, he was, confessedly, the first man in the house. 
When he discussed them, he exhausted them ; nothing more remained 
to be said ; and the impression of his argument effaced that of every 
one else. 

In 1800 he was appointed secretary of state, an office which he 
held but a few months. He was appointed chief-justice of the su- 
preme court of the United States, January 31, 1801. The nomina- 
tion w^as unanimously confirmed by the senate. How well he filled 
that office is known to his countrymen. We shall not attempt to 
protract our account of the last thirty-five years of Judge Marshall's 
life. It was spent in the diligent and upright, as well as able dis- 
charge of his official duties ; sometimes presiding in the supreme 
court at Washington, sometimes assisting to hold the circuit federal 
courts in Virginia and North Carolina. His residence was in Rich- 
mond, whence it was his frequent custom to walk out, a distance of 
three or four miles, to his farm. He had also a farm in his native 
county, Fauquier, which he annually visited, and where he always 
enjoyed a delightful intercourse with numerous relations and friends. 
Twice in these thirty-five years, he may be said to have mingled in 
political life; but not in party politics. In 1828 he was a member 
of a convention held in Charlottesville, to devise a system of in- 
ternal improvement for the State to be commended to the legisla- 
ture. In 1829 he was a member of the convention to revise and 
amend the State constitution, where he delivered a speech regarded 
as an unrivalled specimen of lucid and conclusive reasoning. 

" No man more highly relished social and even convivial enjoy- 
ments. He was a member of a club which for forty-eight summers 
met once a fortnight near Richmond, to pitch quoits and mingle 
in relaxing conversation ; and there was not one more delightedly 
punctual in his attendance at these meetings, or who contributed 
more to their pleasantness ; scarcely one who excelled him in the 
manly game from which the ' Quoit Club' drew its designation. He 
would hurl his iron ring of two pounds weight, with rarely erring 
aim, fifty-five or sixty feet ; and at some chef-d' ceuvre of skill in 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 265 

himself or his partner, wouhl spring up and dap his hands with all 
the light-hearted enthusiasm of boyhood. Such is the old age which 
follows a temperate, an innocent, and a useful life." 

Chief-justice Marshall died at Philadelphia, July 6, 1835, in his 
eightieth year. '< The love of simplicity and dislike of ostentation, 
which had marked his life, displayed itself also in his last days. Ap- 
prehensive that his remains might be encumbered with the vain pomp 
of a costly monument and a laudatory epitaph, he, only two days be- 
fore his death, directed the common grave of himself and his consort 
to be indicated by a plain stone, with this simple and modest inscrip- 
tion : — " John Marshall, son of Thomas and Mary Marshall, was 
born on the 24th of September, 1755 ; intermarried with Mary 
Willis Ambler, the 3d of January, 1783; departed this life the 

day of , 18 — ." This unostentatious inscription, with 

the blanks only filled, is carved on the plain white marble monument 
erected over his remains in the graveyard at Shoccoe Hill, Rich- 
mond. The late Francis W. Gilmer thus described the intellectual 
character of Judge Marshall : — 

"His mind is not very richly stored with knowledge ; but it is so cre- 
ative, so well organized by nature, or disciplined by early education, 
and constant habits of systematic thinking, that he embraces every 
subject with the clearness and facility of one prepared by previous 
study to comprehend and explain it. So perfect is his analysis that 
he extracts the whole matter, the kernel of inquiry, unbroken, clean, 
and entire. In this process, such are the instinctive neatness and 
precision of his mind that no superfluous thought, or even word, ever 
presents itself, and still he says every thing that seems appropriate 
to the subject. This perfect exemption from needless encumbrance 
of matter or ornament, is in some degree the effect of an aversion 
to the labour of thinking. So great a mind, perhaps, like large 
bodies in the physical world, is with difficulty set in motion. That 
this is the case with Mr. Marshall's is manifest from his mode of 
entering on an argument, both in conversation and in public debate. 
It is difficult to rouse his faculties ; he begins with reluctance, hesi- 
tation, and vacancy of eye; presently, his articulation becomes 
less broken, his eye more fixed, until, finally, his voice is full, clear, 
and rapid ; his manner bold, and his whole face lighted up with the 
mingled fires of genius and passion ; and he pours forth the un- 
broken stream of eloquence, in a current deep, majestic, smooth, 
and strong. He reminds one of some great bird, which flounders 
and flounces on the earth for a while, before it acquires impetus to 
sustain a soaring flight. 



26G LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS 



ALBERT GALLATIN. 

This distinguished financier was born at Geneva, in Switzerland. 
He was left an orphan in his infancy; but under the kind protection 
of a female relative of his mother, received a very thorough educa- 
tion, and graduated at the University of Geneva in 1779. His 
family friends were wealthy and highly respectable ; and we have 
been told that his aged grandfather, with whom he resided, was 
deeply imbued with the aristocratic prejudices of the ancient regime. 
Young Albert, on the contary, was an ardent Republican, and 
made no secret of his adhesion to the Revolutionary school. With- 
out the knowledge or consent of his family, Albert, then only nine- 
teen, with a comrade of the same sentiments, left the home of his 
father to seek glory and fortune, and freedom of thought, in the in- 
fant republic of America. He was recommended by a friend to the 
patronage of Dr. Franklin, then at Paris. He arrived in Boston 
in July, 1780, and soon after proceeded to Maine, where he pur- 
chased land, and resided till the end of 1781 at Machias and Passa- 
maquoddy. Here he served as a volunteer under Colonel John 
Allen, and made advances from his private purse for the support of 
the garrison. In the spring of 1782 he was appointed instructor in 
the French language at Harvard University, where he remained 
about a year. Going to Virginia in the fall of 1783 to attend to 
the claims of an European house for advances to that State, he 
fell in with many of the eminent men of the State, and particularly 
with Patrick Henry, who treated him with marked kindness and re- 
spect, and predicted his future eminence. In accordance with Mr. 
Henry's advice, Mr. Gallatin sought his fortune in the new and wild 
country then just opening on the Ohio, and purchased considerable 
tracts of land in Western Virginia, between 1783 and 1785. In 
December, 1785, he purchased his plantation at New Geneva, Fa- 
yette county, Pennsylvania, where he subsequently established the 
glass-works. 

His talents for public life soon became extensively known, and he 
was honoured in 1789 with a seat in the convention to amend the 
constitution of Pennsylvania. In that convention he took a decided 
stand on the Democratic side, opposing the pretensions of property 
as an element in political power, and advocating the extension of the 
right of suffrage, restricted only by length of residence. When the 
new fedei'al constitution was before the country for adoption, he took 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 267 

ground against it ; but when adopted, lent it his efficient support. 
He became distinguished with all parties in the legislature for his 
ready comprehension of the great questions at issue, particularly of 
financial subjects; and was elected to the United States senate in 
February, 1793, notwithstanding there existed a majority in the 
legislature opposed to his own party, and though he had himself ex- 
pressed doubts respecting his own eligibility. When he took his 
seat in December, the question of his citizenship was revived, and 
he lost his seat, after an elaborate examination and report, on the 
ground that he had not been nine years a legally naturalized citizen 
of the United States. The question was decided by a strict party 
vote of fourteen to twelve, in February, 1794, between the Federalists 
and Democrats. Mr. Gallatin soon after mari'ied a daughter of 
Commodore Nicholson, a distinguished officer of our navy, and re- 
turned to Fayette county. While contesting his seat in the senate, 
he received through Robert Morris a thousand guineas from his 
family friends, who, it would seem, had not for some time previously 
been apprized of his movements in this county. 

During the whisky insurrection of 1794, Mr. Gallatin, although 
sympathizing with the insurgents in lawful and constitutional oppo- 
sition to the law, yet boldly and openly opposed the adoption of 
warlike and treasonable measures. In this course he was sustained 
by the people of his own county ; and his popularity was evidenced 
in October of the same year by his election to Congress from the 
Washington and Greene county district, (although he did not reside 
in it,) in opposition to Hugh H. Breckenridge. Both were of the 
Democratic party. Mr. Gallatin was not aware of his being himself 
a candidate until the election was announced to him. He had been 
at the same time elected to the legislature from Fayette country. 

In Congress, where he continued during three terms, he was dis- 
tinguished as a leader of his party, in conjunction with Madison and 
Giles. He was appointed secretary of the treasury by Mr. Jeffer- 
son, in 1801 — a post which he occupied for a number of years with 
pre-eminent ability. His official reports are models of clearness and 
conciseness : in one of these he originated the project of the Na- 
tional road. 

On retiring from the cabinet in 1813, he entered upon his diplo- 
matic career in Europe, as one of the commissioners at Ghent, in 
negotiating the peace with Great Britain ; and soon afterward asso- 
ciated with Messrs. Adams and Clay, at London, in negotiating the 
commercial treaty with that power. He continued in Europe, as 
ambassador at Paris, until 1823, when he returned to the new 



268 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

mansion which had been built during his absence at New Geneva, 
and spent a few years in dignified retirement. He was again 
minister to England in 1816. On his return he sold his place at 
New Geneva, and resided for a time in Baltimore ; and subsequently 
removed to New York He was for many years president of the 
National Bank. He died in New York city in 1850, at the 
venerable age of eighty-nine years. For many years, Mr. Gallatin 
stood at the head of the financiers of the country. Notwithstanding 
his foreign birth, his state papers display a masterly command of 
the English language, and are models in every respect. 



HENRY DEARBORN. 

Henry Dearborn, distinguished both as a soldier and a states- 
man, was born in New Hampshire in 1751. Having received a 
thorough education, he studied physic, and then commenced practice 
as a physician in Portsmouth. He was a zealous patriot, and on re- 
ceiving intelligence of the battle of Lexington, he collected sixty 
volunteers, and marched with them to Cambridge, Massachusetts. 
He then served as captain in Colonel John Stark's regiment at the 
battle of Bunker Hill, and afterward accompanied Arnold in the 
famous expedition through the wilderness of Maine to Quebec. 
Here he was captured by the enemy, and put in close imprisonment; 
but in May, 1776, the patriot soldier was permitted to return home 
on parole. In March, 1777, he was exchanged, and was thus once 
more at liberty to join the forces of his country. 

Having received the rank of major. Dearborn served with gal- 
lantry in the army under General Gates. He then joined the army 
commanded by Washington, and at the battle of Monmouth dis- 
tinguished himself by a dashing charge upon the enemy, and was 
especially complimented by the commander-in-chief. In 1777, 
Dearborn accompanied General Sullivan in his expedition against 
the Indians. In 1780 he was with the army in New Jersey, and in 
1781 he was at Yorktown at the surrender of Cornwallis. Thus he 
served throughout the Revolutionary war, and participated in most 
of its trying scenes. 

In 1789, President Washington appointed General Dearborn 
marshal of the district of Maine. Subsequently he was twice 
elected to Congress from that district. In 1801, President Jefferson 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 2G9 

appointed him to the responsible position of secretary of war, and 
he held that office until 1809, when he was appointed collector of 
the port of Boston, a very lucrative post. 

In 1812, Dearborn received a commission as senior major-general 
in the army of the United States. He superintended operations on 
the Northern frontier; but, although he captured York, in Upper 
Canada, and Fort George, at the mouth of the Niagara, sickness pre- 
vented him from achieving any success commensurate with the expect- 
ations of the public mind, and in July, 1813, he was recalled by 
President Madison. He was next ordered to assume the command 
of military district of New York city. In 1822, General Dearborn 
was appointed minister plenipotentiary to Portugal. He remained 
abroad two years, and then returned to New England broken down 
with age and infirmities. This distinguished patriot and warrior 
died in 1829, at the age of seventy-eight years. 



ROBERT SMITH. 



Robert Smith of Maryland was a prominent public man during 
the early administration of the United States government. He 
was a native of Maryland, and educated for a legal and political 
career. But at the breaking out of the Revolutionary war, Mr. 
Smith obtained a commission as captain, and joined the forces of 
the patriots. His talents soon attracted the attention of Washing- 
ton, and it was by the influence of that great man that he was ap- 
pointed secretary of the board of war in May, 1778. This office, 
however, he was induced to decline, as he preferred active service. 
In November, 1789, the name of Mr. Smith was mentioned in con- 
nection with the office of district judge of Maryland. He then re- 
sided at Baltimore and practised his profession. But Washington, 
while he acknowledged the talents of Mr. Smith, decided to appoint 
an older and more experienced person, and William Paca received 
the office. On the 15th of July, 1801, Mr. Smith was appointed 
secretary of the navy. On the 2d of March, 1805, he was trans- 
ferred to the post of attorney-general ; and on the 6th of March, 
1809, he was raised to the office of secretary of state. In April, 
1811, he resigned his high trust, and retired to private life. By a 
long train of public service he had entitled himself to the gratitude 
of his countrymen, and made an impression upon the politics of the 
nation deep enough to perpetuate his name. 



270 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



LEVI LINCOLN. 

Levi Lincoln was born in Massacliusetts in 1749. He was well 
educated, and graduated at Harvard College in 1772. He then 
studied law and commenced practice in the town of Worcester, 
in his native State, where he soon acquired a high reputation for 
ability and learning. In 1801, President Jefferson appointed him 
attorney-general of the United States, and he continued in that 
office until December, 1805. In 1807 and 1808, Mr. Lincoln was 
chosen lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, and on the death of 
Sullivan, in December, 1808, he acted as governor during the re- 
mainder of the political year. He died in 1820, at the age of 
seventy-one years. His character was estimable in every respect. 



JOHN BRECKENRIDGE. 

John Breckenridge was the second son of Colonel Robert Breck- 
enridge, of Augusta county, Virginia, and was born where the town 
of Staunton now stands, on the 2d of December, 1760. At a very 
early age, he was carried by his father to the neighbourhood of Fin- 
castle, in Bottetourt county, Virginia, whither he removed, and where 
he died, when his son was about eleven years of age ; leaving a widow 
and seven children in circumstances which we should now consider 
narrow ; and exposed, upon what was then almost the extreme limit 
of the Avhite settlements, to all the dangers of an Indian frontier. 

Raised in the midst of dangers, hardships, and privations, the tra- 
ditions of his family replete only with tales of suffering and exile for 
conscience' sake ; with a widowed mother and orphan family — of which 
he became the head at the age of early boyhood — the objects of his 
constant care ; it is by no means strange that his powerful character 
should have been early and remarkably developed. A calm, simple, 
correct man — gentle to those he loved — stern and open to those he 
could not trust — always true, always brave, always self-dependent, it 
is just in such a way, that such circumstances would mould and de- 
velop such a nature as his. But it is not easy to ascertain how it 
was, that in his circumstances, there should have been implanted in 
him, from earliest childhood, a thirst for knowledge that seemed to 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 271 

the end of his life insatiable ; nor could any thing less than the highest 
mental endowments, directed with energy that never flagged, explain 
the extent, the variety, and the richness of the acquisitions which he 
was enabled to make. His education, both preparatory and profes- 
sional, was privately conducted, and so far as is now known, chiefly 
without other aid than books, except about two years, which he spent 
at the College of William and Mary, in Virginia. During the latter 
part of his attendance at this ancient seat of learning, and when he 
was about nineteen years of age, he was elected to the Virginia house 
of burgesses, from the county of Bottetourt, without his having even 
suspected that such a matter was in agitation. On account, of his 
youth, the election was twice set aside, and it was only on the third 
return, and against his own wishes and remonstrances, that he took 
his seat. From this time to the period of his death, he lived con- 
stantly, as a lawyer and a statesman, in the public eye. 

In the year 1785 he married Mary Hopkins Cabell, a daughter of 
Colonel Joseph Cabell, of Buckingham county, Virginia; and settled 
in the county of Albemarle, and practised law in that region of Vir- 
ginia, until the year 1793, in the spring of which he removed to 
Kentucky, and settled in Lexington ; near to which place, at " Cabell's 
Dale," in the county of Fayette, he resided till the period of his 
death, which occurred on the 14th December, 1806, when he had just 
completed his forty-sixth year. 

As a statesman, very few men of his generation occupied a more 
commanding position, or mingled more controllingly with all the great 
questions of the day; and not one enjoyed a more absolute popularity, 
or maintained a more spotless reputation. He took a leading, per- 
haps a decisive part in all the great questions of a local character 
that agitated Kentucky, from 1793 to 1806, and whose settlement 
still exerts a controlling influence upon the character of her people 
and institutions. The constitution of 1798-9, which is still pre- 
served unaltered, was more the work of his hands than of any one 
single man. The question of negro slavery, as settled in that con- 
stitution, upon a middle and moderate ground — the systematizing, to 
some extent, the civil and criminal codes — the simplification of the 
land law — the law of descents — the penitentiary system — the aboli- 
tion of the punishment of death, excej^t for wilful murder and treason 
— all these, and many other important subjects, of a kindred nature, 
fell under his moulding labours at the forming period of the common- 
wealth, and remain still nearly as they were adjusted half a century 
ago. In those vital questions that involved the destiny of the whole 
West, and threatened the plan, if not the continuance of the Union 



272 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

itself, no man took an earlier or more decided stand. It is capable 
of proof, that the free navigation of the Mississippi river, and sub- 
sequently the purchase of Louisiana, (which latter act, though it 
covered Mr. Jefferson with glory, he hesitated to perform, upon doubts 
both as to its policy and constitutionality,) were literally forced upon 
the general government by demonstrations from the West, in which 
the mind and the hands of this far-sighted statesman were conspicu- 
ous above all. 

Mr. Breckenridge served the public in the legislature, in the senate 
of the United States, and as the attorney-general under Mr. Jeffer- 
son's administration, and in all these positions his great powers of 
mind rendered him among the most conspicuous men of his day. 



C^SAR A. RODNEY. 



C^SAR A. Rodney was the son of the Revolutionary patriot and 
statesman, Coesar Rodney, of Delaware. His parentage gave him 
brilliant opportunities and. he was fitted to improve them. Having 
received a classical education, he removed to Pennsylvania, and there 
commenced the practice of law. On the 20th of January, 1807, he 
was appointed attorney-general of the United States. He resigned 
this post in December, 1811, and once more resumed the regular 
practice of his profession in Pennsylvania. 



GIDEON GRANGER, 



The postmaster-general under Jefferson's administration, was born 
in Connecticut, in 1767. Being of a very respectable family, he 
received the benefits of an excellent education, and graduated at 
Yale College in 1787. He then studied law, and commenced the 
practice of his profession in his native State. In 1801 he was ap- 
pointed postmaster-general, although still a young man, and he held 
that important office until 1814. He then became an inhabitant of 
the State of New York, and was soon prominent among the most 
public-spirited citizens. He was elected to the senate of the State, 
where he laboured hard to advance internal improvements. He gave 
one thousand acres of land in aid of the great canal. This eminent 
and active citizen died in 1822, at the age of fifty-five years. 




^^'C^< y .^^ (^^^^f .^ ^'^ 



Jite of t\t ^rtsthnts of \\t "^mith State, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



|i0gra|l]i^s at i\t Wm-l]xmknU m^ tk SItmbm ot Hit Ciibinets. 



JAMES MADISON, Jun. 

Among those wko acted as tlie organizers of our system of govern- 
ment, James Madison deserves a most conspicuous rank. He was 
intended for a statesman from liis youth, and made himself master 
of constitutional law, when it was hardly known as a science either 
in England or in this country. He was born on the sixteenth of 
March, 1751, and, of course, was in all the ardour and freshness of 
youth on the breaking out of the Revolution. In 1775, Mr. Madison 
was a member of the legislature of Virginia, and at that early age 
was distinguished for his maturity of understanding and sage pru- 
dence. He was soon appointed one of the council of state. During 
the whole eventful struggle, James Madison had the confidence of the 
State of Virginia; and, as a member of her legislature, was listened 
to with profound attention when he brought forward sundry resolu- 
tions for the formation of a general government for the United States, 
based upon the inefficiency of the old confederation. From these 
resolutions grew a convention of delegates from the several States, 
who, in conclave, prepared a form of a constitution to be submitted 
to the several States for their discussion, approbation, and adoption. 
Mr. Madison was a member of this convention, as a delegate from 
Virginia, and took an active part in the deliberations of that enlight- 
ened body, of which Washington, his colleague, was president. On 
the adoption of this constitution — a wonderful era in the history of 
the liberties of man — Mr. Madison was elected a member of the first 
Congress, and took an active part in setting the machinery in motion. 
At this period public opinion was greatly agitated by the crude and 
false opinions scattered through the country, through the medium of 
the opposition presses ; this was grievous to the friends of the con- 
stitution, and three mighty minds, Jay, Hamilton, and Madison, 
formed a holy alliance to enlighten the people upon the great doc- 

18 273 



274 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

trines of the constitution, and breaking through the host of the Phi- 
listines, drew the pure waters of truth for the good of the people. 
The essays from the pens of these worthies, were collected in a 
volume, called the Federalist, which now stands a monument of the 
wisdom and patriotism of that age. In the debates of the first Con- 
gress, Mr. Madison took a large share. It was an illustrious assem- 
blage of patriots, among whom there often arose a difference of 
opinion in regard to political policy, but all were lovers of their country, 
and labouring for her best interests. Here Mr. Madison acted with 
the Cabots and the Ameses of the East, in perfect harmony. It was 
reserved for an after age to feel the withering effects of party feuds. 
These were hardly discovered as long as the father of his country 
filled the presidential chair. In the administration of his successor, 
a separation into parties took place, and Mr. Madison ranked himself 
on the side of Mr. Jefferson and his party. During the presidency 
of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison was secretary of state, and sustained 
that office with singular ability. He held a ready pen, had a clear, 
philosophical perception of the great principles on which the govern- 
ment professed to act, and could readily produce a defence of the 
course pursued. No secretary ever did, or ever will do more by 
force of argument, than Mr. Madison, while supporting the measures 
of Mr. Jefferson. 

He was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1809. 

On the 1st of March the embargo was repealed. Congress inter- 
dicted by law all trade and intercourse with France and England ; 
and on the 12th of April passed an act to raise an additional force. 
On the 23d of April, Mr. Erskine, minister plenipotentiary from his 
Britannic Majesty to the United States, pledged his court to repeal 
its anti-neutral decrees by the 10th of June; and in consequence of 
an arrangement now made with the British minister, the president 
proclaimed that commercial intercourse would be renewed on that 
day ; but this arrangement was disavowed by the king. Mr. Erskine 
was recalled in October, and was succeeded by Mr. Jackson, who soon 
giving offence to the American government, all further intercourse 
with him was refused, and he was recalled. 

On the 23d of March, 1810, Bonaparte issued the Rambouillet 
decree, ordering the seizure of all American vessels and cargoes ar- 
riving in any of the ports of France, or of any of the countries oc- 
cupied by the French troops. This measure excited a retaliatory 
spirit in Congress, and on the 1st of May an act was passed exclud- 
ing all British and French armed vessels from the ports of the United 
States ; but providing that if either of those nations modified their 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 275 

edicts before the third of March, 1811, commercial intercourse might 
be renewed. In pursuance of this act, on the 2d of November, Pre- 
sident Madison issued a proclamation, announcing that the French 
decrees were revoked, and that intercourse between the United States 
and France might be renewed; and on the 10th of the same month, 
a proclamation was issued, interdicting commercial intercourse with 
Great Britain. 

The year 1811 opened with the British government making repa- 
ration for the attack on the Chesapeake. Still, the majority clamored 
for war against Great Britain. The message of the president to 
Congress indicating an apprehension of hostilities with Great Britain, 
the committee of foreign relations in the house of representatives re- 
ported resolutions for filling up the ranks of the army ; for raising 
an additional force of ten thousand men ; for authorizing the presi- 
dent to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, and for 
ordering out the militia when he should judge it necessary; for re- 
pairing the navy; and for authorizing the arming of merchantmen 
in self-defence. These resolutions were principally agreed to. A 
bill from the senate for raising twenty-five thousand men, after much 
discussion, was agreed to by the house. 

On the 16th of May there was an engagement between the United 
States frigate President, commanded by Captain Rodgers, and the 
British sloop-of-war Little Belt, commanded by Captain Bingham, 
in which the Little Belt had eleven men killed, and twenty-one 
wounded. Only one man of the frigate was wounded. The Little 
Belt gave the first fire. 

The frontier settlers being seriously alarmed by hostile indications 
on the part of the Indians, Governor Harrison resolved to move 
toward the Prophet's town, on the Wabash, with a body of Kentucky 
and Indiana militia, and the 4th United States regiment, under 
Colonel Boyd, to demand satisfaction of the Indians and to put a 
stop to their threatened hostilities. His expedition was made early 
in November. On his approach within a few miles of the Prophet's 
town, the principal chiefs came out with offers of peace and submis- 
sion, and requested the governor to encamp for the night. It was 
merely a treacherous artifice. At four in the morning the camp was 
furiously assailed, and a bloody and doubtful contest ensued. The 
Indians were finally repulsed with the loss, on the part of the Ame- 
ricans, of sixty-two killed, and one hundred and twenty-six wounded, 
and a still greater number on theirs. Colonel Davies, a distinguished 
lawyer. Colonel White, of the Saline, and several other valuable 



276 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

officers, fell on this occasion. Governor Harrison having destroyed 
the Prophet's town, and established forts, returned to Vincennes. 

On the 1st of June, the president communicated to Congress 
additional documents on the subject of our affairs with Great Britain. 
In his message, on this occasion, he strongly stated, as hostile acts, 
the impressment of American seamen by the British ; the seizure of 
persons as British subjects, on the high seas, sailing under the Ame- 
rican flag; the violation of the rights and the peace of our coasts by 
British cruisers ; the blockading of their enemies' ports without an 
adequate force; and the orders in council affecting neutral rights; 
and suggested a suspicion that the Indians had been instigated to 
acts of hostility by British agents; and submitted the question, 
"Whether the United States shall continue passive under these pro- 
gressive usurpations, and these accumulated wrongs; or, opposing 
force to force in defence of their national rights, shall commit a just 
cause into the hands of the Almighty Disposer of events." 

On the 3d of June, the committee on foreign relations, to whom 
"was referred the president's message, presented to the house of repre- 
sentatives a report, or manifesto of the causes and reasons of war 
with Great Britain ; which was concluded by a recommendation of 
an immediate appeal to arms. The next day, a bill for declaring 
war with Great Britain passed the house of representatives ; on the 
17th it passed the senate ; and on the 18th it was signed by the pre- 
sident, who, on the day following, issued a proclamation of the war. 

The minority in the house of representatives entered a protest 
against the declaration of war; declaring, that the subject of im- 
pressments had been once satisfactorily adjusted in a treaty between 
the British court and the American envoys Monroe and Pinckney, 
and though that treaty was not ratified, the same terms might still 
be obtained; that official notice having been given of the repeal of 
the French decrees, they entertained no doubt of the revocation of 
the orders in council; that the blockading of enemies' ports without 
an adequate force was but a retaliation for the same conduct on the 
part of the French ; and that the French government was considered 
the first and the greatest aggressor on neutral rights. Four days 
after the declaration of war, the decrees of Berlin and Milan having 
been officially revoked, the British orders in council were repealed. 

The forces of the country were in no condition for war ; but the 
navy, although small, was spirited and efficient. Mr. Monroe, secre- 
tary of state, was the only man in the government who had any mili- 
tary experience. But war Avas declared in June of 1812, and means 
of defence were to be found. The plan of military operations at the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF TflE CABINETS. 277 

commencement of the war, on the part of the United States, was to 
garrison and defend the seaboard principally by occasional calls of 
the neighbouring militia, aided by a few regular troops, the whole to 
be under the command of generals of the regular army, stationed 
at the most important points. With the remaining regular forces, 
together with such volunteers as could be procured, and the militia, 
to attack the British posts in Upper Canada, and subdue them. This 
province borders on the United States from the neighbourhood of 
Montreal westerly to an indefinite extent, and is separated from them 
by the waters of the St. LaM^-ence and the lakes, to the western ex- 
tremity of the Lake of the Woods ; along the shores of the lakes, 
and banks of the rivers communicating with them, is a fine tract of 
country, then containing one hundred thousand inhabitants, principally 
emigrants from the United States, who have removed there since the 
war of the Revolution. Northerly and westerly of these settlements 
was an immense wilderness thinly inhabited by Indians. The settle- 
ment of white inhabitants extended westward as far as the Detroit 
river, which conveys the waters of Lake Huron to Lake Erie. At 
the mouth of this river is the village of Amherstburg, furnishing one 
of the best harbours on the lake; and the military post of Maiden, 
from whence the Indians of the north and west are supplied with 
goods, arms, and ammunition, and encouraged in acts of hostility 
against the frontier inhabitants of the United States. To break up 
this establishment, and subdue the province, was the first object of 
the military operations on the Canada border. It was confidently 
expected that the inhabitants needed only a demonstration of a 
respectable military force, and an assurance of protection, to induce 
them to revolt from the British, and join the American standard. 
This province being conquered, it was designed to push eastward to 
Montreal. 

Immediately after the declaration of war had been issued. General 
William Hull, governor of Michigan Territory, collected about twenty- 
five hundred men, and passed over to Canada. There he issued a 
proclamation, couched in pompous terms, calling upon the inhabit- 
ants to submit to his arms or expect to suffer the extremities of war. 
But the general experienced considerable difficulty in getting supplies, 
and the Canadians showed no disposition to join his standard. Soon 
afterward, hearing that an army of British and Indians, under Brock 
and Tecumseh, were advancing against him, he fell back to Detroit, 
and fortified his position. The enemy followed, and it was expected 
that a general battle would take place; but on the 15th of August, 
General Hull surrendered his whole army without firing a gun. By 



278 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

this great disaster, the whole north-western frontier was exposed to 
the ravages of the British and Indians. General Hull was exchanged, 
court-martialled, and sentenced to death for cowardly conduct. But 
in consequence of his Revolutionary services, the president commuted 
his punishment to a deprivation of all military command. 

At sea the Americans were unexpectedly successful, and the boasted 
supremacy of the British navy was threatened with annihilation. 

Commodore Hull, in the Constitution, sailed from the Chesapeake 
on the 12th of July ; on the 17th, off Egg Harbour, he was chased by 
a ship of the line and four frigates. These ships approached rapidly 
with a fine breeze, while it was nearly calm about the Constitution. 
At sunrise of the 18th, escape appearing hopeless, as they had 
neared her considerably during the night, preparation was then made 
for action. The enemy still drawing near, another effort was made 
to escape. Boats were sent ahead with anchors for the purpose of 
warping. It was now nearly a calm with the British, and they re- 
sorted to the same expedient. The chase continued for two days, 
partly sailing with light breezes, and partly by warping. On the 
20th the squadron was left entirely out of sight, and the Constitution 
made the harbour of Boston. On the 2d of August, Commodore 
Hull again put to sea, cruised along the eastern coast as far as the 
Bay of Fundy, in expectation of falling in with British frigates in 
that direction. Not finding any, he proceeded to take a station off 
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to intercept the Quebec trade. Having 
here taking two or three merchantmen, he proceeded to the south- 
ward. On the 19th, he fell in with the British frigate Guerriere, 
rated at thirty-eight, but mounting fifty-four guns. This vessel had 
hoisted at her mast head, a flag with her name, the Warrior, in 
large characters, and on another was inscribed the words. Not the 
Little Belt. She had looked into several ports in quest of American 
frigates, and given a challenge to all vessels of her class. On the 
Constitution's heaving in sight, the British commander assembled his 
crew, pointed to them the object of their wishes, assured them of an 
easy victory, and being answered by three hearty cheers, backened 
sail, prepared for action, and awaited her approach. The two ships 
continued manoeuvring to obtain the weathergage of each other for 
three quarters of an hour, the Guerriere occasionally firing broad- 
sides. The Constitution reserved her fire until within about four 
musket-shot, when she opened her broadsides in quick succession upon 
her antagonist. The mizen-mast of the Guerriere was directly car- 
ried away, and her decks were swept by a raking fire. In thirty mi- 
nutes from the time the Constitution fairly got alongside of her, every 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 279 

mast and spar was gone, and she lay an unmangeable wreck. Tlie 
firing ceased, and she surrendered. She was so much damaged as 
to render it impossible to bring her into port, and, the next day, was 
cleared of the prisoners, and every thing valuable, and set fire to and 
blown up. The damage sustained by the Constitution was of so little 
consequence, that she was prepared for action the next day, when 
another ship appeared in sight. The Constitution had seven killed, 
and the same number wounded; the Guerriere nineteen killed and 
sixty wounded. The news of this brilliant victory, the first on the 
ocean, was received with rapturous applauses by the American peo- 
ple. Every mark of respect was shown Commodore Hull and his 
gallant officers and crew. Congress granted fifty thousand dollars 
to the crew for the loss of their prize, and the executive promoted 
several of their officers. The event was as mortifying to the British 
as gratifying to the Americans. 

Other brilliant naval victories were achieved by the Americans 
during the year. The Frolic, a British sloop-of-war, was captured 
after a severe engagement by the Wasp, commanded by Captain 
Jones. Commodore Decatur, of the United States frigate, fell in 
with the British frigate Macedonian, Captain Cordon, off" the West- 
ern Islands, and captured her, after an action of about an hour and 
a half. The loss of the Macedonian was thirty-six killed and sixty- 
eight wounded; of the United States, seven killed and five wounded. 
The United States frigate Constitution, Captain Bainbridge, after an 
action of nearly two hours, captured the British frigate Java. The 
American loss was nine killed and twenty-five wounded ; the British, 
sixty killed and one hundred and one Avounded. The American pri- 
vateer schooner Dolphin, two guns, Captain Endicott, captured a 
British ship of fourteen guns and eighteen men. 

On land, the whole campaign was disastrous for the Americans. 
After the surrender of Hull, a large, but undisciplined force assem- 
bled on the Niagara frontier, under the command of General Van 
Rensselaer. The militia demanded to be led against the enemy, and 
the general determined to gratify them by attacking the fortified 
position of Queenstown, on the opposite side of the river. The prin- 
cipal British force was at Eort George ; but they had made an esta- 
blishment, and erected batteries on the heights above Queenstown; 
against these batteries, the eff'orts of the American troops were to be 
first directed. Batteries were erected on the American shore, to 
protect the passage and landing of the troops. The regular forces, 
under Colonel Fenwick and Major Mallary, were ordered up to Lewis- 
town ; and thirteen boats, being all that could be procured at the 



280 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

time, were provided for crossing. The van of the troops destined 
for the attack, consisted of militia, under the command of Colonel 
Solomon Van Rensselaer, aid to the general; a part of the thirteenth 
infantry, under Colonel Christie; a detachment of the sixth and 
ninth, under Major Mallary ; the whole amounting to four hundred 
men. At three o'clock, on the morning of the 13th, they proceeded 
from the camp at Lewistown to the place of embarkation. Colonel 
Vail Rensselaer, to whom the chief command of the expedition was 
intrusted, with a hundred men, crossed over and effected a landing. 
A grape-shot from a battery below Queenstown, which enfiladed the 
passage, wounded Colonel Christie in the hand; his pilot became 
confused, his boatmen frightened, and he was obliged to return. 
The boats with Major Mallary were carried by the violence of the 
current below the landing-place, two of them were taken, and the 
others returned. In ascending the bank, Colonel Van Rensselaer 
received four wounds. Captains Armstrong, Wool, and Malcom 
were also wounded, and Lieutenant Valleau and Ensign Moi-ris 
killed. A party of British troops having issued from an old fort 
below Queenstown, were fired upon by the Americans and compelled 
to retreat. The firing from the batteries on the heights soon ob- 
liged the Americans to take shelter under the bank. The small 
force of Americans kept their ground, however, chiefly through the 
efforts of Captain Wool. Reinforcements were received by both 
parties, and the battle was renewed with fury. The British were at 
length driven from the ground, and General Brock was killed in try- 
ing to rally them. The day was considered decided in favour of the 
Americans, when General Sheafe, with about one thousand British 
and Indians, arrived and renewed the conflict. General Van Rensse- 
laer now ordered the militia to cross the river to aid their gallant 
comrades ; but they refused to obey, and in spite of all threats and 
entreaties, they remained spectators of the fight. The troops already 
on the Canadian shore defended themselves bravely, but were at 
length overpowered and obliged to surrender. Sixty of the Ameri- 
cans were killed, one hundred wounded, and seven hundred sur- 
rendered themselves prisoners of war. 

General Van Rensselaer having resigned the command shortly 
after the affair at Queenstown, it devolved upon Brigadier-general 
Smith, of the regular army, whose head-quarters were established 
at Buffalo, at the east end of Lake Erie. This officer, who had 
censured the plans of his predecessor as being rash and badly di- 
gested, immediately prepared for another expedition to the opposite 
side. In an address which was issued on the 12th of November, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 281 

he called upon "the men of New York," by every motive which can 
actuate freemen, to lend their aid to the enterprise. He proposed 
to them to volunteer for a short tour of duty, promising them that 
in a few days he would plant the American standard in Canada. 
The language of the proclamation, however, Avas unfortunately 
neither creditable to the literary talents nor to the modesty of 
its author ; but, seconded by an address from General Porter, of 
the New York militia, it produced considerable effect upon the minds 
of the citizens in that quarter. 

By this and other means a force of about four thousand five hun- 
dred men was assembled at Buffalo, on the 27th of November, con- 
sisting of regular troops, New York, Pennsylvania, and Baltimore 
volunteers. The orders under which General Smyth acted appear 
to have authorized or directed him to cross when he had a force of 
three thousand men. Preparatory to the descent which he now de- 
termined to make, a number of boats and scows were prepared, and 
on the night of the 27th two parties were sent over. The first, 
under Colonel Boerstler, were to destroy a bridge near Fort Erie, 
in which they entirely failed. The second party, commanded by 
Captain King, and Lieutenant Angus of the navy, was more success- 
ful. They were directed to storm the British batteries, which they 
effected with great bravery, and spiked the cannon. The greater 
part retmmed, with a number of prisoners; but Captain King, with 
the remainder, was captured by the enemy. Colonel Winder made 
an attempt to support this detachment, with about three hundred 
men; but was compelled to retreat, with the loss of six killed and 
twenty wounded. It was intended that the great enterprise should 
have been undertaken at reveille, on the succeeding day; and the 
embarkation accordingly commenced soon after that period, but went 
on so tardily, that it was afternoon when the whole was completed. 
The enemy now showed themselves in force, on the opposite shore, 
having, it was supposed, about five hundred men, with a piece of 
artillery. 

General Smyth now called a council of officers, to determine on 
the expediency of proceeding. A large majority expressed their 
opinions against the measure; and the troops were accordingly 
ordered to debark. This measure excited great discontent among 
them; but the assurance that another attempt would be made, in 
some degree allayed it. The first day of December was then de- 
termined on for the renewal of the enterprise. It was intended to 
leave the American shore two hours before daylight, to land above 
Chippewa, and made an attack upon Queenstown and Fort George. 



282 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Daylight, however, arrived before the embarkation was completely 
eifected ; and the number of men with whom the descent was to be 
made, it was found, did not exceed fifteen hundred, exclusive of of- 
ficers. A council was therefore called by the commanding officer, 
consisting of the field officers of the regular army, who unanimously 
decided that they ought not to proceed. The troops were therefore 
once more debarked. They were informed that the invasion of 
Canada was abandoned for the season, and were ordered into winter 
quarters. 

Such were the results of these long-meditated attempts to obtain 
a footing in Canada. The disappointment and indignation of the 
militia and volunteers, who had been thus called from their homes, 
at an inclement season, to be made, as they thought, the victims of 
caprice, were excessive, and evinced themselves in some irregular 
and violent proceedings. The commander was openly accused of 
cowardice by General Porter; and his personal safety endangered, 
by the exasperated soldiery. He contended, however, in his vindica- 
tion, that the number of troops in his power was insufficient to cope 
with the enemy. The regulars amounted only to eight hundred and 
sixty, and the whole force to little more than fifteen hundred; while 
upward of twenty-three hundred rations were issued on the British 
side. He added, that the regulars were decreasing in numbers, from 
sickness and exposure at that season, and the term of service of the 
volunteers would soon expire; while many of the militia had dis- 
played a spirit of insubordination, or a disposition to desert. 

The public opinion, however, as generally expressed at the time, 
was against the propriety of this officer's conduct. His boastful and 
inflated addresses tended, probably, in a great measure, by the con- 
trast they afforded with his actions, to produce this sentiment; and 
the severe language in which he had spoken of his predecessors was 
retorted upon him by those who were as little inclined to judge 
charitably of his own military feats. 

The troops whose attempts we have just narrated were denominated 
"the army of the centre," to distinguish them from the Western 
force, and the "Northern army." No operation of any importance 
was undertaken by the last during this season. A large body of 
regulars had been collected during the summer and autumn, which 
were concentrated at Plattsburg, at the close of October. General 
Dearborn, who commanded, had his head-quarters at Greenbush; 
while Generals Bloomfield and Chandler were at the head of brigades. 
At length, on the 16th of November, the army broke up from Platts- 
burg, and moved toward the Canada frontier. On the ISth, it 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 283 

encamped at Cliamplain, within a short distance of the lines ; and, 
on the succeeding day, General Dearborn took the command. On 
the same day, Colonel Pike, an officer of great merit, advanced with 
his regiment several miles into the enemy's country; surprised a 
body of British and Indians; destroyed a considerable quantity of 
public stores, and returned without much loss. It was now expected 
that the whole army would advance into Canada ; but, probably from 
the lateness of the season, and the failure of the attempts on the 
borders of Lakes Erie and Ontario, the enterprise was abandoned; 
and, on the 23d, the troops returned to Plattsburg, at which place 
and its vicinity they went into winter quarters. 

In the mean time, some attempts at negotiation between the 
belligerent governments completely failed. In the United States, 
the warmth of party feeling had greatly increased, and in the Eastern 
States, the Federalists refused to contribute any thing toward the 
prosecution of the war. In the latter part of 1812, the presidential 
election occurred; when the war was shown to be popular by the 
re-election of Mr. Madison by a large majority. Elbridge Gerry, of 
Massachusetts, was chosen vice-president. George Clinton, the pre- 
ceding vice-president, had died before his term of service had expired. 

A new army under General Harrison, had been called out in the 
North-west. With the scattered and irregular force of which it was 
chiefly composed, to carry on ofi"ensive operations through a swampy 
and intricate wilderness, was a task which, even at the most favour- 
able season, would require all the varied talents of this general to 
execute. When the duty of attempting the recapture of Detroit was 
devolved upon him, the autumn had already commenced; and his 
arrangements were undertaken at the very season "the prudent 
caution of President Washington had directed the army of General 
Wayne to be placed in winter quarters." 

The command of Lake Erie, prior to any oifensive operations 
against the enemy's territory, appears to have been considered by 
General Harrison, as it was by General Hull, an object of the first 
importance, which ought to have claimed an earlier share of attention. 

The total amount of the force under the command of General Har- 
rison was estimated at ten thousand men. From the extreme rigour 
of the season, however, it was supposed that the whole efiective force 
on the frontier did not exceed six thousand three hundred, which 
appear to have been entirely infantry. Having communicated to the 
administration his ideas on the subject of the future operations of 
his army, he received from the war department powers to prosecute 
the campaign in conformity with his own views, with an assurance 



284 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

that the government was determined to make the most vigorous and 
active exertions to obtain command of the lake, which they expected 
to accomplish at an early period in the ensuing spring. In answer 
to this despatch, General Harrison stated, that, believing it to be the 
wish of the government to regain the lost ground, as well as to con- 
quer Upper Canada, he did not consider himself authorized to adopt 
another alternative; and that the silence of the war department 
on the subject of the enormous expense which would attend the 
operations of the army, led him to conclude that it would be dis- 
regarded. 

The plan now laid down was similar to the one heretofore adopted: 
to occupy the Rapids of the Miami ; to collect provisions there ; to 
move from thence with a select detachment; and, making a feint 
upon Detroit, to pass the strait upon the ice, and invest Maiden. 
The force he proposed to assemble at the Rapids was from four 
thousand five hundred to five thousand men. This body, as we have 
stated, Avas to proceed in three divisions from Fort Defiance, Fort 
McArthur, and Upper Sandusky. To the latter place General Har- 
rison proceeded, soon after the 8th of January, where he found the 
Virginia and Pennsylvania brigades, making his efiective force there 
about fifteen hundred men; and a large quantity of artillery, with 
the necessary munitions of war, soon after arrived. From this place 
he despatched orders to General Winchester, whom we left at Fort 
Defiance, to advance to the Rapids, as soon as he had accumulated 
provisions for twenty days. He was directed to commence there the 
building of huts, with a view of inducing the enemy to believe he was 
going into winter quarters ; and to construct sleds for the expedition 
against Maiden. 

Having received a supply of provisions and clothing, and provided 
for the sick, General Winchester commenced his march, in con- 
formity with his directions, on the 30th of December. The progress 
of his army was necessarily very slow; and while performing it, 
General Winchester received a despatch from the commander-in- 
chief, (founded upon some information of the extent of the Indian 
force on the Wabash,) recommending to him to abandon the forward 
movement and fall back to Fort Jennings. He did not, however, 
think himself required to discontinue his march; and arrived at the 
Rapids on the 10th of January, where he immediately formed a forti- 
fied camp, on an eminence surrounded by prairies. 

On the 11th, a despatch, directed to Fort McArthur, was sent to 
apprize General Harrison of the arrival of the detachment at the 
Rapids; and, on the succeeding day, another was sent to Lower 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 285 

Sandusky, both of whicli were delayed several days beyond the ex- 
pected time. 

Information was received, on the 13th, which was corroborated on 
the following day, that the Indians had threatened to burn the town 
at the river Raisin, and massacre the inhabitants. Their force was 
stated not to exceed two hundred, with two companies of Canadian 
militia. The utmost anxiety prevailing in the army to advance to 
that place, a council of officers Avas called, a majority of whom were 
decidedly in favour of sending on a strong detachment. 

Accordingly, on the morning of the 17th, Colonel Lewis was de- 
tached, with five hundred and fifty men, to the river Raisin ; and, a 
few hours afterward, he was reinforced by Colonel Allen, with up- 
ward of one hundred men. On the march, the commander learned 
that there were about five hundred Indians at Frenchtown, and that 
Colonel Elliott was expected from Maiden, with a force destined to 
attack the camp at the Rapids. He resolved, therefore, to gain pos- 
session of Frenchtown, previous to the arrival of Colonel Elliott. 
When he approached Avithin a few miles of the town, he was dis- 
covered by a party of the enemy, who hastened to give the alarm. 
The troops were formed in line of battle when they arrived within 
a quarter of a mile of the village, and a general charge was im- 
mediately made upon them. The enemy were dislodged from the 
houses and picketing, with great gallantry, by Majors Graves and 
Madison, and falling in with Colonel Allen's command on the right, 
a warm contest ensued, which ended in their repulse ; and they were 
pursued by the troops about two miles. 

The detachment appears to have behaved with great bravery on 
the occasion ; its loss was twelve killed and fifty-four wounded. The 
enemy, who were commanded by Major Reynolds, of the British 
regulars, were supposed to have consisted of about one hundred 
whites and four hundred Indians : their loss was not known : fifteen 
were found dead where the action commenced. Colonel Lewis 
resolved on holding the place, and immediately sent off expresses to 
Generals Harrison and Winchester. 

The former officer had, unfortunately, not received the despatch 
of General Winchester, announcing his intended march to the 
Rapids, until the 11th of January. No further intelligence was 
received until the 16th, when he was informed, through another 
channel, of the arrival of the detachment at that place, and of the 
contemplated movement in advance. Alarmed at this information, 
he immediately gave orders for the movement of the artillery, ac- 
companied by a guard of three hundred men, to the Rapids. Owing, 



286 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

however, to the extreme badness of the roads, little progress could 
be made. He himself immediately set out for Lower Sandusky, 
where he found that General Perkins had prepared a battalion, with 
a piece of artillery, to reinforce General Winchester. Having re- 
ceived information of Colonel Lewis's success at the river Raisin, he 
determined to proceed to the Rapids immediately, and ordered the 
remainder of General Perkins's brigade to follow him to the same 
place. On the morning of the 20th, he arrived at General Win- 
chester's camp, and found that he had gone, the preceding evening, 
to the river Raisin, leaving behind him a force of about three hun- 
dred men. 

The news of Colonel Lewis's success had excited a great desire at 
the Rapids to proceed to his support. It was feared that an attempt 
would be made by the British to regain the lost ground. Maiden 
being; but eighteen miles distant. 

On the night of the 20th, General Winchester arrived at French- 
town, with about two hundred and fifty men, and encamped in an 
open lot, on the right of Colonel Lewis's detachment, which was 
protected in its encampment by some close garden pickets. On the 
21st, Colonel Allen left Frenchtown for the Rapids; and a place 
was selected for a fortified camp for the whole detachment, which it 
was intended they should commence on the ensuing day. But 
another kind of labour, alas ! awaited them ; and men eminent for 
valour, and virtue, and patriotism, were doomed to fertilize with 
their blood, and to whiten with their bones, the sterile soil of which 
they vainly hoped they had become masters. 

Late in the evening of the 21st, information was given to General 
Winchester, by a person who had recently left Maiden, that a large 
force of British and Indians was about to march from that place, 
shortly after his departure. Unfortunately, however, little attention 
appears to have been given to the report ; and the most fatal se- 
curity prevailed among both officers and men, unsuspicious of the 
tragedy about to follow. 

A most striking proof of the want of proper preparation on the 
part of the American commander, is evinced by the fact that no 
picket-guard was placed at night on the road by which the enemy 
was to be expected. The latter had thus been enabled to approach 
very near to the camp without discovery, and to station their cannon 
behind a small ravine, which ran across the open fields on the right. 
Soon after daylight on the 22d, they opened a heavy fire from their 
artillery, at the distance of three hundred yards. The American 
troops were immediately formed, and received a charge from the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 287 

British regulars, and a general fire of small arms. The detachment 
under Colonel Lewis, being defended by pickets, soon repulsed the 
enemy ; but the reinforcement which had arrived with General Win- 
chester were overpowered; and not being able to rally behind a 
fence, as directed by the general, were thrown into complete con- 
fusion, and retreated in disorder across the river. 

All attempts to rally this unfortunate body, although made in 
various places by General Winchester and Colonels Lewis and Allen, 
proved in vain. They endeavoured, as the Indians had gained their 
left flank and rear, to make their escape through a long lane, on 
both sides of which the savages were stationed, by whom they were 
shot down in every direction. Their officers also, carried in this 
general tide of flight, attempted to escape, only, in most instances, 
to be massacred. Colonel Allen, and Captains Simpson and Mead, 
were killed on the field, or in the flight ; and General Winchester, 
with Colonel Lewis, were captured a short distance from the village. 

That part of the American force, however, which had been sta- 
tioned behind the picketing, maintained their post with undiminished 
bravery. About ten o'clock, the British commander drew ofi" his 
forces, with the apparent intention of abandoning the conflict ; but, 
finding that General Winchester was his prisoner, he represented to 
him that nothing but an immediate surrender could save the rest of 
the Americans from massacre by the Indians. Influenced by this 
appeal, the general consented to issue the order, which was con- 
veyed to the detachment by a flag of truce. Finding that the force 
opposed to them was far superior in numbers, that there was no pos- ' 
sibility of a retreat, and that their ammunition was nearly exhausted. 
Major Madison, who commanded, consented to surrender, on con- 
dition of being protected by a guard, and that the sick and wounded 
should be sent, on the succeeding morning, to Amherstburg. Colonel 
Proctor, the British commander, having promised the American 
officers that their wounded should be removed the succeeding day, 
marched, about twelve o'clock, with his prisoners, leaving Major 
Reynolds, with two or three interpreters. 

The unfortunate soldiers, who had been thus left, wounded and 
helpless, in the power of their enemy, had a right to expect that, at / 
least, the common duties of humanity would be exercised toward 
them. But the most horrible act of this sanguinary tragedy was 
yet to be performed. Charity induces us to hope that the tales 
which innumerable eye-witnesses and sufferers have related of the 
barbarities that ensued, have been heightened by the colouring with. 
which it was natural to invest them. Making all due allowance. 



288 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

however, on this ground, enough remains to satisfy the mind that the 
cruelties perpetrated on this occasion were as shocking to human 
nature as any which history, fruitful as it is of the crimes of man, 
has ever recorded. 

General Harrison, who had arrived at the Rapids on the 20th, a 
few hours after General Winchester had left that place, immediately 
despatched an order to the latter, to " maintain the position at 
Frenchtown, at any rate." On the evening of the succeeding day, a 
regiment of General Perkins's brigade, and the remaining Kentucky 
troops, under General Payne, were ordered to Frenchtown, for 
which place they left the Rapids on the morning of the 22d. At 
ten A. M. on that day, the news of the attack on General Winchester's 
camp was received, and the whole body was hastened on, accom- 
panied by General Perkins in person. On the road, they learned 
the melancholy intelligence of the total and irretrievable defeat of 
the detachment. No choice was then left but a return to the Rapids, 
which was accomplished without loss. 

The disaster which had befallen the elite of the army at French- 
town, gave a decisive blow to the operations of the campaign. The 
force that remained at the Rapids consisting of only about nine 
hundred men and a single piece of artillery, it was decided by a 
council of war, convened by General Harrison, that it would be ex- 
pedient to fall back on their resources. Accordingly, on the suc- 
ceeding day, the block-house, with a quantity of provisions, having 
been set on fire, the remains of the army retired as far as Portage 
river, about eighteen miles distant, where the camp was strongly 
fortified. Here they remained until the 1st of February, when a 
reinforcement, under General Leftwich having arrived, which in- 
creased his force to about seventeen hundred men. General Harrison 
returned to the post of the Rapids, and encamped on the south-east 
side of the river, at a spot which he deemed more suitable than that 
occupied by General Winchester. 

The attention of General Harrison was now turned toward the 
fortifying of his position, which service was intrusted to Captain 
Wood, of the corps of engineers. The force, which remained at 
the Rapids consisted of about seventeen hundred men, and was 
vigorously employed in this important operation. The camp was 
about two thousand five hundred yards in circumference, the whole 
of which, with the exception of several intervals left for batteries 
and block-houses, was to be picketed with timber fifteen feet long, 
from ten to twelve inches in diameter, and set three feet in the 
ground. The position thus fortified was denominated Fort Meigs. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 289 

The period of service of tlie Kentucky and Ohio troops was now- 
drawing to a close ; and, notwithstanding a liberal pecuniary offer 
from the legislatures of those States, they generally testified an in- 
tention to return to their homes, though they expressed, at the same 
time, a willingness to advance against the enemy, if their commander 
should think proper to lead them. An additional draft of three 
thousand men was therefore made, by virtue of an act of the legis- 
lature of Kentucky, which was organized into four regiments, under 
Colonels Boswell, Dudley, Cox, and Caldwell, the whole commanded 
by Brigadier-general Green Clay. The two former were directed 
to assemble at Newport on the 1st of April. On the 1st of March, 
the whole that remained of the preceding draft from Kentucky and 
Ohio had been honourably discharged. 

Small parties of the enemy had been seen at various times hover- 
ing around the camp : and on the 28th of April, the whole force, 
composed of British and Indians, was discovered approaching within 
a few miles of the fort, and as soon as their ordnance was landed, it 
was completely invested. The ground in its vicinity had been co- 
vered by a forest, which was cleared to a distance of about three 
hundred yards from the lines. From behind the stumps of the 
trees, however, which remained, the Indians kept up a severe fire, 
by which some execution was occasionally done. On the 1st of 
May, the British batteries being completed, a heavy cannonading 
commenced, which was continued till late at night. The intervening 
time had not been spent in idleness by the garrison under the direc- 
tion of Captain Wood. A grand traverse, twelve feet high, upon a 
base of twenty feet, and three hundred yards long, had been com- 
pleted, which concealed and protected the whole army. The fire of 
the enemy, therefore, produced little efiect, except the death of 
Major Stoddard, of the regular army, an ofiicer of great merit. 
Disappointed in his first plan of attack. Colonel Proctor transferred 
his guns to the opposite side of the river, and opened a fire upon 
the centre and flanks of the camp. The cannonading of the enemy 
continued, for several days, incessant and powerful ; that of the 
Americans, however, produced greater execution : but a scarcity of 
ammunition compelled them to economize- their fire. 

In the mean time, a reinforcement of twelve hundred Kentuckians, 
under General Clay, was descending the river, with the hope of be- 
ing able to penetrate into the fort. As soon as General Harrison 
heard of their approach, he determined to make a sally against the 
enemy on his arrival ; and sent an oflScer, with directions to General 
Clay, to land about eight hundred men, from his brigade, about a 

19 



290 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

mile above the camp. Thej were then directed to storm tlie British 
batteries on the left bank, to spike the cannon, and cross to the fort. 
The remainder of the men were to land on the riglit side, and fight 
their way into the camp, through the Indians. During this ope- 
ration, General Harrison intended to send a party from the fort to 
destroy the batteries on the south side. 

In conformity with this direction, a body of men, under Colonel 
Dudley, were landed in good order, at the place of destination. 
They were divided into three columns, when within half a mile of 
the British batteries, which it was intended to surround. Unfor- 
fortunately, no orders appear to have been given by the commanding 
officer, and the utmost latitude was in consequence taken by the 
troops. The left column, being in advance, rushed upon the bat- 
teries, and carried them without opposition, there being only a few 
artillerymen on the spot. Instead, however, of spiking the cannon, 
or destroying the carriages, the whole body either loitered in fatal 
security in the neighbourhood, or, with their colonel, were engaged 
in an irregular and imprudent contest with a small party of In- 
dians. The orders and entreaties of General Harrison were in 
vain ; and the consequences were such as might have been foreseen, 
had the commanding officer possessed the slightest portion of mili- 
tary knowledge. The fugitive artillerists returned, with a reinforce- 
ment from the British camp, which was two miles below. A retreat 
was commenced, in disorder by the Americans, most of whom were 
captured by the British or Indians, or were killed in the pursuit. 
Among the latter was Colonel Dudley. About two hundred escaped 
into the fort: and thus this respectable body of men, who, if pro- 
perly disciplined and commanded, might have defeated the ope- 
rations of the enemy, became the victims of their own imprudence. 

The remainder of General Clay's command were not much more 
successful. Their landing was impeded by the Indians, whom they 
routed, and, with their characteristic impetuosity, pursued to too 
great a distance. General Harrison perceiving a large force of the 
enemy advancing, sent to recall the victors from the pursuit. The 
retreat was, however, not effected without considerable loss, the In- 
dians having rallied, and, in turn, pursued them for some distance. 
The sortie, however, made by a detachment under Colonel Miller, 
of the regulars, gained for those who participated in it much more 
reputation. The party, consisting of about three hundred and fifty 
men, advanced to the British batteries with the most determined 
bravery, and succeeded in spiking the cannon, driving back their 
opponents, who were supposed to be double in number, and capturing 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 291 

forty ' prisoners. The enemy suffered severely ; but rallied, and 
pressed upon the detachment until it reached the breastwork. The 
attempt to raise the siege was thus defeated, from the imprudence 
and insubordination of the troops concerned, rather than from any 
original defect in the plan. Many valuable lives were lost during 
the heat of the battle : and the cruelties perpetrated upon the 
prisoners, in presence of the officers of the British army, are said 
to have been little inferior in atrocity to those of the bloody day of 
Frenchtown. 

From this period until the 9th, little of importance occurred. The 
British commander, finding he could make no impression upon the 
fort with his batteries, and being deserted in a great measure by his 
Indian allies, who became weary of the length of the siege, resolved 
upon a retreat. After several days' preparation, his whole force 
was embarked on the 9th ; and was soon out of sight of the garri- 
son, with little molestation on their part. 

The spring of the year 1813 had far advanced, before any events 
of national importance occurred on the Northern frontier. 

The partisan warfare was principally conducted by Major Forsyth, 
of the rifle regiment, a very valuable and enterprising officer. In 
the month of February, he resolved, in retaliation for an incursion 
of the enemy, to attempt a post not far distant from Ogdensburg, 
■where he commanded. Accordingly, with a party of riflemen, and 
some volunteers, he crossed the St. Lawrence; surprised a guard at 
Elizabethtown; captured fifty-two prisoners, including six officers, 
besides a large quantity of military stores ; and returned without the 
loss of a man. By way of revenge for this exploit, a large British 
force was assembled for an attack on Ogdensburg. Colonel Bene- 
dict, who commanded the militia of the vicinity, hastily called out 
his regiment to the aid of Major Forsyth, whose force was far in- 
ferior to that of the enemy. On the 21st of February, they attacked 
the town, in t"wo columns of six hundred men each; and, after a 
sharp contest of an hour's duration, succeeded in driving the Ameri- 
can troops out of it, with the loss on the part of the latter, of about 
twenty killed and wounded: that of the enemy was supposed to be 
far greater, from the known skill of the riflemen. After sacking the 
place, they retired on the same day, carrying with them some valua- 
ble articles. 

A concentration of a large -portion of the regular army, with a 
view to some important operation, was effected about the middle of 
April, at Sackett's Harbour. This post, which acquired so much 
celebrity during the war, and Avhich, in the course of a few months, 



292 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

emerged from the quiet and gloom of a forest, to become tlie scene 
of the bustle and hostility of civilized man, is situated at the east 
end of Lake Ontario, about sixteen miles from the St. Lawrence. 
Erom its position, it had been found peculiarly adapted for a military 
depot, as well as for the purposes of commerce, and the protection 
of armed vessels. The squadron, which cruised on the lake, was 
accordingly prepared here; and at this period was assembled for the 
conveyance of the troops to the Canada shore, as soon as the ice 
would admit of naval operations. 

The land forces were under the immediate command of Major- 
general Dearborn, who now determined to make an attack, in the 
first instance, upon the town of York, the capital of Upper Canada, 
and a place of great importance to the enemy. The navigation of 
the lake being ascertained to be unimpeded by ice, the troops destined 
for the expedition, to the number of about seventeen hundred, em- 
barked on board the squadron, and left Sackett's Harbour on the 
25th of April. On the 27th, they arrived off their place of destina- 
tion, and at eight in the morning the landing was commenced, at a 
spot distant about a mile and a half from the enemy's works. In 
consequence of the state of the wind, the troops were not able to 
debark at the place originally intended ; and the enemy was enabled 
to collect, at the point where the landing took place, his whole force, 
which consisted of seven hundred regulars and militia, and one 
hundred Indians. Major Forsyth, with his riflemen, were the first 
to gain the shore ; and, after a severe contest for nearly half an hour, 
succeeded in repulsing the enemy, with a very inferior force. Gene- 
ral Pike now landed ; and, pushing on with a small party, drove the 
enemy before him, who rallied, however, and returned to the attack ; 
but were again repulsed, and retreated to their works. The whole 
body was by this time formed on the shore, and arranged in the 
order contemplated for the attack. Led by their gallant commander, 
the column pressed forward with the utmost regularity; and, after 
receiving a heavy fire from one of the enemy's batteries, which they 
carried by assault, were moving toward the main works, when a 
sudden and tremendous explosion took place from the enemy's maga- 
zine, which hurled upon the advancing troops immense masses of 
stone and timber; and, for a short time, checked their progress, by 
the havoc it made in their ranks. Numbers were immediately killed 
or disabled by the contusions : among the latter was their deservedly 
lamented commander. General Pike, who survived but a few hours. 
The direction of the troops then devolved upon the senior officer, 
Colonel Pearce, General Dearborn having remained on board one of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 293 

the vessels of the squadron. The enemy's regular troops had now 
retreated, leaving the defence of the place to the militia. At five 
o'clock, the Americans took possession of the town, having arranged 
articles of capitulation with the commanding officer. The land and 
naval forces of all descriptions were surrendered prisoners of war, 
and all public stores given up. Private property was guaranteed, 
and scrupulously respected. A large vessel of war, which was build- 
ing, and nearly finished, was set on fire by the enemy, previous to 
their retreat. The prisoners taken amounted to forty officers, and 
two hundred and fifty-one non-commissioned officers and privates, 
the greater part of whom were militia. The loss of the enemy was 
estimated by General Dearborn at one hundred killed, and three 
hundred wounded, independent of prisoners. 

The capture of Fort George being the next object in view, the 
troops, to the number of about four thousand, under Generals Dear- 
born and Lewis, were embarked on board the vessels for that pur- 
pose. The squadron anchored within musket-shot of the shore; and 
a heavy fire commenced, by which the enemy's batteries were silenced 
in ten minutes. The troops proceeded to the beach in three brigades, 
the advance being commanded by Colonel Scott, who landed under 
a heavy fire from the British forces. The first, second, and third 
brigades having reached the shore in their order, the enemy soon 
gave way, and retreated with precipitation to the fort, which, how- 
ever, having become untenable, from the fire of the American bat- 
teries, they abandoned it, on the approach of the advance of General 
Boyd's brigade, and dispersed in various directions. Previously to 
the retreat, they attempted to set fire to the magazines, but were 
frustrated by the energy and skill of the American officers. They 
were pursued several miles by the light troops ; but, in consequence 
of the severe fatigue of the latter, they were recalled. The conduct 
of the American force was such as to obtain for it the highest en- 
comiums. General Boyd, Colonels Scott and Porter, Major Armi- 
stead, and Lieutenant Totten, were particularly noticed in the official 
report. The army had, indeed, manifestly improved in discipline, 
the only qualification wanting to place them on a perfect equality 
with their enemy. The loss of the British was much greater than 
that of the Americans. One hundred and eighty of the former were 
killed, and one hundred and sixty wounded, who, together with one 
hundred and fifteen regulars, and five hundred militia, became priso- 
ners. The latter had thirty-nine killed and one hundred and ten 
wounded. Lieutenant Hobart, of the first brigade, was the only of- 
ficer killed. 



294 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

After this engagement, the British force, under General Vincent, 
retired to a spot called the Beaver Dams, where it was joined by a 
reinforcement from Fort Erie and Chippewa. General Winder 
was therefore despatched with his brigade from Fort George, on the 
1st day of June, for the purpose of cutting off the retreat of this 
body. Finding that the enemy had been reinforced, and that his 
troops, now amounting to about fifteen hundred men, had taken a 
position on the heights, at the head of Burlington bay. General 
Chandler was sent forward with his brigade : and the two detach- 
ments being united, the latter or senior officer took the command. 
On the 5th, the detachment advanced to Stony creek, in the vicinity 
of the British force, and then encamped on its bank. The usual 
precautions, in the positions of the different corps, and of the ar- 
tillery, appear to have been taken. An advanced guard, of about 
eighty men, was posted in a wooden house, about a quarter of a 
mile in front. A strong detachment occupied a hill on the left, which 
commanded a road running through the centre of the camp. In 
this position, the enemy, whose situation had become precarious, de- 
termined upon a night attack, as the only means of saving his army. 
The scheme was well conceived, and in a great measure succeeded. 
At two o'clock in the morning of the 6th the attack was made by a 
column of about seven hundred regulars, after having bayoneted 
the sentinels in advance, and passed by the guard in front without 
notice. The twenty-fifth regiment had occupied the ground on the 
opposite side of the creek, for the purpose of cooking; but, leaving 
their fires burning, had withdrawn to the encampment about mid- 
night, and lay upon their arms. Toward these fires the enemy ad- 
vanced, raising a shout, in the belief that the American troops were 
behind them. This outcry fortunately roused the camp, and the 
twenty-fifth regiment commenced a fire upon the column, which was 
now discerned by the light of the fires on the opposite bank. The 
American line was soon formed ; but, in a short time, the firing on 
the part of the British ceased ; and such was the darkness of the 
night, that it was impossible to ascertain in what direction they had 
moved. Profiting by this obscurity, the enemy moved silently along 
the road, until they arrived at the spot where the artillery was 
stationed, upon which they immediately made a charge, and drove 
the artillerymen from their cannon. In this situation they were 
found by General Chandler, who, advancing to the centre to give 
orders, was immediately taken prisoner. 

The same fate unfortunately attended General Winder. Having 
discovered some confusion in the centre, he hastened forward to 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS, 295 

ascertain the cause ; and, in a few moments, found himself in tlie 
hands of the enemy. Satisfied with the capture of these officers, 
and part of the artillery, they now retreated in haste, and when the 
day dawned, w^ere out of sight. Although they partially succeeded 
in surprising the American camp, the consequences, had they been 
properly pursued, would have been highly disastrous to them. The 
capture of the two commanders, and of four pieces of cannon, gave 
the affair the appearance of a victory, which was enhanced by the re- 
treat of the American army on the next day ten miles from the field of 
battle. The enemy, however, suffered severely from the fire of the 
artillery in the latter part of the engagement, and lost one hundred 
prisoners, chiefly of the forty-ninth regiment. Of the Americans, 
one hundred and fifty-four were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. 

On the 7th, the detachment which had fallen back to the Forty- 
mile Creek, was joined by a reinforcement of the sixth and fifteenth 
regiments, under Colonel Miller ; and the command was now taken 
by Major-general Lewis. On the succeeding day, the British 
squadron, under Sir James Yeo, appeared opposite to the encamp- 
ment, which had its right flank on the lake, and anchored within a 
mile of the shore. He attempted to burn the boats by which the 
baggage of the army was transported ; but was received so warmly, 
by a battery constructed by Captains Archer and Towson, that he 
at length desisted. A party of Indians now appeared on the left 
of the camp, and were soon dislodged by a detachment of the 
thirteenth regiment. Sir James Yeo, finding that he could make no 
impression upon the camp by this display, sent in a flag, demanding 
the surrender of the army. No reply was deemed necessary : and, 
in consequence of orders from General Dearborn, the army began 
its retreat to Fort George. The baggage and camp equipage were 
placed in the boats, twelve of which, unfortunately, were taken by 
an armed vessel of the enemy. The march of the army was ha- 
rassed by the hostile Indians, until its arrival within a short distance 
of Fort George. 

Soon after this event, a body of the enemy having been collected 
at the Beaver Dams, about eight miles from Queenstown, and seventeen 
from Fort George, Lieutenant-colonel Boerstler was detached with 
about five hundred men, with directions to attack and disperse them. 
He had proceeded about nine miles west of Queenstown, when he 
■was assailed from the adjoining woods by a large party of Indians. 
The infantry succeeded in dispersing them ; but they only retired 
to make the attack in another quarter. In the mean time, a rein- 
forcement of British regulars had arrived, and the detachment was 



296 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

compelled to retreat until they had gained an open ground. Here, 
Colonel Boerstler determined to make a stand, and despatched an 
express for a reinforcement. The enemy, however, continued to press 
on in considerable numbers. The Americans were forced to close 
column for the purpose of forcing their way, and continued the ac- 
tion until the ammunition of the artillery had been expended. In 
this situation, the enemy demanded their surrender ; and Colonel 
Boerstler, finding himself surrounded by Indians, regulars, and 
militia, resolved, on consultation with his officers, to capitulate. 
The troops were surrendered prisoners of war ; and the humiliating 
condition of laying down their arms at the head of the British 
column was prescribed. Much ill-treatment was experienced from 
the Indians by the unfortunate prisoners. Contrary to the articles 
of capitulation, the officers were plundered of their side-arms, and 
the soldiers of many of the most necessary articles of clothing. 
The loss sustained during the action is not known. 

While the greater part of the American army was thus occupied 
on the Canada frontier, the opportunity was seized by the enemy to 
make an attack upon the important post of Sackett's Harbour. At 
the departure of General Dearborn for York, he gave the command 
to Brigadier-general Brown, of the New York militia, although his 
term of service had expired. On the 27th of May, the enemy's 
squadron was discovered by Lieutenant Chauncey ; and notice being 
given at Sackett's Harbour, alarm-guns were fired for the purpose 
of bringing in the militia of the vicinity. By these and other 
means, a force of about one thousand men was collected, consisting 
of regulars, seamen, volunteers, and militia, the latter composing 
one-half of the amount. With this body. General Brown made all 
the arrangements for defence which the shortness of the time would 
allow. The militia and volunteers, under Colonel Mills, were posted 
behind a breastwork, hastily thrown up on a peninsula, at which it 
was supposed the enemy would land. The regulars, under Colonel 
Backus, formed a second line ; and Lieutenant Chauncey, with some 
seamen, was stationed at the Navy Point, with directions to destroy 
the buildings and stores, in case of the defeat of these troops. On 
the morning of the 29th, the enemy landed his whole force, which 
consisted of one thousand picked men, under Sir George Prevost, 
after a heavy fire from the battery on the peninsula, which occa- 
sioned some loss. This fire was, however, all the defence that the 
militia attempted. As soon as the enemy began to approach, they 
were seized by one of those panics to which all raw troops are sub- 
ject, and fled in haste and confusion. Colonel Mills, their com- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 297 

mander, in vain endeavoured to rally them ; in the attempt, he was 
mortally wounded. The enemy, having thus easily surmounted the 
first opposition, advanced toward the village, though checked for a 
time by a bold attack from a small party under Major Aspinwall, 
who were, however, soon compelled to retreat. About one hundred 
of the militia, rallied by General Brown, annoyed the enemy's left 
flanks ; and the regulars, under Colonel Backus, having also engaged 
him, a sharp conflict ensued. The Americans were at length com- 
pelled, by the force of numbers, to retire. In their retreat, they 
took possession of the houses in the vicinity, and poured upon the 
British column so destructive a fire, that it was found expedient to 
fall back. Perceiving the hesitation on the part of the enemy, 
General Brown had recourse to a stratagem, which soon converted 
their retreat into a precipitate flight. Collecting together a number 
of the militia who had so ingloriously fled, he formed and marched 
them silently through a wood, in the direction of the enemy's rear, 
but so as to be observed by him. Imagining that his retreat would 
be cut off", the latter re-embarked so rapidly as to leave most of his 
wounded, and some prisoners, behind. In his flight, he was not mo- 
lested by the American troops. 

The capture of Sackett's Harbour, had the enemy succeeded in 
effecting that object, would have been productive of the most dis- 
astrous consequences to the republic. Being the most convenient 
place of deposit, great quantities of military stores had been accu- 
mulated there, as well as the materials for the increase of the navy 
upon the lake. A new frigate was at the moment upon the stocks, 
besides several others in the harbour. Had these fallen into the 
hands of the enemy, his naval superiority would have been firmly 
established, and any further attempts of the American troops upon 
Canada for a time impeded. No event, therefore, of the campaign 
was of more manifest advantage than the repulse of the British 
troops on this expedition ; and the able dispositions, as well as patri- 
otic zeal of General Brown, acquired him deserved credit. In re- 
compense for his exertions on this occasion, he was shortly afterward 
appointed a brigadier in the regular army. 

The repulse of the combined force of the allies from Fort Meigs, 
of which we have already spoken, did not deter them from a renewal 
of the attempt. Early in the month of July, the Indians began to 
infest the vicinity of that post ; and occasional skirmishes took place 
between them and parties of the Americans. About the 20th of that 
month, a large body of British and Indians encamped below the 
fort. Information of the meditated attack was communicated to 



298 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

General Harrison, bj the commander, General Clay. General Har- 
rison accordingly made preparations for his relief; but before any 
reinforcement arrived, the enemy had abandoned the siege. On the 
28th, they embarked on board their vessels, and sailed round to 
Sandusky Bay, hoping to surprise the fort at that place. 

Fort Stephenson, the defence of which acquired for its commander 
so much renown, is situated on the river Sandusky, at about twenty 
miles distance from lake Erie. At this period, it was little more 
than a picketing, surrounded by a ditch six feet in depth and nine 
in width ; and had been considered by General Harrison as so unte- 
nable, that, previous to the attack on Fort Meigs, he had given 
directions to the commanding officer to retire on the approach of an 
enemy, and destroy the public stores. It was garrisoned by only one 
hundred and sixty men, regulars and volunteers, under the command 
of Major George Croghan. 

On the 29th of July, an express reached General Harrison, with 
intelligence of the retreat of the enemy from Fort Meigs, and of the 
strong presumptions that an attack would be made upon Sandusky. 
He immediately called a council of war ; and, by their advice, 
despatched an order to Major Croghan to abandon and set fire to the 
fort, and repair with his command to head-quarters. The express 
did not reach Fort Stephenson until noon on the succeeding day; 
and the Indians having by that time surrounded the fort. Major 
Croghan did not think it advisable to comply with the order. 

On the 1st of August, the enemy's gun-boats appeared in sight; 
and their troops were shortly afterward landed, with a howitzer, 
about a mile below the fort. Previous to the commencement of the 
operations, an officer was despatched by the British commander, to 
demand the surrender of the garrison, to which a determined refusal 
was immediately returned by Major Croghan. The force of the 
enemy was supposed to consist of about five hundred regulars, and 
eight hundred Indians, the whole commanded by General Proctor. 
The enemy now opened a fire from the six-pounders in their gun- 
boats, as well as from the howitzer, which was continued during the 
night, with very little injury to the fort. The only piece of artillery 
in this post was a six-pounder, which was occasionally fired from 
difi"erent quarters, to impress the enemy with a belief that there 
were several. The fire of the assailants having been principally 
directed against the north-western angle of the fort, with the inten- 
tion, as it was supposed, of storming it from that quarter, the six- 
pounder was placed in such a position as to enfilade that angle, and 
masked so as to be unperceived. Th^ firing was continued during 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 299 

the next day, and until late in the evening; when, the smoke and 
darkness favouring the attempt, the enemy advanced to the assault. 
Two feints were made in the direction of the southern angle; and, at 
the same time, a column of about three hundred and fifty proceeded 
to the attack of that of the north-west. "When they arrived within 
twenty paces of this point, they were discovered, and a heavy fire of 
musketry opened upon them. The column, however, led by Colonel 
Short, continued to advance, and leaped into the ditch; but, at this 
moment, the embrasure was opened, and so well-directed and raking 
a fire was poured in upon them from the six-pounder, that their com- 
mander and many of the men were instantly killed ; and the re- 
mainder made a disorderly and hasty escape. A similar fate 
attended the other column, commanded by Colonel Warburton. 
They were received, on their approach, by so heavy a fire, that they 
broke, and took refuge in an adjoining wood. This affair cost the 
enemy twenty-five privates killed, besides a lieutenant, and the leader 
of the column. Colonel Short. Twenty-six prisoners were taken, and 
the total loss, including the wounded, was supposed to be about one 
hundred and fifty. The scene which followed the attack reflected 
the greatest credit on the Americans. Numbers of the enemy's 
wounded were left lying in the ditch, to whom water and other 
necessaries were conveyed by the garrison, during the night, at the 
risk of their own safety. A communication was cut under the pick- 
eting, through which many were enabled to crawl into the fort, where 
surgical aid, and all that the most liberal generosity could dictate, 
was administered to them. 

About three o'clock in the morning, after their repulse, the enemy 
commenced a precipitate retreat, leaving behind them many valuable 
military articles. The defence of Fort Stephenson, achieved as it 
was by a youth scarcely arrived at manhood, against a foe dis- 
tinguished for his skill and bravery, and that too with so small 
means of defence at the time subsisting, was certainly one of the 
most brilliant achievements of the war. The news of the repulse of 
the enemy was received with great exultation throughout the Union. 
Major Croghan was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and, 
together with his brave companions, received the thanks of Congress. 

The invasion of the State of Ohio having been communicated to 
Governor Meigs, he immediately called out the whole body of the 
militia of the State. Great numbers accordingly repaired to Gene- 
ral Harrison's camp ; but the siege of Forts Meigs and Stephenson 
having been raised, he was compelled to disband them, with the ex- 
ception of about one thousand men. This proceeding occasioned 



300 LIVES OF THE rKESTCEXTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

great discontent on the part of the volunteers, and equal regret to 
General Harrison. 

The whole regular force of the north-western army, in the month 
of July, did not exceed two thousand men. On the 20th of that 
month, he received authority from the war department to call out 
such of the militia of the adjoining States as might be necessary to 
complete the intended army. He accordingly wrote instantly to 
Governor Shelby, of Kentucky, requesting a draft, not to exceed two 
thousand men, from that State. The latter officer, however, being 
of opinion that the foot soldiers could not be marched in time for 
the purposes of General Harrison, took upon himself the responsi- 
bility of departing somewhat from his directions. On the 31st of 
July, he issued a proclamation to the militia of Kentucky, calling 
upon them to furnish a body of mounted volunteers, to meet him at 
Newport, on the 31st of August, and promising to lead them himself 
against the enemy. 

Such was the unabated ardour of this impetuous and patriotic 
people, that more than the number required was soon obtained. 
The regiment of mounted volunteers, under Colonel Johnson, which 
had been in a great measure disbanded, was now reorganized, and 
filled up with so much eagerness, that many of the companies con- 
tained more than the complement of privates allotted by law. When 
the recruiting was completed, the regiment was stationed in the 
vicinity of Dayton, where it was diligently trained by its field- 
officers ; and new manoeuvres, adapted to the species of enemy they 
had to contend with, were introduced and inculcated. 

The remainder of the Kentucky volunteers assembled at Newport, 
in conformity with their orders, on the 31st of August ; and, on the 
succeeding day, crossed the Ohio, to the number of about three 
thousand five hundred men. At their head was the venerable and 
patriotic Governor Shelby, who commanded them in chief. Under 
him were Major-generals Henry and Desha, five brigadiers, and 
eleven colonels. This formidable force arrived, on the 12th of Sep- 
tember, at Upper Sandusky. Here the governor received directions 
from General Harrison, who was at the Seneca camp, to proceed 
immediately to Lower Sandusky with his army, in order to be in 
readiness for embarkation, in case of a successful issue of the con- 
flict which it was supposed had taken place on Lake Erie. 

Early in the spring of this year, the attention of the national 
government had been seriously directed toward the important object 
of the command on this lake. The earnest representations of General 
Harrison had awakened the administration to a proper sense of the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 301 

necessity of this measure; and great exertions were accordingly 
made to obtain a force competent to engage the enemy. In the 
month of March, two brigs and several schooners were commenced, 
at the port of Erie, under the directions of Captain Oliver Hazard 
Perry. The building of these vessels was continued with all possible 
rapidity, and without molestation from the enemy, until the 20th of 
July, when the British squadron appeared off Erie, with the apparent 
intention of attacking the town. The militia of the vicinity were 
hastily assembled, in addition to the force already provided for its 
defence ; but the enemy soon afterward retired, without having made 
any attempt. On the 2d of August, the equipment of the vessels 
being completed, they were launched ; and, on the two succeeding 
days, they were buoyed over the bar, at the mouth of the harbour, in 
face of the enemy's squadron, without any molestation on their part. 
The latter, finding the force of the Americans superior, returned to 
Maiden, to await, the completion of a large ship which was then 
building. Commodore Perry, having now received an expected re- 
inforcement of seamen, and being joined by a company of infantry 
and some volunteers, acting as marines, sailed in quest of the 
enemy's squadron, which he found lying in the harbour of Maiden, 
augmented by a new vessel, called the Detroit, their force being thus 
superior to that of the Americans. Finding the enemy, however, 
unwilling to venture out, the American commander returned to Put- 
in-bay, in Bass island. 

On the morning of the 10th of September, while the squadron 
was lying in this harbour, the enemy's vessels were discovered stand- 
ing out of the port of Maiden, with the wind in their favour. The 
American fleet immediately weighed anchor, and fortunately got 
clear of the islands near the head of the lake, before the enemy 
approached. At ten o'clock, the wind changed, so as to give the 
former the weather-gage. Commodore Perry then formed his line 
of battle, and at a few minutes before twelve the action commenced. 
The fire from the enemy's long guns proving very destructive to the 
Lawrence, the flag-ship of the squadron, she bore up, for the pur- 
pose of closing with her opponents, and made signals to the other 
vessels to support her. The wind, however, being very light, and 
the fire of the enemy well directed, she soon became altogether un- 
manageable ; she sustained the action, nevertheless, for upward of 
two hours, until all her guns were disabled, and most of the crew 
either killed or wounded. 

In this situation of affairs, the American commodore, with singular 
presence of mind, and a gnllantry rarely equalled, and never ex- 



302 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-rRESIDENTS, 

ceeded, resolved upon a step which decided the fortune of the day. 
Leaving his ship, the Lawrence, in charge of a lieutenant, he passed 
in an open boat, under a heavy fire of musketry, to the Niagara, 
which a fortunate increase of wind had enabled her commander. 
Captain Elliott, to bring up. The latter officer now volunteered to 
lead the smaller vessels into close action ; while Commodore Perry, 
with the Niagara, bore up, and passed through the enemy's line, 
pouring a destructive fire into their vessels. The smaller American 
vessels having soon afterwafd got within a suitable distance, opened 
a well-directed fire upon their opponents ; and, after a short but 
severe contest, the whole of the British squadron struck their colours 
to the republican vessels. The Lawrence, whose flag had been 
struck soon after the American commodore left her, had been enabled 
again to hoist it, previous to the conclusion of the contest, the enemy 
not having it in his power to take possession of her. Thus termi- 
nated an engagement which will be long memorable in the annals of 
the republic, both as being the first victory of a squadron of its 
vessels over one of an enemy, and as being among the most brilliant 
and decisive triumphs ever recorded in the annals of naval warfare. 

The intelligence of this important victory produced, as may be 
supposed, sensations of the greatest joy in the camps of Governor 
Shelby and General Harrison. The latter immediately proceeded to 
Lower Sandusky, having issued orders for the movement of the 
troops and the military stores to the margin of the lake, preparatory 
to embarkation. Governor Shelby's command also reached that 
place on the 16th of September, after a difficult and forced march. 
The squadron having arrived there on the 14th, the prisoners cap- 
tured in the engagement, to the number of three hundred, Avere 
landed, and soon afterward marched into the interior. 

It Avas now resolved that the whole army, with the exception of 
Colonel Johnson's mounted regiment, which was to proceed from Fort 
Meigs by the way of Detroit, and a small body left to guard the 
horses, should be embarked on board the squadron, by which they 
were to be conveyed to the enemy's shore. From the 16th to the 
26th, the troops were occupied in preparations for this movement. 
On the 27th, the whole army was embarked, and, at three in the 
afternoon, landed on the shore of Canada. The line of march was 
immediately formed, and in a few hours the American flag was 
hoisted in the town of Maiden. 

Immediately after receiving intelligence of the capture of his fleet, 
General Proctor made preparations for a retreat from his post at 
Maiden, the information he had received of the numbers of General 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 303 

Harrison's array being greatly exaggerated. Having destroyed the 
fort and public stores, the town was finally abandoned on the day 
preceding the arrival of the American army. The whole of the 
British force, consisting of about seven hundred regulars and one 
thousand Indians, independent of the militia, then retired along the 
rivers Detroit and Thames. 

On the 28th, the American army moved forward, and, on the next 
day, took possession of Sandwich, without any obstruction from the 
enemy. The mounted regiment, under Colonel Johnson, joined the 
army on the 1st of October, and it was then determined by General 
Harrison and Governor Shelby, to pursue the enemy without delay. 
Leaving, therefore, a strong detachment, under General McArthur, 
to keep the Indians in check, the remainder marched at sunrise on 
the 2d, to the number of about three thousand five hundred men, 
consisting of about one hundred and forty regulars. Colonel John- 
son's mounted regiment, and part of Governor Shelby's volunteers. 
On the first day, they encamped at a distance of twenty-five miles ; 
and, early on the next, arrived at the river Thames, where a party 
of the enemy were captured, in the act of destroying the bridge over 
a creek in the vicinity. On the 4th of October, a skirmish took 
place between the advanced guard and a party of Indians, at the 
passage of the fork of the river. The latter were, however, speedily 
dispersed, by the arrival of the "main body, with the two six- 
pounders. A large quantity of arms and public stores was here 
captured by the army. On the morning of the 5th, they marched 
at an early hour ; and, about noon, information was received that the 
enemy was lying at a short distance, awaiting the attack. Colonel 
Johnson was then sent forward to reconnoitre, and the troops were 
prepared for action. 

The allied army was drawn up across a narrow isthmus, covered 
with beech-trees, and formed by the river Thames on the left, and a 
swamp running parallel to the river on the right. The regulars 
were posted with their left on the river, supported by the artillery; 
while the Indians, under Tecumseh, were placed in a dense wood, 
with their right on a morass. In the order in which the American 
army was originally formed, the regulars and volunteer infantry 
were drawn up in three lines, in front of the British force ; while 
the mounted volunteers were posted opposite to the Indians, with 
directions to turn their right flank. It was soon perceived, however, 
that the nature of the ground on the enemy's right would prevent 
this operation from being attempted with any prospect of success. 
General Harrison therefore determined to change his plan of attack. 



304 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Finding that the enemy's regulars were drawn up in open order, he 
conceived the bold idea of breaking their ranks, bj a charge of part 
of the mounted infantry. They were accordingly formed in four 
columns of double files, with their right in a great measure out of 
the reach of the British artillery. In this order they advanced upon 
the enemy, receiving a fire from the British lines, from which their 
horses at first recoiled. Recovering themselves, however, the column 
continued to advance with such ardent impetuosity, that both the 
British lines were immediately broken. Wheeling, then, on the 
enemy's rear, they poured a destructive fire into his ranks ; and in a 
few minutes the whole British force, to the number of about eight 
hundred men, threw down their arms, and surrendered to the first 
battalion of the mounted regiment, the infantry not having arrived 
in time to share the honour. Their commander, General Proctor, 
however, escaped with a small party of dragoons. 

In the mean time, a more obstinate and protracted conflict had 
been waged with the Indians on the left. The second battalion of 
the mounted volunteers, under the immediate command of Colonel 
Johnson, having advanced to the attack, was received with a very 
destructive fire ; and the ground being unfavourable for the opera- 
tions of horse, they were dismounted, and the line again formed on 
foot. Here the conflict was long and sanguinary. The Indians 
stood their ground bravely until their great chief, Tecumseh, fell, 
when they broke and fled in every direction. 

The trophies acquired by this victory were of the most gratifying 
nature. Besides a great quantity of small arms and stores, six pieces 
of brass artillery were captured, three of which had been taken during 
the Revolution, at Saratoga and Yorktown ; and were part of the 
fruits of General Hull's surrender. The prisoners amounted to about 
six hundred, including twenty-five ofiicers, and were chiefly of the 
forty-first regiment. Of the Americans, seven were killed and 
twenty-two wounded; and of the British troops, twelve were killed 
and twenty-two wounded. The Indians, however, sufi'ered far more 
severely. The loss of thirty of their number killed was trifling, in 
comparison with that sustained by the death of Tecumseh, their cele- 
brated leader. His intelligence and bravery were no less conspicu- 
ous on this occasion than in the preceding part of the war. He was 
seen in the thickest press of the conflict, encouraging his brethren 
by his personal exertions ; and, at the conclusion of the contest, his 
body was found on the spot where he had resisted the charge of the 
mounted regiment. His death had inflicted a decisive stroke on the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 305 

confederacy of the savages, from which it never recovered, and de- 
prived the British troops of a most active and efficient auxiliary. 

The consequences of this victory upon the interests of the Indian 
tribes were soon perceived. Being cut off from their communications 
with the British posts in Canada, many of them sent deputations to 
General Harrison to sue for peace. Previous to the engagement on 
the Thames, an armistice had been concluded with the Ottowas and 
Chippewas, on condition of their raising the tomahawk against the 
British ; and soon afterward the Miamis and Potawatamies submitted 
on the same terms. 

The object of the expedition having been accomplished by the 
capture of the British army, the troops commenced their march for 
Detroit on the 7th. They arrived at Sandwich on the 10th, and soon 
afterward the Kentucky infantry returned home, and were discharged 
at Limestone on the 4th of November, after having received the 
thanks of General Harrison for their exemplary conduct during the 
campaign. 

For a considerable period after the resignation of General Dear- 
born, the army of the centre lay inactive at Fort George, its com- 
mander being restricted from engaging in offensive operations. In 
the mean time, a new selection of officers had been made by the 
government, to supply the vacant commands. Major-generals Wil- 
kinson and Hampton, both of whom had served in the war of the 
Revolution, were called from their stations in the Southern section 
of the United States to the northern frontier. To the former was 
given the chief command of the forces destined for the invasion of 
Canada, and particularly of those on the Niagara. General Hamp- 
ton was assigned to the Northern army, then encamped at Platts- 
burg, which it was supposed would amount to about four thousand, 
all regular troops. 

It was now determined by the administration, that the detach- 
ments on the Ontario frontier should be concentrated in one spot, 
with a view to active operations by a powerful force. Two objects 
presented themselves, as worthy of the exertions of the army. The 
one was the capture of Kingston, a post of equal, and indeed greater 
importance to the enemy, than that of Sackett's Harbour to the 
Americans. The other was a movement past Kingston, and down 
the St. Lawrence, with the design of uniting with the army under 
General Hampton, and marching against Montreal. It was finally 
resolved, that the troops should be concentrated at Sackett's Har- 
bour, and the choice of the two plans left to the commanding general. 

Having made the necessary arrangements with the government 

20 



306 LIVES OF THE TRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

on this subject, General Wilkinson arrived at Sackett's Harbour, on 
the 20th of August ; and, shortly afterward, proceeded to Fort 
George, where he took command of the troops, amounting to about 
three thousand five hundred men. A considerable period was em- 
ployed in collecting and equipping the scattered detachments of the 
array; and it was determined that they should be concentrated upon 
Grenadier Island, a position between Sackett's Harbour and Kings- 
ton, and contiguous to the St. Lawrence. The secretary of war 
having, in the mean time, arrived at Sackett's Harbour, for the pur- 
pose of superintending the operations of the campaign, the plan of 
attack was, after considerable deliberation, definitively settled. It 
was determined that the army should fall down the St. Lawrence in 
boats ; that it should be joined by the force under General Hampton, 
at the most convenient point of junction, and should thence proceed 
to the attack of Montreal, which, at that period, was supposed to be 
garrisoned by a very small force. The advanced stage of the season, 
when the plan was undertaken, rendered it necessary that the greatest 
expedition should be used. Such, however, were the difiiculties at- 
tending the concentration of the troops, that it was not until the 
23d of October that a sufiicient force was collected to justify a move- 
ment. The army, thus assembled, consisted of about seven thousand 
men, and was composed of a regiment of light artillery, parts of the 
first and second regiments of artillery, eleven regiments of infantry, 
and a body of riflemen. The force of the enemy, at Kingston, was 
supposed to amount to about four thousand men, he having collected 
his detachments from the peninsula, on the supposition of an attack 
bei-hg meditated on that place. To continue the idea, and prevent 
preparations being made below. General Wilkinson appointed French 
Creek, a post on the St. Lawrence, convenient for the attack on 
Kingston, as the place of rendezvous for the army. To this spot, 
therefore, the advance of the army, under the command of Brigadier- 
general Brown was despatched, with the artillery and ordnance stores. 
On the 1st of November, an attack was made on this body, by a 
squadron of the enemy's small vessels. Their fire was, however, 
returned with so much spirit, by a battery of three eighteen pounders, 
erected by Captain McPherson, that they drew off. The attack was 
renewed on the next day, with no better success ; and, on the 3d, the 
rear of the army, with the commanding general, joined the advance. 
Every thing being now in readiness, the whole flotilla got under 
way on the 5th, and proceeded down the river. On the succeeding 
day, it advanced to within three miles of a fort on the enemy's bank 
at Prescott. Here, the ammunition, and the greater part of the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 307 

men were landed, and directed to march, under cover of the night, 
to a bay, about two miles below Prescott, where it was to be joined 
by the flotilla. A heavy fog arising in the evening, an attempt was 
made to pass the batteries : but, a fire being opened by the enemy, 
the flotilla was halted until the night had further advanced, when 
the passage was finally effected, without any injury to the boats : 
and they arrived at the place of rendezvous at ten o'clock on the suc- 
ceeding day. Orders were sent from this place to General Hampton, 
to advance with his division, to form a junction with the main body. 

It began now to be perceived that the descent of the St. Law- 
rence could not be eifected with the ease anticipated. At every 
narrow pass of the river, bodies of musketeers and of artillery were 
stationed; and intelligence was soon received, that the enemy, re- 
lieved of his fears for the safety of Kingston, had despatched a force 
of about fifteen hundred men, and a squadron of armed vessels, to 
harass the rear. 

To remove the obstructions in front. Colonel Macomb was landed, 
with the elite corps of twelve hundred men, on the 7th; and suc- 
ceeded in routing a party at a block-house, about two miles below. 
On the next day, the advance was reinforced by the brigade of Gene- 
ral Brown, together with some light artillery and cavalry, and placed 
under the command of that officer. A long and dangerous rapid was 
now approached: and orders were given to Generals Brown and 
Boyd, the latter of whom commanded the rear guard on the Canada 
shore, to take the necessary precautions to prevent an attack from 
the enemy while in this situation. General Brown, accordingly, 
marched on the morning of the 10th, and was soon engaged with a 
party of the enemy in front, while an attack was made on the rear 
of the flotilla by a number of gunboats. Unable to resist the fire 
of these vessels with his slender boats. General Wilkinson ordered 
a battery of eighteen pounders to be erected, which soon obliged the 
enemy to retire. On the 11th, information was received from Gene- 
ral Brown, that he had repulsed the force opposed to him, and had 
taken a position at the foot of the rapid. It was determined, there- 
fore, to attempt the passage of the rapid, and orders were given to 
General Boyd, to commence his march with the rear detachment. 
At this moment, a fire was opened from the gunboats, and intelli- 
gence was received from General Boyd, that the enemy was advanc- 
ing to assail him. He was immediately directed to anticipate the 
attack, by moving against the enemy with the whole of his detach- 
ment and endeavouring to outflank him. The action accordingly 
commenced by a charge upon a party of the enemy posted in a 



308 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

wood, who, after a short skirmish, were driven out on their main 
body. The latter was advantageously posted behind the deep 
ravines which intersected the plain. General Covington now ad- 
vanced upon the right of the enemy with his brigade, while Colonel 
Ripley assailed his left flank, with the twenty-first regiment, after 
having driven back with the bayonet a superior number opposed to 
him. The contest now became general throughout the line; but the 
unfortunate fall of General Covington, who was killed while gallantly 
leading his brigade to the charge, and the want of ammunition, 
caused that part of the American army to retire. The artillery also, 
having expended its ammunition, was compelled to fall back ; and, 
in its retreat, one piece was captured by the enemy, in consequence 
of the difficulty of the ground over which it had to pass. After a 
contest of two hours, with alternate success on either side, the whole 
of the Americans engaged, retired, and reoccupied the ground from 
which the enemy had been originally driven, while the latter drew 
off to his camp. Soon afterward, the American infantry were em- 
barked on board the flotilla, while the dragoons and light artillery 
proceeded by land to the foot of the rapid. 

On the following day, the flotilla again sailed, and having passed 
the rapid without loss, arrived, in the course of the morning, at a 
place called Barnhart's, near St. Regis, where it joined the advance 
under General Brown. At this latter place, it was expected that 
the troops under General Hampton would have been found, in con- 
formity to the orders despatched by General Wilkinson on the 6th. 
To the surprise and regret, however, of the army, a messenger was 
met here from General Hampton, conveying information, that in con- 
sequence of the state of the roads and the scantiness of his pro- 
visions, he was unable to attempt the expected movement. A council 
of war was immediately called, composed of the chief officers of the 
army, who gave it as their unanimous opinion that it would be unad- 
visable to make any attempt upon Montreal during that season. The 
army accordingly evacuated the Canadian territory, and soon after- 
ward went into winter quarters at French Mills, a post on the Salmon 
river, in the vicinity of St. Regis. 

In the mean time, the Northern army, under General Hampton, 
had not been idle, although its operations were attended with little 
more success than those of General Wilkinson. It was, as we have 
seen, part of the plan of the campaign, that a demonstration should 
be made toward Montreal by that division, during the movements on 
the Ontario frontier. Accordingly, in the month of September, 
General Hampton moved from Plattsburg toward the lines of Canada, 



AND OF MEMBFRS OF THE CABINETS. 809 

which he crossed on the 21st of October. The enemy, however, 
anticipating the movement, had taken every precaution against his 
advance, by felling timber across the roads, destroying the bridges, 
and devastating the country. The route of the army lay down the 
banks of theChateaugay river; and, on the 22d, it succeeded in pass- 
ing through the woody, and reaching the open, country. Beyond 
this, at the distance of seven miles, the enemy was intrenched, in 
force, behind a succession of wooden breastworks, having the Indians 
and light corps in front. From this post, it was deemed necessary 
to dislodge him. Colonel Purdy was therefore detached on tlie 25th, 
with the first brigade, to fall on his rear, while the remainder of the 
army attacked him in front. Owing to the ignorance of the guides, 
however, who accompanied the first brigade, it was not able to reach 
the point of attack, and being assailed by a party of the enemy, it 
effected its retreat, with considerable loss, to the main body. The 
second brigade, under General Izard, had, in the mean time, driven 
the enemy's advanced line behind its intrenchments ; but, finding 
that Colonel Purdy's command was not able to co-operate, it also 
retired. The endeavour to force the enemy's line of defence having 
thus failed, and no advices being received of the situation of the 
Ontario division, it was determined by a council to be advisable to 
return to Chateaugay, in order to secure the communication with the 
United States. The army accordingly fell back on the 27th, to the 
Four Corners, a post within the American lines. 

The contest for superiority on Lake Ontario, during the fall of 
this year, was, as heretofore, calculated more to exhibit the skill and 
seamanship than the valour of the officers. The prudent caution of 
the British commodore induced him to avoid a general action, the 
result of which might have been so disadvantageous to the interests 
of his country, while the eiForts of Commodore Chauncey to bring on 
an engagement were generally crippled by the inferior sailing of 
his small vessels. On the 5th of October, however, after a fruitless 
chase of the British squadron, he succeeded in capturing five of the 
enemy's transport vessels, containing about three hundred officers 
and privates of the regular army. 

After the departure of Generals Wilkinson and Boyd, from Fort 
George, the command of that post devolved upon Brigadier-general 
McClure, of the New York militia. His force, at the time, con- 
sisted almost entirely of militia, whose term of service expired in the 
early part of December ; and, on the 10th of that month, only one 
hundred men were left to defend the fort : it was accordingly re- 
solved, by the chief officers, that it was necessary to abandon the 



310 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

place, it being no longer tenable. If the American officer had con- 
fined himself to the destruction of the fort and the public property 
of the enemy, his acts would have received the approbation of the 
community in general. He unfortunately, however, considered him- 
self under the necessity of committing to the flames the peaceful and 
flourishing village of Newark, adjoining to the fort, and thus involv- 
ing in ruin many innocent families. 

On the 19th of December, at four in the morning, the enemy 
crossed the river in great force, and surprised the garrison of Fort 
Niagara. The troops, to the number of about three hundred, con- 
sisting chiefly of invalids, were massacred almost without resistance. 
The few who escaped the sword of the enemy, retired to a block- 
house, where they were soon afterward compelled to surrender. On 
the same day, the enemy, accompanied by a considerable force of 
Indians, attacked and defeated a body of militia, stationed on the 
heights of Lewistown ; burnt the village of that name, together with 
that of Manchester, Youngstown, and the Indian settlement of Tus- 
caroras ; and, having put many of the unoflfending inhabitants to the 
sword, returned to Canada. 

This scene of ruin and devastation did not, it appears, satisfy the 
British commander. On the 30th of the same month, a party of 
regulars, militia, and Indians, to the number of about seven hundred, 
landed at Black Rock, and proceeded to the town of Buffalo, to de- 
fend which, a body of militia, amounting to upward of twenty-five 
hundred, were drawn up. To the lasting disgrace of these men, how- 
ever, they all, except a very small number, fled on the approach of 
the enemy, without firing a musket. The village was in consequence 
soon taken, and reduced to ashes. 

At sea, the Americans continued successful during the year 1813, 
suffering but two defeats, while they gained a considerable number 
of brilliant victories. On the 29th of February, the United States 
ship Hornet, Captain James Lawrence, fell in with and captured the 
British sloop-of-war Peacock, Captain Peake. The action lasted but 
fifteen minutes. The Peacock sank soon after the action, carrying 
down thirteen of her own crew, and three of the Hornet's. Captain 
Lawrence was now transferred to the command of the frigate Chesa- 
peake, then lying in Boston harbour. On the 1st of June, Captain 
Broke, of the British frigate Shannon, sent a challenge to Captain 
Lawrence. The Chesapeake was not prepared for battle, but the 
gallant Lawrence, considered himself bound in honour to accept the 
challenge. A furious engagement followed, but it was short. Cap- 
tain Lawrence was mortally wounded, and nearly every officer on 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 311 

board the Chesapeake "was either killed or disabled. The British 
themselves pulled down her colours, as Lawrence to the last ex- 
claimed, "Don't give up the ship!" The loss of the Americans in 
this action was seventy killed and sixty-three wounded ; that of the 
British, twenty-four killed, and fifty-six wounded. The fate of the 
heroic Lawrence caused a deep sensation of grief in the United 
States, and he was buried at Halifax by the British with every mark 
of honourable distinction. Another naval disaster soon followed the 
loss of the Chesapeake. On the 14th of August, the United States 
sloop-of-war Argus, Captain William Allen, which had inflicted ex- 
tensive depredations upon British commerce, was captured in St. 
George's Channel, by the British sloop-of-war Pelican, Captain Ma- 
ples. On the 4th of September, the United States brig Enterprise, 
Lieutenant Burrows, fell in with the British brig Boxer, Captain 
Blythe. In the fierce engagement which ensued, both commanders 
were mortally wounded. Lieutenant McCall, of the Enterprise, com- 
pelled the enemy to strike their colours. The bodies of both com- 
manders were buried, with the honours of war, at Portland. The 
cruisers and privateers of the United States inflicted an immense 
amount of damage upon the British commerce. 

In the summer of this year, a sanguinary Indian war broke out 
upon the frontiers of Tennessee and Georgia. Fired by the elo- 
quence of Tecumseh, the Creeks, a powerful tribe, concerted a 
general plan of hostilities, under the lead of a brave and talented 
chief named Weatherford. On the last day of August, that chief 
surprised Fort Minims, on the frontier of Georgia, and massacred 
every person found there. The governments of" Tennessee and 
Georgia immediately adopted measures for a vigourous campaign 
against the Creeks. General Jackson was accordingly ordered to 
draft and assemble at Fayetteville two thousand of the militia and 
volunteers of his division, and Colonel Coff"ee was directed to proceed, 
with five hundred mounted men, to the frontier of the State. The 
former, having collected a part of his force, moved on immediately, 
and joined Colonel Cofi"ee, on the 12th of October, at Ditto's landing, 
on the Tennessee. From this place they marched to the Ten Islands, 
on the Coosa, after sufi'ering severely from the want of provisions, 
arising from the ill-management of the contractors. A few days 
afterward. General Cofibe was detached, with nine hundred men, to 
attack and disperse a body of the enemy posted at Tallushatchee, 
about thirteen miles distant. Early on the succeeding morning, he 
arrived within a short distance of the town, and, dividing his force 
into two columns, completely surrounded it. The Indians, perceiving 



312 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the approach of a company of spies, sent to draw them into the field, 
made a furious charge, and drove them upon the main body. The 
latter, in their turn, compelled the enemy to fall back, and take 
refuge in their town, where they maintained, for a long time, a des- 
perate conflict, neither asking nor receiving quarter, until nearly 
every warrior perished. The wounded survivors, and a number of 
women and children, were taken prisoners. One hundred and 
eighty-six of the enemy were killed, among whom were unfortunately 
some women and children, who are represented to have lost their 
lives in consequence of being mingled with the warriors. Of General 
Coff"ee's force, five were killed, and forty wounded. The detach- 
ment rejoined the main body on the evening of the same day. 

Having received information, soon after this event, that the enemy 
had invested a fort of the friendly Indians, at Talladega, about 
thirty miles distant. General Jackson determined to proceed with 
his whole army to its relief. His force now consisted of twelve hun- 
dred infantry, and eight hundred mounted cavalry and gun men; 
and, leaving behind the sick, the wounded, and the baggage, under 
a sufficient guard, he commenced his march at midnight of the 7th 
of December, the day on which he received the information. Such 
was the ardour of the troops, and the skill and resolution of their 
commander, that, notwithstanding a detention of many hours in 
crossing the river, and their fatigue and want of sleep, they arrived 
by the evening within six miles of the enemy. At five the next 
morning, the march was resumed, and at seven, the army having 
arrived at the distance of a mile from the Indians, General Jackson 
made his dispositions for the attack. The advance, under General 
Carroll, was directed to commence the action, and, having drawn the 
enemy out of their post, to fall back upon the main body. The 
mounted men were posted on the right and left, so as to be able to 
surround the enemy, while a corps of reserve, of two hundred and 
fifty cavalry, were posted in the rear of the centre. This plan 
would have fully succeeded, had it not been for the defection of a 
part of the infantry, who fled on the first approach of the enemy. 
The reserve, however, having been brought up, a sharp conflict 
ensued, which ended in the total overthrow of the enemy. The 
greater part of them escaped, in consequence of the investment not 
being complete. Three hundred warriors were left dead on the field, 
and many more were killed in the pursuit. Their whole force was 
supposed to have exceeded one thousand. Fifteen of the Americans 
were killed, and eighty wounded. The friendly Indians were thus 
relieved from their anxiety, and the opportunity might have been 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 313 

taken to follow up the blow, but for the want of provisions, and the 
situation of the posts in the rear. The American commander ac- 
cordingly commenced his return, on the succeeding day ; but, on his 
arrival at Fort Strother, at the Ten Islands, where a fort had been 
erected, he found, to his great mortification, that none of the 
expected supplies had arrived. In this situation, the army was soon 
reduced to great inconvenience : and the discontent arising there- 
from broke out into an open mutiny, which it required all the firm- 
ness and decision of their commander to suppress. Their dissatisfac- 
tion, and desire to return home, were, however, too deeply fixed to 
be shaken, although no means were left untried to induce them to 
remain at their posts. The drafted militia and the volunteers, 
formed each a brigade. To the officers of these corps, General 
Jackson earnestly remonstrated against the proposed return to the 
settlements; and promised that, if supplies did not arrive in two 
days, the whole force should be allowed to return. The volunteers 
were, notwithstanding, inflexible : and a great part of them were 
accordingly marched back to Fort Deposit. The militia, on the con- 
trary, were induced to remain ; but the two days having elapsed, 
that body also set out for Fort Deposit. On the road, however, the 
supplies were met, advancing to Fort Strother ; and the troops were 
ordered to return. Another mutiny again ensued, which was quelled 
by the general at the risk of his life, and they once more returned to 
their duty. Hardly had this body reached Fort Strother, before 
difficulties again arose on the part of the volunteers. Having mis- 
conceived the meaning of the act of Congress, under which they 
were received into the service of the United States, they claimed to 
be discharged on the 10th of December. To this. General Jackson 
opposed argument, remonstrance, and, at last was obliged to resort 
to force, as the only means of compelling them to the performance 
of their duty. Finding, however, that the discontent of this body 
was not to be altogether removed, he finally ordered them to be 
marched back to Nashville, to await the orders of the president. 

While this able commander was thus contending with the turbu- 
lence of these misguided men, the Indians were suffering, in another 
quarter, a full measure of retribution. General Cocke, who com- 
manded the detached militia of East Tennessee, had despatched 
General White, with a part of his force, against the towns of the 
Hillabee tribe. This unfortunate race, who had been the principal 
sufferers at the battle of Talladega, had applied to General Jackson 
for peace, offering to receive it on such terms as he should dictate. 
Ignorant of this proposal, General White proceeded to fulfil his in- 



314 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

structions ; and, having destroyed their town, and killed sixty of the 
warriors, he returned with about two hundred and fifty prisoners. 
About the same time, too, the Georgia militia, under General Floyd, 
obtained a signal victory over a body of the enemy, at the Autossee 
towns, on the Tallapoosa river. The Indians fought with a degree 
of bravery bordering upon desperation. The superior tactics of 
civilization, however, triumphed ; and, after a contest of three hours' 
duration, the enemy fled, with the loss of about two hundred killed, 
among whom two of their kings were included. Eleven of the 
Georgians were killed, and fifty wounded. 

The discontent^ and insubordination of General Jackson's army 
were not diminished by the discharge of the volunteers. Every 
accession of force appears to have been animated with the same spirit, 
or to have caught the baneful contagion. Many of the superior 
officers, regardless of their stations and characters, are represented 
to have given countenance to, or not sufficiently restrained, the 
riotous conduct of their men. The term of service of the militia, 
too, having now expired. General Jackson was soon afterward aban- 
doned by all but a small number, who had volunteered to remain. A 
reinforcement of about one thousand mounted volunteers, however, 
soon after arrived, who were engaged for sixty days only. They 
were placed under the command of General Coffee ; and General 
Jackson resolved to lead them immediately against the enemy. 
They accordingly marched on the 15th of January, and at Talladega 
were joined by about two hundred friendly Indians. At this place, 
General Jackson received advices from General Floyd, of a con- 
templated movement of his force, and determined to advance further 
into the Indian country, for the purpose of making a diversion in 
his favour. 

A considerable body of the enemy being posted at a bend of the 
Tallapoosa, near the mouth of a creek, called Emuckfaw, he resolved 
to proceed thither immediately. After a difficult march, he arrived, 
on the evening of the 21st, in the vicinity of the enemy, and en- 
camped in a hollow square. Hearing from his spies that the In- 
dians were apprized of his approach, and appeared meditating an 
attack, every preparation was made to receive them. At dawn the 
next morning, they commenced a furious onset on his left flank ; and, 
after a warm action of half an hour, were repulsed, and driven back 
about two miles. General Jackson now ordered General Coffee, with 
four hundred men, to reconnoitre the enemy's encampment, and to 
attack it, if he thought it advisable. 

That officer, however, finding the post too strong, returned to the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 315 

American encampment ; and, shortly afterward, a part of the enemy 
made a feint upon the right of the army, while the main body com- 
menced a furious assault upon the left. In the mean time, General 
Coffee was detached to turn their left flank. His force, which had 
been considerable at the outset, was reduced by the desertion of his 
men to about fifty, with whom, nevertheless, he succeeded in driving 
the enemy opposed to him into the marshes of the creek. In this 
situation, covered with reeds, they were secured from danger. Ge- 
neral Coffee, therefore, retired with the hope of drawing them out. 
In this design, he completely succeeded : the enemy advanced from 
their place of retreat, and a sharp contest ensued, which continued 
about an hour, when a reinforcement arriving from the main body 
of the Americans, the Indians fled with precipitation, pursued by 
the victors, and perished, it is supposed, to a man. 

In the mean time, the conflict on the right of the main body, had 
also eventuated in the success of the American arms. The enemy, 
posted behind logs and trees, had maintained a warm fire for some 
time, which was sustained by the Americans with great gallantry. 
A general charge was, however, soon ordered, which the Indians 
were unable to resist. They betook themselves to flight, and reached 
their fortified post with great loss. 

This well-fought battle was not gained without considerable loss to 
the victors. The wounded required care and attention, which they 
could not receive in that quarter : and the provisions began to grow 
scarce ; nor was there any prospect of a speedy supply. Influenced 
by these considerations. General Jackson determined to retrace his 
steps to the Ten Islands. Accordingly, on the succeeding morning, 
he commenced his march, and continued it without interruption, until 
evening, when he encamped on the south side of Enotichopco Creek. 
This stream being deep, and its banks rugged, and covered with 
reeds, there being also a narrow defile near the usual crossing-place, 
General Jackson, apprehensive of an attack in so unfavourable a 
situation, resolved to cross at a different ford. Having, by means of 
his pioneers, selected a suitable place, he moved the army in that 
direction, on the succeeding morning. The Indians, who had lain in 
the defile in great force, finding the route of the army changed, 
hastened to the new crossing, and arrived in time to make an attack 
upon a part of the rear guard, the advance and wounded having 
reached the opposite bank. Orders had previously been given by 
the commanding general for the rear guard, in case of an attack, to 
face about, and act as the advance, while the right and left columns 
should be so disposed as to cross the stream above and below, and 



316 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

thus encircle the enemy. Had these orders been obeyed in the same 
spirit in Avhich they were conceived, the complete destruction of the 
savages would have been inevitable. The rear guard, however, to 
the surprise and mortification of the general, precipitately fled into 
the creek, at the first fire, thus obstructing the passage by which the 
front division was to have recrossed. Not more than twenty remained 
to oppose the assault of the enemy ; by these, however, and by the 
gallant conduct of a company of artillery, the conflict was still main- 
tained. The latter hastily drew their piece of cannon to an eminence, 
from which they fired grape-shot with such effect, that after many 
ineffectual attempts to obtain possession of it, the Indians, who were 
now on the point of being assailed by a part of the main body, retired 
in confusion, and were pursued a considerable distance. Their loss, 
during the pursuit, was very great, while that of the Americans is 
represented to have been comparatively trifling. To the great ex- 
ertions of the company of artillery, the success of the Americans 
was mainly owing. The activity and energy of General Jackson, 
and the exertions of General Coftee, who, though suffering under the 
wounds he had received in the battle of the 22d, took an active part 
in the engagement, were eminently conspicuous. Captain Quarles, 
Lieutenant Armstrong, and several others of the company of artillery, 
were killed or wounded in this engagement. The repulse received 
by the enemy prevented any further molestation of the army, which 
reached Fort Strother on the 27th. 

In the mean time. General Floyd had been pursuing with success 
his separate plan of operations. On the 27th of January, before 
dawn, his camp was assailed with great violence by the enemy. A 
"warm and general action ensued, which ended in the flight of the 
savages, with the loss of thirty-seven killed, while that of the Ame- 
ricans was also considerable. 

Soon after the return of General Jackson to Fort Strother, the 
term of service of the volunteers expired, and they were discharged 
with honourable testimonies by their commander. To supply their 
places, a draft of twenty-five hundred militia was now made, for a 
tour of three months, and a regiment of regular infantry, six hundred 
strong, arrived at Fort Strother, on the 6th of February. The un- 
fortunate want of provisions, which had heretofore crippled the ope- 
rations of the army, still existed, and prevented the expected junction 
of the militia, at Fort Strother. Discontent again threatened to 
disgrace the army, and paralyze its energies; by the firmness and 
decision, however, of General Jackson, order was once more restored. 
By great exertions, he succeeded in obtaining the necessary supplies ; 



AND OF MEMBERS OF TPIE CABINETS. 317 

and, on the 14th of March, commenced another expedition against 
the enemy, which ended in the total overthrow and subjugation of 
this unfortunate nation. Having established a fort at Cedar Creek, 
he set out with the intention of attacking the encampment on the 
Tallapoosa, near New Youcka. This post, which it had been deemed 
most prudent to leave untouched on the former expeditions, was 
subsequently selected and fortified, with a degree of knowledge and 
skill uncommon among an uncivilized people. Surrounded almost 
entirely by the river, the only passage by which it was accessible was 
over a narrow neck of land, which had been fortified with the greatest 
care. A breastwork, from five to eight feet in height, formed of 
trunks of trees and timbers placed horizontally on each other, with 
only one place of entrance, and a double row of port-holes, served as 
the means by which this brave but deluded race hoped to resist the 
torrent which now threatened to overwhelm them. 

The force which General Jackson brought with him to this en- 
counter, was greater than any he had heretofore commanded. 
Although reduced by the detachments left behind for garrisons, it 
amounted to little less than three thousand men. At ten in the 
morning of the 27th of March, he reached the vicinity of Tohopeka. 
The enemy, aware of his approach, made every preparation in their 
power to receive him ; and arrayed their force, which was supposed 
to amount to about one thousand men, in the best manner for defence. 

General Jackson soon arranged his plan of attack. Having- 
despatched General Coffee, at the head of the mounted infantry and 
friendly Indians, with directions to gain the southern bank, and 
encircle the bend, he drew up the remainder of his forces in front of 
the breastwork. The cannon, directed by Major Bradford, were 
posted on an eminence, about two hundred yards from the enemy's 
line, while the musketry was placed nearer, to take advantage of the 
appearance of the enemy from their works. In this situation, the 
army lay for some minutes. At last, the signal being made that 
General Coffee had reached the opposite side of the river, the troops 
moved forward to the charge. They advanced to the breastwork 
with the utmost gallantry, and were received with equal coolness. 
For some moments, a most destructive contest was maintained at the 
port-holes ; at length, Major Montgomery, of the regulars, springing 
to the wall, called to his men to follow him. He was immediately 
killed ; but the ardour of the troops was not restrained by his fall. 
They scaled the ramparts with impetuosity, and in a short time drove 
their opponents into the brush, with which the peninsula was covered. 
From this they were again forced, and retreated to the southern 



318 LIVES OF THE PEESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

bank, where they found General Coflfee's command on the opposite 
shore. Driven now to desperation, by finding their retreat cut off, 
those who survived endeavoured to take refuge behind the lofty and 
precipitous bank of the river, from which they occasionally fired 
upon their conquerors. General Jackson, who saw that the victory 
was completely gained, sent a flag, with an interpreter, to summon 
them to a surrender. Either misunderstanding the nature of the 
proposal, or being determined to refuse quarter, they fired upon and 
wounded one of the party. The destruction which they appeared to 
seek, was now therefore accorded them. The trees and brush, in 
which they had concealed themselves, were set on fire, by means of 
torches, and they were thus exposed to the views of their assailants, 
by whom their numbers were soon materially thinned. This work 
of slaughter and misery continued until night. The few wretched 
survivors. were enabled, by the darkness, to make their escape. In 
the mean time. General Coffee's detachment, by making an attack 
upon the village, and diverting the attention of the enemy, had con- 
tributed materially to the success of the action. This victory, which 
in its consequences was final and decisive, gave a death-blow to the 
power and hopes of the Creeks. 

After this engagement, General Jackson returned with his victorious 
army to Fort Williams ; but, determined to give his enemy no oppor- 
tunity of retrieving the misfortune that had befallen him, he recom- 
menced operations immediately afterward. On the 7th of April, he 
again set out for Tallapoosa, with the view of forming a junction 
with the Georgia troops, under Colonel Milton, and completing the 
subjugation of the country. On the 14th of that month, the union 
of the two armies was effected, and both bodies moved to a place 
called the Hickory Ground, where it was expected, the last final 
stand would be made by the Indians, or terms of submission would 
be agreed on. The principal chiefs of the different tribes had 
assembled here, and, on the approach of the army, sent a deputation 
to treat for peace. Among them was Weatherford, celebrated equally 
for his talents and cruelty, who had directed the massacre at Fort 
Mimms. It had been the intention of General Jackson to inflict a 
signal punishment upon him, if ever in his power. Struck, however, 
with the bold and nervous eloquence of this fearless savage, and per- 
suaded of the sincerity of his wishes for peace, he dismissed him 
without injury. He shortly afterward became the instrument of re- 
storing peace, which was concluded by the total submission of the 
Indians. They agreed to retire in the rear of the army, and occupy 
the country to the east of the Coosa, while a line of American posts 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 319 

"was established from Tennessee and Georgia, to the Alabama, and 
the power and resources of these tribes were thus eifectuallj de- 
stroyed. 

Important political movements occurred in 1813. The Czar of 
Russia having oflFered his mediation between the United States and 
Great Britain, the president appointed Messrs. John Quincy Adams, 
Albert Gallatin, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, and Jonathan Rus- 
sell, commissioners to negotiate. They proceeded to Ghent, where 
they were met by the British commissioners, Lord Gambler, Henry 
Goulbourn, and William Adams. 

On account of the critical state of the country, an extra session 
of Congress had been called, and the members assembled on the 
24th of May, 1813. Their chief object was to replenish the trea- 
sury. A system of internal duties was agreed upon, and a loan of 
$7,500,000 was authorized. Bounties were offered for recruits to 
the army ; but little addition was made to the naval force. 

After the desolation of the Niagara frontier, in 1813, there 
appeared to be nothing for the parties to contend for in that quar- 
ter. No object could be obtained by a victory on either side, but 
the temporary occupation of a vacant territory ; yet both parties 
seemed to have selected this as the principal theatre on which to dis- 
play their military prowess in the year 1814. Lieutenant-general 
Drummond, governor of Upper Canada, concentrated the forces of 
that province at fort George, and retained the possession of Niagara. 
The American Generals Smyth, Hampton, Dearborn, and Wilkinson, 
under whose auspices the campaigns of 1812 and 1813, on the Ca- 
nada border, were conducted, had retired from that field; and 
General Brown was appointed major-general, and, with the assist- 
ance of Brigadiers Scott and Ripley, designated to the command 
of the Niagara frontier. He left Sackett's Harbour in May, with a 
large portion of the American troops, in consequence of which the 
important depots at that place and its vicinity were exposed to 
attacks from Kingston. On his arrival at Buffalo, calculating upon 
the co-operation of the Ontario fleet, he determined on an attempt 
to expel the British from the Niagara peninsula. With this view he 
crossed the river on the 3d of July, published a declaration addressed 
to the inhabitants of Upper Canada, stating that all whom he found 
engaged in the service of the enemy would be treated as foes ; those 
that remained at home, peaceably following their private occupations, 
would be treated as friends ; public property of every description 
would be seized and held at the disposal of the commanding general ; 



320 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

that private property would be held sacred, and any plunderer who 
should be found violating his orders in this respect should suffer 
death. 

On the same day he invested Fort Erie, and summoned it to sur- 
render, allowing the commandant two hours to answer the summons. 
At five in the afternoon, the fort surrendered, and the prisoners, 
amounting to one hundred and thirty-seven, were removed to 
Buffalo. 

On the morning of the 4th, General Scott advanced with his 
brigade and corps of artillery, and took a position on the Chippewa 
plain, half a mile in front of the village, his right resting on the 
river, and his front protected by a ravine. The British were en- 
camped in force at the village. In the evening. General Brown 
joined him with the reserve under General Ripley, and the artillery 
commanded by Major Hindman. General Porter arrived the next 
morning, with the New York and Pennsylvania volunteers, and a 
number of Indians of the Six Nations. Early in the morning of 
the 5th, the British commenced a firing on the pickets. Captain 
Trott, who commanded one of them, hastily retreated, leaving one 
of his men wounded on the ground. General Brown instantly 
ordered him to retire from the army, and directed Captain Biddle to 
assume the command of the picket, lead it back to the ground, and 
bring off the wounded man ; which he accomplished without loss. 

At four in the afternoon, General Porter advanced, taking the 
woods in order to conceal his approach, and in the hope of bringing 
their pickets and scouting parties between his line of march and the 
American camp. In half an hour his advance met the light parties 
of the British in the woods on the left. These were driven in, and 
Porter, advancing near Chippewa, met the whole British force ap- 
proaching in order of battle. General Scott, with his brigade and 
Towser's artillery, met them on the plain, in front of the American 
encampment, and was directly engaged in close action with the main 
body. General Porter's command gave way, and fled in every 
direction, by which Scott's left flank was entirely uncovered. Cap- 
tain Harris, with his dragoons, was ordered to stop the fugitives, at 
the ravine, and form them in front of the camp. The reserve were 
now ordered up, and General Ripley passed to the woods in left of 
the line to gain the rear of the enemy ; but, before this was effected, 
General Scott had compelled the British to retire. 

Their whole line now fell back, and were eagerly pursued by the 
Americans. As soon as they reached the sloping ground descending 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 321 

toward the village, their lines broke, and they regained their works 
in disorder. The American troops pursued until within reach of the 
guns from the works ; when they desisted, and returned to their 
camp. The British left two hundred dead on the ground, ninety- 
four wounded, besides those in the early part of the action, who were 
removed back to the camp, and fourteen prisoners. The American 
loss was sixty killed, and two hundred and sixty-eight wounded and 
missing. 

After the battle of Chippewa, the British retired to Fort G.eorge ; 
and General Brown took post at Queenstown, where he remained some 
time, expecting reinforcements and aid from Sackett's Harbour, and 
calculating that with them he should be able to dislodge the British, 
and obtain possession of the peninsula. 

On the 20th, General Brown advanced with his army toward Fort 
George, drove in the outposts, and encamped near the fort, in the 
expectation that the British would come out and give him battle. On 
the 22d, he returned to his former position at Queenstown ; here he 
received a letter from General Gaines, informing him that the heavy 
guns and the rifle regiment, which he had ordered from Sackett's 
Harbour, together with the whole fleet, were blockaded in that port, 
and no assistance was to be expected from them. On the 24th, he 
fell back to Chippewa, and, on the 25th, received intelligence that the 
enemy, having received large reinforcements from Kingston, were 
advancing upon him. The first brigade, under General Scott, 
Towser's artillery, and all the dragoons and mounted men, were im- 
mediately put in motion on the Queenstown road. 

Late in the afternoon. General Scott found himself in the presence 
of the whole British army drawn across Lundy's Lane, in the vicinity 
of the great cataract of Niagara. Undismayed, he commenced the 
attack with vigour, but sent information of his position to General 
Brown. The conflict raged with great fury. Brown arrived with 
reinforcements, and long after nightfall was the bloody struggle 
maintained. At length. Colonel Miller, under the orders of General 
Ripley, stormed a battery on an eminence, which was the key of 
the enemy's position. The battle then raged fiercely, but victory 
inclined to the side of the Americans, and at midnight the British 
retired from the conflict. 

On the morning of the 26th, Generals Ripley and Porter recon- 
noitered the battle ground, and found there parties of the British 
on the same errand. Neither Americans nor British appeared dis- 
posed to renew the bloody scenes of the preceding night. In their 

21 



322 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

official reports, both claimed the victory. But considering the num- 
ber and nature of American troops compared with the British, the 
honours of the day unquestionably belong to the former; the latter 
were the first to leave the field. From the reinforcements which 
they had recently received from Kingston, their army after the 
battle was evidently superior to the American ; and the latter under 
the command of General Ripley, on the 26th, fell back to Fort Erie. 
General Brown retired to Buffalo, and General Scott to Batavia, to 
recover from their wounds. 

As the Americans retired to Fort Erie, the British advanced and 
invested the fort, taking a position two miles distant in front, and 
separated from it by a wood. On the 12th of August, General Gaines 
detached Major Morgan with his corps, to cut off a working party of 
the British, engaged in clearing the woods and opening an avenue 
to the fort. Major Morgan was killed at the head of his detachment, 
and the party returned without effecting the object. The enemy 
succeeded in establishing their works within four hundred yards of 
the fort. On the evening of the 12th, they boarded and captured 
two schooners ; and on, the morning of the 13th, commenced, and 
continued during the whole of that and the next day, a brisk can- 
nonade, which was returned from the American batteries, but with- 
out any considerable effect on either side. The British, having 
received considerable reinforcements, were preparing for an assault. 
At sunset on the 14th, one of their shells lodged in a small magazine, 
which blew up, but without any injurious effects. It occasioned a 
momentary cessation of firing, and was immediately followed by a 
loud shout from the British troops, which was instantly answered by 
the Americans ; and Captain Williams, amid the smoke of the ex- 
plosion, renewed the contest by an animated discharge of the heavy 
artillery. 

General Gaines, expecting an assault in the course of the night, 
kept his men constantly at their posts. The night was dark, and 
the early part of it rainy; at two o'clock in the morning, the British 
columns, enveloped in darkness, were distinctly heard approaching 
the American lines. The infantry under Major Wood, and Captain 
Towson's artillery opened a brisk fire upon them. The sheet of fire 
from this corps enabled General Gaines to discover this column of 
the British, fifteen hundred strong, approaching the American left. 
The infantry were protected by a line of loose brush representing an 
abattis bordering on the river. The British, in attempting to pass 
round this, plunged into the water breast high. The commanding- 
general was about to order a detachment of riflemen to support 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 323 

Major Wood, but was assured by bim tbat be could maintain bis 
position witbout a reinforcement. Tbe British columns were twice 
repulsed, and soon afterward fled in confusion. On tbe rigbt, tbe 
lines were ligbted by a brilliant discbarge of musketry and cannon, 
wbicb announced tbe approacb of tbe centre and left columns of tbe 
enemy. Tbe latter met tbe veteran nintb regiment, and Burton's 
and Harding's companies of volunteers, aided by a six-pounder, and 
were repulsed. Tbe centre column, under Colonel Drummond, ap- 
proacbed at tbe same time tbe most assailable points of tbe fort, and 
witb scaling-ladders ascended tbe parapet, but were driven back with 
great carnage. Tbe assault was twice repeated, and as often check- 
ed. This column, concealed by the darkness of tbe night, and the 
clouds of smoke which rolled from tbe cannon and musketry, then 
passed round the ditch, repeated their charge, reascended their 
ladders, and with their pikes, bayonets, and spears, fell upon tbe 
artillerists. Most of the officers, and many of tbe men, received 
deadly wounds. Lieutenant McDonough, being severely wounded, 
and in the power of the enemy, surrendered and demanded quarter; 
Colonel Drummond, refusing it, drew a pistol and shot bim dead. 
In a moment afterward, as be was repeating tbe order to give no 
quarters, Colonel Drummond was shot through the heart. Tbe bas- 
tion was now in the possession of the British. The battle raged with 
increased fury on the right ; reinforcements were ordered and 
promptly furnished from Major Wood's corps on tbe left. Captain 
Fanning kept up a spirited and destructive fire from bis artillery on 
tbe enemy as they were approaching tbe fort. Majors Hindman and 
Trimble, failing to drive the British from tbe bastion, with the re- 
maining artillerists, and infantry, and Captain Birdsall's detachment 
of riflemen, rushed in through tbe gateway, to the assistance of tbe 
rigbt wing, and made a resolute charge. A detachment, under Major 
Hall, was introduced over the interior of the bastion, for the purpose 
of charging the British who still held possession, but the narrowness 
of the passage, admitting only two or three abreast, prevented its 
accomplishment, and they were obliged to retire. At this moment, 
every operation was arrested by the explosion of the principal maga- 
zine, containing a large quantity of catridges and powder, in the end 
of a stone building adjoining the contested bastion. Whether this 
was tbe efiect of accident or design, was not known. The explosion 
was tremendous, and its eflects decisive. Tbe British in possession 
of tbe bastion were destroyed in a moment. As soon as tbe tumult 
occasioned by tbat event had subsided. Captain Biddle posted a field 
piece so as to enfilade the exterior plan and the salient glacis. 



324 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

Fanning's battery at the same time opened on the British who were 
now returning. In a few minutes they were all driven from the 
works, leaving two hundred and twenty-two killed, one hundred and 
seventy-four wounded on the field, and one hundred and eighty-six 
prisoners. To these losses are to be added those killed on the left 
flank by Major Wood's infantry and Towson's artillery, and floated 
down the Niagara, estimated in the official reports at two hundred. 
The American loss during the bombardment of the 13th and 14th, 
was nine killed, and thirty-six wounded, and in the assault of the 
night of the 14th, seventeen killed, fifty-six wounded, and eleven 
missing. 

On the 2d of September, General Brown had so far recovered of 
his wounds as to be able to resume the- command; and General 
Gaines was removed to Philadelphia to take charge of the defence 
of the Delaware, as commanding-general of the fourth military dis- 
trict. General Drummond's main body was encamped in a cleared 
field, surrounded with woods, two miles in front of Fort Erie. This 
position was taken in order that that part of his force which was not 
on duty might be out of the reach of the guns of the fort, and of the 
artillery at Black Rock. His infantry was formed into three brigades 
of twelve hundred men each ; his works were advanced within four 
hundred yards of the right of the American lines. One of the 
brigades, with a detachment of artillery, was stationed at this ad- 
vance, and relieved by one of the other brigades each day, and the 
two at the encampment were held in constant readiness to support 
the advance, in case of an attack. The British had completed two 
batteries at this position, and nearly finished a third, which threat- 
ened the fort with destruction. 

On the 17th, Generals Porter and Miller led the forces that 
issued from the fort. There was but a brief struggle. In a few hours 
the British were deprived of the fruit of forty-seven days' labour, of a 
great quantity of artillery and ammunition, and of one thousand 
men, which was the number of their killed, wounded, and prisoners. 
Of the Americans, eighty-three were killed, two hundred and sixteen 
wounded, and about as many missing. General Drummond now 
broke up his camp, and retired behind Chippewa. Soon afterward, 
General Brown, having received reinforcements, was in a condition 
to resume offensive operations. On the 20th of October, Colonel 
Bissell, with a detachment of one thousand men, encountered a 
superior force of the enemy, under the Marquis of Tweedale, near 
Chippewa, and compelled them to retire, with loss. 

During the summer of this year, Commodore Sinclair and Major 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 325 

Croghan macle an attempt to recover the post of Mackinac, but -were 
repulsed, with loss. They, however, destroyed the British establish- 
ment at St. Joseph's and the Sault St. Marie. On the 22d of Oc- 
tober, General McArthur destroyed a large quantity of British 
stores, in the vicinity of Detroit, and captured one hundred and 
fifty of the enemy, without losing any of his own party. 

Great Britain prepared to open the campaign of 1814 upon an 
extended scale. Her arrangements were, to send the flower of Lord 
Wellington's army against the United States ; to invade the country 
from Montreal by the way of Plattsburgh and Lake Champlain, and 
penetrate as far as Albany ; to increase her naval force at Kingston, 
so as to command Lake Ontario ; to send a powerful reinforcement 
to the Niagara frontier ; to augment her fleets on the American 
coast, so as to command the navigation, and destroy every thing 
American that should be found afloat ; and with their navy, aided 
by a powerful land force, attack the most important and assailable 
points on the seaboard. These objects being accomplished, she 
could then require of the Americans, as the price of peace, an aban- 
donment of their maritime claims, and a sacrifice of a large portion 
of their Western territory to her Indian allies. The British naval 
force was intrusted to Sir George Cochrane, vice-admiral of the red, 
assisted by Admirals Cockburn and Covington. Major-general Ross 
commanded the land forces destined to co-operate with the navy on 
the coast. 

On the 3d of August, the whole of the Bourdeaux, and about half 
the Mediterranean armament, with an additional squadron then at 
Bermuda, composing a fleet of sixty sail, under Admiral Cochrane, 
■with a land force of six thousand, commanded by Major General 
Ross, sailed from Bermuda for the Chesapeake, and entered the bay 
on the 10th of August. The other division of the Mediterranean 
armament proceeded to join Sir George Prevost in Canada. The 
fleet proceeded up the bay to the mouth of the Potomac, when a 
squadron under Commodore Gordon entered that river, and advanced 
toward Alexandria. The principal part of the fleet, with the land 
forces, continued their course to the mouth of the Patuxent, and 
entered the river on the 18th. 

Commodore Barney's flotilla of gunboats had previously entered 
that river, and retired as far up as the depth of the water would 
admit. The British fleet proceeded up the river, and, on the 19th, 
commenced landing on the left bank of the Patuxent, at Bene- 
dict, forty miles from Washington. On the 20th, the troops com- 
menced their march up the river; on the 21st, reached Nottingham ; 



326 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

and on the 22d, Upper Marlborough. Commodore Barney's flotilla 
had reached Pig Point, two miles above Marlborough, where, finding 
it impossible to save his gunboats, or prevent their falling into the 
hands of the enemy, he blew them up, and proceeded to join General 
Winder. 

The invading army at Upper Marlborough, on the 23d, did not 
exceed four thousand five hundred efi'ective men, without cavalry, 
baggage, wagons, or means of transportation, and with but three 
pieces of light artillery, drawn by men. The British remained at 
Upper Marlborough until the afternoon of the 23d, when they com- 
menced their march toward Washington by the way of Bladensburg. 
Colonel Scott and Major Peters, with light detachments, were sent 
out to meet and harass the enemy, and General Stansbury was 
ordered to proceed with the troops under his command, on the route 
direct to Upper Marlborough. Colonel Scott, with his detachment, 
met the British about six miles in advance of the main body, and 
after some skirmishing retreated. The American army at the bat- 
talion old fields, were placed in a favourable attitude of defence ; 
they remained in their position until evening, when, apprehending 
the approach of the enemy, they were ordered to march to Washing- 
ton. The British encamped that evening three miles in front of the 
position which the Americans had left. The retreat of the American 
troops toward the city was precipitate and disorderly, believing the 
enemy to be in close pursuit. The secretary of state, passing 
through Bladensburg at twelve o'clock at night, advised General 
Stansbury immediately to fall upon the British rear, as he understood 
they were in full march to Washington. The general having been 
ordered by the commander-in-chief to take post at Bladensburg, and 
a part of his brigade having but just then arrived, was not in a situ- 
ation to comply with the wishes of the secretary ; and the British 
remaining quietly in their encampment during the night, such a 
movement would have been fruitless. 

The retreating army halted and bivouacked for the night at the 
eastern branch bridge. Here General Winder, on the morning of 
the 24th, established his head-quarters with the main body, consist- 
ing of three thousand five hundred men, General Stansbury four 
miles in front, at Bladensburg, with twenty-five hundred ; Colonel 
Minor with seven hundred in the city of Washington, endeavouring 
to get across to the arsenal; and General Young's brigade of five 
hundred, twelves miles below, on the left bank of the Potomac; 
making an aggregate of seven thousand two hundred men. Various 
reports were brought to head-quarters of the movements and inten- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 327 

tions of the British. The president and heads of department as- 
sembled at General Winder's head-quarters in the morning of the 
24th. The secretary of state, upon hearing a report that the British 
were marching upon the city by the way of Bladensburg, proceeded 
to join General Stansbury, to aid him in forming a line of battle. 
That general, on the approach of the enemy, retired from his 
position in advance of Bladensburg, and occupied the ground west 
of the village, on the right bank of the eastern branch. Here it 
was at last resolved to meet the enemy, and fight the battle that was 
to decide the fate of the capital. 

Before the second line was completely formed, the battle com- 
menced. The Baltimore artillery fired upon and dispersed the 
British light troops advancing along the streets of the village. They 
immediately took shelter behind the buildings and trees, and pre- 
sented only single objects for the artillery. The British now com- 
menced throwing rockets, and began to concentrate their light troops 
at the bridge, which the American general had not taken the precau- 
tion to destroy. The riflemen and artillery now poured in a destruc- 
tive fire upon this body, and cut them down in great numbers as 
they advanced. The British at length gained the bridge, rapidly 
passed it, formed, and passed steadily on, flanking to the left, and 
compelled the riflemen and artillery to give way. Major Pinckney 
was severely wounded. He exerted himself to rally his men, and 
succeeded in forming them at a small distance in the rear of his first 
position, and united with the fifth Baltimore regiment. General 
Stansbury continued about four hundred yards in the rear of the 
battery; and left this division to contend with the whole force of the 
enemy, until it was compelled to retire. The British then occupied 
the ground they had left, and continued to advance. Colonel Ster- 
rett, with the 5th Baltimore regiment, and Captain Birch with his 
artillery, were ordered to advance to support the first line. The 
British soon took advantage of the orchard which had just been 
occupied by the retreating troops, and kept up a galling fire on the 
American line. Captain Birch now opened a cross fire with some 
effect. Colonel Sterrett made a prompt movement in advance, but 
was ordered to halt. At this time the enemy's rockets assumed a more 
horizontal direction, and passing near the heads of Colonel Shultz 
and Pragan's regiments, caused the right wing to give way ; which 
was immediately followed by a general flight of the two regiments. 

Birch's artillery and the 5th regiment remained, and continued 
their fire Avith effect. The British light troops were for a short time 
driven back, but immediately rallied and gained the right flank of 



328 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the fifth. This regiment, with the artillery, were then ordered to 
fall back and form a small distance in the rear. But, instead of re- 
treating in order, the fifth followed the example of the other two 
regiments, and fled in confusion. The Avhole of the first line was 
now completely routed. Various attempts were made to rally, but 
without success. No movements were made by the cavalry to cover 
the retreat, though the open and scattered manner in which the pur- 
suit was conducted afforded a fine opportunity for a charge by the 
cavalry. This line retreated upon a road which in a short distance 
forked into three branches, one leading to Montgomery court-house, 
on the Potomac, fifteen miles above Washington, one to Georgetown, 
and the other to the capital. General Winder endeavoured to direct 
the retreating forces to the city, but without success ; when they 
came to the three branches, the greater number took the road to 
Montgomery court-house, as the place of the greatest safety. This 
exposed the artillery of Barney and Miller to the whole British force, 
who soon gained their rear. Both these officers were severely wounded. 

Commodore Barney ordered a retreat, but the British being in his 
rear, he was made prisoner. As he lay wounded by the side of the 
fence, he beckoned to a British soldier, and directed him to call an 
officer. General Ross immediately rode up, and, on being informed 
of his character and situation, ordered his wounds to be dressed and 
paroled him. The second line was not entirely connected, but 
posted in advantageous positions in connection with, and supporting 
each other. The command of General Smith, including the George- 
town and city militia, and the regulars under Colonel Scott, and 
some other corps, still remained unbroken. 

The British light troops, in the mean time advancing on the left 
of the road, had gained a line parallel with Smith's command, and 
were endeavouring to turn his flank. Colonel Brent was placed in a 
situation calculated to prevent this movement. The British con- 
tinued their march and came within long shot of Magruder's com- 
mand, who opened a partial fire upon them. At this moment the 
whole of the troops were ordered to fall back : after retreating about 
one hundred rods, they were halted and formed by their officers, 
when they were again ordered to retreat and form on the heights 
west of the turnpike-gate, and half a mile in front of the Capitol. 
Here Colonel Minor, with his regiment of Virginia militia, having 
spent the day in the city, endeavouring to get access to the arsenal 
for supplies for his troops, came up and joined General Smith. 
While in the act of forming upon these heights, General Winder 
arrived, and ordered the troops to retire to the Capitol in expectation 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 329 

of there uniting with the first line ; but these troops, excepting one 
company of Colonel Laval's cavalry, were not to be found on Capitol 
Hill. 

A conference was immediately held between General Winder and 
the secretaries of state and war, that it would be impossible in the 
existing state of things to make effectual resistance against the in- 
vasion of the city, or defend the Capitol ; the whole force was then 
ordered to quit the city, and retreat through Georgetown, to a place 
of safety. On receiving this order, the troops then remaining mani- 
fested the deepest regret. 

In the mean time, the British advanced from Bladensburg without 
further opposition ; and at eight o'clock in the evening, General Ross 
entered the city at the head of eight hundred men ; having arrived 
on Capitol Hill, he offered terms of capitulation, which were, that the 
city might be ransomed for a sum of money nearly equal to the 
value of the public and private property it contained ; and that on 
receiving it, the troops should retire to their ships unmolested. 
There being neither civil nor military authorities in the city, to 
whom the propositions could be made, the work of conflagration 
commenced. The Capitol, the president's house, the offices of the 
treasury, war, and navy departments, and their furniture, with 
several private buildings, were destroyed. The party sent to burn 
the president's house entered it and found in readiness the entertain- 
ment which had been ordered for the American oflScers. In the 
dining-hall the table was spread for forty guests, the sideboard fur- 
nished with the richest liquors, and in the kitchen the dishes all 
prepared. These uninvited guests devoured the feast with little 
ceremony, ungratefully set fire to the building where they had been 
so liberally fed, and returned to their comrades. One house from 
which General Ross apprehended himself to have been shot at, was 
burned, and all the people found in it slain. The most important 
public papers had been previously removed. The navy-yard, with 
its contents and apparatus, one frigate of the largest class on the 
stocks, and nearly ready to launch, and several smaller vessels, were 
destroyed by Commodore Tingey, under the direction of the secre- 
tary of the navy, after the capture of the city. 

The British having accomplished the object of their visit, left the 
city on the 25th, and passed through Bladensburg at midnight, on 
the route to Benedict. They left their dead unburied ; such of 
their wounded as could ride were placed on horseback ; others in 
carts and wagons, and upward of ninety left behind. The wounded 
British prisoners were intrusted to the humanity of Commodore 



330 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Barney, who provided every thing for their comfort ; and such as 
recovered were exchanged, and returned to the British. Two hun- 
dred pieces of artillery, at the arsenal and navy yard, fell into their 
hands, which they were unable to remove ; these they spiked, 
knocked off the trunions, and left. Their retreat, though unmolested, 
was precipitate, and conducted under evident apprehensions of an 
attack. They reached Benedict on the 29th, and embarked on the 
30th. 

On Admiral Cochrane's arrival in the Chesapeake, he was joined 
by Admiral Cockburn's squadron of three ships of the line, several 
frigates and smaller ships of war, which had been pursuing the same 
system of plunder and rapine for several months on the counties 
bordering on the bay, which they had practised the preceding 
season. The whole fleet now consisted of sixty sail. 

After the successes at Washington and Alexandria, the next and 
most inviting object for British cupidity was the city of Baltimore. 
General Ross, elated with his recent success, boasted that he would 
make that city his winter quarters, and that with the force under his 
command he could march where he pleased in Maryland. On the 
10th of September, the British forces appeared ascending the bay, 
in a direction toward Baltimore. On the 11th, fifty sail, consisting 
of several ships of the line, frigates, and transports, with six 
thousand men, entered the mouth of the Patapsco ; and, early in the 
morning of the 12th, commenced landing at North Point, fourteen 
miles below the city. 

The defence was intrusted to Major-general Smith, of the Mary- 
land militia, assisted by General Winder and all the United States 
troops which had been recently engaged at Washington, and sup- 
ported by all the militia of Baltimore and the neighbouring country, 
the whole composing a force of fifteen thousand. Every citizen of 
Baltimore capable of bearing arms appeared in the ranks, ready to 
sacrifice his life in defence of the city. The point selected by General 
Smith, where the ultimate defence was to be made, was upon the heights 
three miles in advance of the city, toward the mouth of the Patapsco. 
Here the citizens with great labour had, under the direction of their gene- 
ral, erected strong fortifications. The general, with the main body, took 
post at this point with a heavy park of artillery. General Strieker, 
with the city volunteers and militia, to the number of three thousand five 
hundred, was posted four miles in advance, at the head of Long Log 
Lane, his right on the head of a branch of Bear Creek, his left on a 
marsh, and the artillery posted at the head of the lane. The 
rifle corps were stationed in low thick pines, in advance. General 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINET. 331 

Strieker was ordered, in case of an attack by a superior force, to 
fall back on the main body. In tliis position the Americans waited 
the approach of the enemy. The whole population of the city came 
out to witness the event on which their safety depended, and, on the 
neighbouring heights, animated their brethren in arms. The British, 
having completed the debarkation by seven o'clock in the morning, 
took up their line of march for the city. The 41st regiment in ad- 
vance, followed by eight pieces of artillery, next the second brigade, 
then the sailors, and last the third brigade. The march of the main 
body was preceded by blank patroles, and reconnoitring parties. 
In this order they approached the American lines. General Ross, 
with a small reconnoitring party, half a mile in advance of the 
main body, was shot through the breast by a rifleman, fell into the 
arms of his aid-de-camp, and died in a few minutes. By this event, 
the command devolved on Colonel Brook, of the 44th; who, after 
the troops had recovered from the shock occasioned by the loss of 
their leader, led them on in order of battle. The advance of General 
Strieker, consisting of cavalry and riflemen, under Major Heath, 
was first met by the enemy, and after some skirmishing, fell back 
on the line. The main body of the British were but a short distance 
in rear of their advance ; and, as they came up, the action imme- 
diately became general. The attack commenced by a discharge of 
rockets from the British, and was soon succeeded by grape, canister, 
and small arms from both sides. General Strieker maintained his 
position against a great superiority of numbers for an hour and a 
half, when the regiment on his left giving way, he was obliged to 
retire to a position in the rear, where he had stationed one regiment 
as a reserve. Here the troops were formed, with the reserve, and 
without further molestation from the British, fell back to Worthing- 
ton Mills on the left, and half a mile in advance of the main body. 
On the night of the 12th, the British bivouacked in advance of the 
battle-ground; and, on the morning of the 13th, commenced their 
march toward the city. At ten o'clock, they appeared in front of 
the American lines, distant two miles on the Philadelphia road. 
Here they halted, pushing their advance within a mile of the works ; 
where they had a full view of the position and defence of the 
Americans. They remained on this ground, reconnoitring the 
works, and waiting the result of the attack on Fort McHenry, until 
one o'clock in the morning of the 14th, when they commenced a 
retreat to their shipping, began their embarkation the succeeding 
evening, and completed it the next day. 

The entrance from the Patapsco into Baltimore basin, or harbour. 



332 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

is by a narrow strait, the passage of which is defended by Fort 
McHenry, two miles below the city. The command of this post was 
intrusted to Major Armistead, of the United States artillery. The 
garrison, before the appearance of the enemy in the Patapsco, 
amounted to one hundred men ; on their approach, it was increased 
to a thousand. Two batteries to the right of the fort were erected 
on the river, to prevent the enemy's landing during the night, in rear 
of the town ; the one called the City Battery, was manned by Lieu- 
tenant Webster, with a detachment of the flotilla ; the other, denomi- 
nated Fort Covington, by a company of sailors, under Lieutenant 
Newcomb. The British designed a simultaneous attack by land and 
water, and, while the transports were landing the troops at North 
Point, the ships of war proceeded toward Fort McHenry. On the 
12th, sixteen ships, including five bomb-vessels, drew up in line of 
battle, within two and a half miles of the fort ; and on the 13th at 
sunrise, the attack commenced from the bomb-ships at two miles 
distance. The regular artillerists under Captain Evans, and the 
volunteers under Captain Nicholson, manned the batteries in the 
Star Fort. Captains Banbury's, Addison's, Rodman's, Perry's, and 
Pennington's commands were stationed in the lower works ; and the 
infantry under Colonel Stewart, and Major Lane, were in the outer 
ditch to meet the enemy at his landing, should he attempt one. The 
guns from the fort were unable to reach the British ships, and left 
the garrison exposed to a constant shower of shot and shells, without 
being able to do the enemy any injury. At ten o'clock, three of 
the bomb-ships took a nearer position, on which a brisk fire opened 
upon them, and compelled them to resume their former station. At 
one o'clock in the morning gf the 14th, the British threw a consi- 
derable force above the main works, on the right near Fort Coving- 
ton, and commenced throwing rockets. Twelve hundred picked men 
were detached with scaling-ladders, to attempt the taking of the fort 
by storm. As they were approaching the shore, a fire opened upon 
them from Fort Covington, and a six-gun battery. The fire was 
directed by the blaze of their rockets and the flashes of their guns. 
This fire continued about two hours ; the landing was prevented, one 
of the barges sunk, and the others compelled to return. The bomb- 
ardment continued with very little intermission, from sunrise on the 
13th to seven o'clock on the 14th, when the squadron got under 
weigh, and stood down the river. Four hundred shells fell within 
the fort; four men were killed, and twenty-four wounded. The 
officers and men of the garrison did their duty ; and, by their brave 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 333 

and judicious conduct, the British were repulsed, and the city saved 
from pillage. 

In the battle of the 12th, the American loss was twenty-four killed, 
one hundred and thirty-nine wounded, and fifty taken prisoners. The 
British acknowledge a loss in the same battle of thirty-five killed, 
and two hundred and fifty-one wounded. Their whole loss in killed, 
wounded, and missing in the battle, and at the attack on the fort, 
was estimated by the American general at six hundred. The defeat 
of the British in their attempt on Baltimore, was highly honourable 
to General Smith, who planned and conducted the operations, and 
to the officers and men engaged in the defence. 

About the 1st of August, the powerful reinforcements which had 
been ordered from the armies in Spain, to Governor Prevost's aid, 
arrived at Quebec, and were immediately pushed up to Montreal. 
Large detachments passed on to Kingston and the Niagara frontiers. 
These demonstrations induced the order for General Izard to proceed 
to join General Brown with the main body. While the army were 
making this movement the only opportunities for their active service 
were lost. Their brethren at Plattsburg and Niagara were gather- 
ing laurels at the expense of much blood, while they were performing 
this circuitous march. Plattsburg was the principal military and 
naval depot for the army of the north and the flotilla on Lake Cham- 
plain, and at this period contained a large quantity of military and 
naval stores. The defence of this post, after the departure of Gene- 
ral Izard, devolved on General Macomb, with fifteen hundred regu- 
lars, and the neighbouring militia to be occasionally called on, as 
circumstances might render necessary. The force under General 
Prevost, at Montreal, within five days' march of Plattsburg, at the 
time General Izard left that post for the Niagara frontier, was fifteen 
thousand men, most of them veterans of the armies of Spain. This 
state of things did not escape the observation of the British general. 
Immediately after the departure of Izard, Prevost came out with his 
whole force from Montreal, and took the road to Plattsburg. On 
the 1st of September, he established his head-quarters at Champlain, 
within the United States, and fifteen miles distant from the Ameri- 
can lines. Here he issued a proclamation in the usual style of in- 
vading generals, promising peace and protection to the unoffending 
inhabitants who remained at home, directing the civil magistrates to 
continue in the discharge of their duties; and declaring that those 
only who were found in arms should be treated as enemies. His in- 
structions directed him to penetrate the United States by the way 
of Plattsburg; with the assistance of the fleet, which it was calcu- 



334 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

lated by this time would have gained the command of the lake, pro- 
ceed to Ticonderoga, and from thence to Albany, or as far on the 
route as was compatible with the safety of his army. 

In pursuance of these instructions, he advanced with slow and 
cautious marches toward Plattsburg. General Macomb made every 
exertion to impede his progress, and prepare for the threatened 
attack. The militia of Washington, Warren, Clinton, and Essex 
counties, were ordered out en masse. The militia and volunteers 
from the counties in Vermont bordering on the lake came in great 
numbers. The bridges on the route which the British must take, 
were broken up, the road abatted, and every possible impediment 
thrown in the way of their passage. On the 6th of September, the 
British advance was met at Batemantown, six miles from Plattsburg 
by a corps of seven hundred militia under General Mooers. After 
some slight skirmishing, the militia discovered the New York State 
dragoons, a very handsome corps in red uniforms, reconnoitring on 
the heights in their rear ; supposing them to be British troops who 
were endeavouring to cut them off, they broke and fled in every 
direction; and, on the same day, the British advanced into Platts- 
burg; the right column led by Major-general Powers, supported by 
General Robinson, and the left by General Brisbane. The whole 
under command of Sir George Prevost. The American troops re- 
tired to the south side of the Saranac, took up the bridges, and made 
breastworks of them on the south bank, and guarded the fordways. 

The village of Plattsburg is pleasantly situated on the western 
shore of Lake Champlain, on the margin of a bay formed by the 
projection of Cumberland point into the lake. At the end of this 
point, is a high bluff, called Cumberland Head. The Saranac river 
comes in from the west, passes through the village, and empties into 
the bay. Several bridges were erected over this river near the 
village ; and three miles from its mouth the river was fordable. 
Scouting and reconnoitring parties were constantly kept out on the 
British flanks to harass their march and watch their motions. The 
American troops were posted in their works on the high grounds on 
the south bank of the Saranac. General Macomb employed his men 
constantly in strengthening these works ; in order to excite emula- 
tion among them, he parcelled out different parts of the works to 
different corps, assuring them that the defence of that particular 
portion of the works on which each corps laboured should be in- 
trusted to them. 

The American fleet, under Commodore McDonough, lay at anchor 
in Burlington Bay, on the right flank of the American lines, and two 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 335 

miles distant. Great exertions had been made by both parties to 
produce a superior naval force on this lake; the Americans at Otter 
Creek, and the British at the Isle aux Noix. On comparing their 
relative strength on the 11th of September, the American fleet con- 
sisted of the Saratoga, flag-ship, mounting twenty-six guns ; Eagle, 
twenty guns ; Ticonderoga, seventeen guns ; Preble, seven guns ; six 
galleys, of two guns each, twelve guns; four of one, four guns; 
making in the whole, eighty-six guns ; and eight hundred and twenty 
men. The British fleet consisted of the frigate Confiance, flag-ship, 
mounting thirty-nine guns; Linnet, sixteen guns; Cherub, eleven 
guns ; Finch, eleven guns ; five galleys, of two guns each, ten guns ; 
eight, of one, eight guns, making in the whole ninety-five guns ; and 
one thousand and twenty men. 

The British land forces employed themselves from the 7th to the 
11th in bringing up their heavy artillery, and strengthening their 
works on the north bank of the Saranac. Their fortified encamp- 
ment was on a ridge a little to the west of the town, their right 
near the river, and their left resting on the lake, one mile in the 
rear of the village. Having determined on a simultaneous attack 
by land and water, they lay in this position on the morning of the 11th 
waiting the approach of their fleet. At eight o'clock, the wished-for 
ships appeared under easy sail, moving round Cumberland Head, and 
were hailed with joyous acclamations. At nine, they anchored within 
three hundred yards of the American squadron in line of battle ; 
the Confiance opposed to the Saratoga, the Linnet to the Eagle ; 
thirteen British galleys to the Ticonderoga, Preble, and a division 
of the American galleys. The Cherub assisting the Confiance and 
Linnet, and the Finch aiding the galleys. In this position, the 
weather being perfectly clear and calm, and the bay smooth, the 
whole force on both sides became at once engaged. At an hour and 
a half after the commencement of the action, the starboard guns of 
the Saratoga were nearly all dismantled. The commandant ordered 
a stern anchor to be dropped, and the bower cable cut, by means of 
which the ship rounded to, and presented a fresh broadside to her 
enemy. The Confiance attempted the same operation and failed. 
This was attended with such powerful effects that she was obliged to 
surrender in a few minutes. The whole broadside of the Saratoffa 
was then brought to bear on the Linnet, and in fifteen minutes she 
followed the example of her flag-ship. One of the British sloops 
struck to the Eagle ; three galleys were sunk, and the rest made 
off"; no ship in the fleet being in a condition to follow them, they 
escaped down the lake. There was no mast standing in either 



S3(3 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

squadron, at the close of the action, to which a sail could be attached. 
The Saratoga received fifty-five round shot in her hull, and the Con- 
fiance one hundred and five. The action lasted without any cessation, 
on a smooth sea, at close quarters, two hours and twenty minutes. 
In the American squadron fifty-two were killed, and fifty-eight 
wounded. In the British, eighty-four were killed, and one hundred 
and ten wounded. Among the slain was the British commandant, 
Commodore Downie. This engagement was in full view of both 
armies, and of numerous spectators collected on the heights border- 
ing on the bay, to witness the scene. It was viewed by the inhabit- 
ants with trembling anxiety, as success on the part of the British 
would have opened to them an easy passage into the heart of the 
country, and exposed a numerous population on the borders of the 
lake to British ravages. When the flag of the Confiance was struck, 
the shores resounded with the acclamations of the American troops 
and citizens. The British, when they saw their fleet completely 
conquered, were dispirited and confounded. 

At the moment of the commencement of the naval action the 
British, from their works on shore, opened a heavy fire of shot, 
shells, and rockets, upon the American lines. This was continued 
with little interruption until sunset, and returned with spirit and 
efiect. At six o'clock the firing on the part of the British ceased, 
every battery having been silenced by the American artillery. At 
the commencement of the bombardment, and while the ships were 
engaged, three desperate efforts were made by the British to pass 
the Saranac for the purpose of carrying the American lines by 
assault. With this view, scaling ladders, fascines, and every im- 
plement necessary for the purpose, were prepared. One attempt 
was made to cross at the village bridge, one at the upper bridge, and 
one at the fordway, three miles above the works. At each point 
they were met at the bank by the American troops and repulsed. 
At the bridges the American regulars immediately drove them back. 
The ford was guarded by the volunteers and militia. Here a con- 
siderable body of British eff"ected a passage, and the militia retired 
into the neighbouring woods, where their operations would be more 
effectual. A whole company of the seventy-sixth regiment was here de- 
stroyed, three lieutenants, and twenty-seven men taken, and the captain 
and the rest of the company killed. The residue of the British were 
obliged to recross the river with precipitation and considerable loss. 

At dusk the British withdrew their cannon from the batteries ; at 
nine, sent off" all the artillery and baggage for which they could 
procure transports ; and at two the following morning, the whole 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 337 

army precipitately retreated, leaving their sick and wounded behind. 
Great quantities of provisions, tents, intrenching tools, and amuni- 
tion were also left. Much was found concealed in the ponds and 
creeks, and buried in the ground. Their retreat was so sudden, 
rapid, and unexpected, that they arrived at Chazy, a distance of 
eight miles, before their departure was known to the American 
general. The light troops and militia were immediately ordered out 
in pursuit, but were unable to make many prisoners. Upward of 
three hundred deserters came in within two or three days after the 
action, who confirmed the account of Prevost's precipitate flight, and 
assisted in discovering the property they had concealed and left be- 
hind. The American loss on land, during the day, was thirty-seven 
killed, and eighty-two -wounded and missing. General Macomb's 
official report estimates the British loss in land and naval forces, 
since their leaving Montreal, in killed, wounded, prisoners, deserters, 
and missing, at twenty-five hundred. 

The naval operations of 1814 were, in every respect, honourable to 
the skill and gallantry of the Americans, although they met with 
considerable losses. 

On the 10th of April, the sloop-of-war Peacock sailed from St. 
Mary's on a cruise in the Gulf of Mexico ; and, on the 29th, fell in 
with and captured the British brig Epervier, after an action of 
forty-five minutes. The vessels were of equal force, each mounting 
eighteen guns. The Epervier had eight men killed and fifteen 
wounded; she had on board 120,000 dollars in specie to reward the 
valour of her captors. None were killed on board the Peacock, and 
but two wounded. She and her prize arrived safe at Savannah on 
the 4th of May. After a short stay in port, the Peacock proceeded 
to a second cruise. This was directed to the Irish Channel, and on 
the coast of Scotland, to intercept and break up the intercourse 
between Great Britain and Ireland. On this ground she captured 
and destroyed fourteen vessels with their cargoes, estimated at seven 
hundred thousand dollars. After a cruise of five months, she made 
the harbour of New York on the 20th of October. The effects of 
this cruise, aided by the enterprise of the American privateers in the 
Irish Channel, were such, that the insurance on the coasting trade 
was raised from one to thirteen per cent. 

On the 10th of April, the sloop-of-war Wasp, Captain Blakely, 
sailed from Portsmouth, New Hampshire, on a cruise to the English 
Channel. On the 28th of June, she fell in with the British sloop-of- 
war Reindeer ; an action commenced at twenty minutes after three, 
at close quarters ; the Reindeer twice attempted to board, but was 

22 



803 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

repulsed. At forty minutes past three, orders were given to board 
the Reindeer, which were promptly executed, and all resistance 
ceased. The British loss was twenty-three killed, including their 
commander, Captain Manners, and forty-two wounded ; the-Ame- 
ricans, five killed and twenty-one wounded. The Reindeer mounted 
eighteen guns, the Wasp twenty-two. After taking out the prisoners, 
their baggage, and such stores as would be received on board the 
Wasp, the Reindeer was blown up. Captain Blakely then put into 
L'Orient, for the purpose of repairing his ship, and obtaining sup- 
plies. Between the 1st of May and the 6th of July, he took and 
destroyed eight sail. On the 1st of September, he fell in with the 
British brig Avon ; an action commenced at half-past nine in the 
evening, and at twelve minutes past ten the Avon surrendered. 
Before Captain Blakely had taken possession, another sail appeared 
close on board, when orders were given for immediate action. At 
this moment two more sail appeared standing for the Wasp, one on 
the lee quarter, and one astern. Orders were then given to make 
sail from the enemy, and the Wasp effected her escape. After leav- 
ing L'Orient, Captain Blakely made six prizes ; five of which he 
sunk, and sent one into port. From that time the Wasp has never 
been heard of; she doubtless foundered at sea, and her brave crew 
perished. 

On the 26th of September, the American privateer brig General 
Armstrong, Captain Reid, came to anchor in the port of Fayal, one 
of the Azores, a Portuguese island in the Atlantic. The same day, 
the Plantagenet seventy- four, and the Rota and Carnation, British 
ships of war, suddenly appeared in the Roads. At dark, Captain 
Reid warped his ship in under the guns of the fort for protection ; 
at eight o'clock he observed four boats from the ships filled with 
armed men approaching him ; after warning them to keep oif, he fired 
into the boats, killed seven men, and compelled them to return. At 
midnight twelve large boats armed with swivels, carronades, and 
muskets, attacked the brig, and after a severe action of forty minutes, 
the contest ended in a total defeat of the party, a partial destruction 
of the boats, and a severe loss of men. Among the killed were the 
first lieutenant of the Plantagenet, the commandant of the party, 
and two lieutenants and one midshipman of the Rota. It was esti- 
mated by the spectators on shore, that the boats contained four hun- 
dred men, and that more than half of them were killed or wounded. 
Several boats were destroyed, two remained alongside of the Arm- 
Btrong, loaded with their dead and dying ; only seventeen from these 
two boats reached the shore. The British acknowledged a loss of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 339 

one hundred and twenty killed. The sloops Thais and Calypso were 
loaded with the wounded and sent to England. Immediately after 
the first attack, Mr. Dohney, the American consul, applied to the go- 
vernor of Fayal, to enforce the privileges of a neutral port in favour 
of the American ship. The governor expressed his indignation at 
what had passed, but was unable with his means to resist such a force. 
His remonstrances to the British commander were answered by an 
insulting refusal. On the morning of the 27th, one of the ships took 
a station near the shore, and commenced a heavy cannonade on the 
brig. Captain Reid, finding further resistance unavailing, partially 
destroyed the brig, and went on shore with his crew ; the British 
then set her on fire. In this attack, not only the privileges of neu- 
trality, but the safety of the town was wholly disregarded. Several 
of the inhabitants were dangerously wounded, and a number of houses 
destroyed. 

On the 14th of January, Commodore Decatur, in the frigate Presi- 
dent, attempted to get out of the harbour of New York. Owing to some 
mistake, his ship grounded, and continued beating in that situation for 
two hours. She sustained so much injury that the commodore would 
have put back for repairs, but a strong westerly wind prevented. At ten 
o'clock in the evening, she cleared the bar, and proceeded a distance of 
fifty miles along the south shore of Long Island, and then bore away for 
the Brazils. At five o'clock in the morning of the 15th, three ships were 
discovered ahead ; the commodore immediately hauled his wind, and 
passed to the north of them. At daylight four ships were discovered in 
chase, one on each quarter, and two astern ; the leading ship appeared 
to be a razee. At noon the wind became light and bafiiing ; the razee 
fell astern, but the next ship in pursuit had gained considerably on 
the President. Commodore Decatur then lightened the ship of every 
thing not necessary for immediate defence, kept his canvas constantly 
wet, and crowded every sail to escape. At three in the afternoon, 
the Endymion fifty-gun ship, being favoured by a good breeze, came 
within shot, and commenced firing her bow guns. At five she ob- 
tained a position at half point-blank shot on the President's starboard 
quarter. In this situation the Endymion was cutting up the Pre- 
sident's sails and rigging without exposing herself to any injury. 
The commodore then shifted his course to the south for the purpose 
of bringing the Endymion abeam. The ships continued a southerly 
course, and closely engaged for two hours and a half, when the 
En<lyraion became dismantled, and dropped out of the action. The 
President then resumed her former course with a view of clearing 
the squadron. At eleven o'clock at night, two fresh ships, the Po- 



340 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

mona and Tenedos, came up, and opened tlieir fire ; the Pomona on 
the larboard bow within musket-shot, and the Tenedos taking a raking 
position two cables length astern. The razee and a brig which had 
joined the squadron, had also arrived within gun-shot. In this situa- 
tion the commodore reluctantly surrendered his ship. The loss on 
board the President was twenty-five killed, and fifty-five wounded. 
She was carried into P)ermuda, where the commodore and most of 
the officers were paroled. 

The remainder of the American squadron proceeded toward their 
place of rendezvous. On the 16th, the Hornet parted from the other 
ships ; and on the 23d, near her anchoring-ground, she fell in with 
the British sloop-of-war Penguin. An action commenced at forty 
minutes past one in the afternoon, at musket distance ; at two, the 
Penguin bore up apparently with the intention of boarding, and ran 
her bowsprit betAveen the main and mizen rigging of the Hornet, on 
the starboard quarter, affording a fair apportunity to board, but no 
attempt was made. An incessant and destructive fire was kept upj 
from the Hornet, until the commanding oflicer of the Penguin called 
out that he had surrendered, when Captain Biddle directed his men 
to cease firing. While he was on the taffrail inquiring if they had 
surrendered, he received a ball in the neck; the ships then separated, 
and while the Hornet was wearing to give a fresh broadside, they 
again called out from the Penguin that they had surrendered, and 
Captain Biddle took possession of her in just twenty-two minutes 
from the commencement of the action. The Penguin mounted nine- 
teen guns, and had a complement of one hundred and thirty-two men. 
Her loss was fourteen killed, including the commander. Captain 
Dickinson, and twenty-eight wounded. The loss on board the Hornet 
was one killed, and eleven wounded. Captain Biddle finding it im- 
possible, from the crippled state of his prize, to send her into the 
United States, ordered her to be scuttled and sunk, and proceeded 
to his anchorage, at the island of Tristran d'Acunha. After McDo- 
nald, the first lieutenant of the Penguin, had repeatedly called out 
that he had surrendered, and the Hornet had ceased to fire, two men 
on board the Penguin took aim and fired at Captain Biddle and the 
man at the helm ; two marines on board the Hornet observing this, 
levelled their pieces and shot both the assassins dead. 

The squadron, after waiting on the coast of Brazil, the period 
designated by their instructions, and not hearing from the President, 
sailed for the Indian Ocean. In lat. 38| S., and Ion. 33 E., on the 
27th of April, a British ship of the line appeared in sight, and gave 
chase. The American ships immediately separated, and the chase 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 341 

continued in pursuit of the Hornet. At nine o'clock P. M. the chase 
continuing to gain upon him, Captain Biddle lightened ship; by day- 
light on the 20th, the enemy was Avithin gunshot on his lee quarter, 
and at seven hoisted the English jack and a rear-admiral's flag, and 
commenced firing. At eleven, Captain Biddle threw overboard all 
his armament, and every thing that could be spared from the ship ; 
the British continuing within fair range, and constantly firing. For- 
tunately the fire deadened their wind, and at sunset, they were four 
miles astern ; at daylight the next morning, twelve miles ; and at 
eleven o'clock, entirely out of sight. The Hornet, now deprived of 
her armament, and short of provisions, shaped her course for St. 
Salvador, where she heard the news of peace, and returned to New 
York. 

The Constitution, Captain Stewart, left Boston harbour on the 
17th of December, on a cruise to the western islands, and the coast 
of Portugal. On the 20th of February, sixty leagues eastward of 
Madeira, she fell in with the Cyanne and Levant, British ships. At 
six in the afternoon the action commenced by broadsides from all the 
ships at three hundred yards distance. After an action of forty-five 
minutes, the Cyanne surrendered and was taken possession of by 
Captain Stewart ; the Levant at this time endeavouring to escape. 
Having secured his prize, Captain Stewart immediately went in pur- 
suit of the other ship, then in sight to the leeward : at nine o'clock 
came up with her, and exchanged broadsides. The Levant then 
crowded all sail, the Constitution in chase firing her bow guns ; at 
ten the Levant surrendered. The two British ships mounted fifty- 
five guns, and were manned with three hundred and thirty-six men. 
Their loss was thirty-five killed, and forty-two wounded. The Con- 
stitution had three killed, and twelve wounded. The British ships 
were just out from Gibraltar, bound to Madeira with supernumeraries, 
rigging, and equipments, for a British ship building at the Western 
Islands. February 21st, the three ships stood to the westward, and 
on the 23d made Porto Santo, one of the Madeiras, and continued 
under short cruising sail until the 8th of March; when they anchored 
in Port Praya, in the island of St. Jago. At noon, on the 12th, the 
British ships Leander, Acasta, and Newcastle, which had been in 
search of the Constitution during her whole cruise, appeared ofi" the 
harbour. Captain Stewart, apprehending that a neutral port would 
afford him no protection, immediately slipped his cables, and put to 
sea with his prizes. The British made all sail in pursuit. At one. 
Captain Stewart observing the Cyanne to fall astern, gave a signal 
for her to tack, and separate. Without regarding the Cyanne, the 



342 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

chase was continued after the Constitution and Levant. At three, 
the Levant, also falling astern, was ordered to tack and return to 
port. . The British ships then gave up the chase of the Constitution, 
and pursued the Levant into Porto Praya, and took her, under the 
guns of a Portuguese fort. The Cyanne arrived at New York on 
the 15th of April, and the Constitution on the 1st of May. 

The number of British vessels of every description, captured and 
sent into port, or destroyed during the year 1814, including several 
taken after the conclusion, but before notice of the peace, amounted 
to nine hundred and four. The whole number taken during the war, 
exclusive of those which had been recaptured, was sixteen hundred 
and thirty-four, carrying three thousand one hundred and thirteen 
guns, and twelve thousand two hundred and fifteen men. The loss 
of these ships to the British nation, estimating each vessel, cargo, 
and equipments, at the time of sailing, at an average of forty thou- 
sand dollars, amounted to sixty-five millions, three hundred and 
sixty thousand dollars. One hundred and seventy of these captures 
were made by the public armed ships of the United States ; the 
residue by privateers. Ninety-eight of these prizes were ships of 
war belonging to the British navy ; the residue were the property 
of British subjects. 

The British captured at sea and on the lakes during the war, 
twenty national armed ships, and twenty-two gunboats. They also 
took or destroyed two hundred and twenty-eight American privateers. 
The whole number of merchant vessels captured or destroyed, 
amounted to thirteen hundred and ninety-eight. Seventy of these 
were in the British ports at the declaration of war, and there de- 
tained and made prizes ; a great portion of the others were destroyed 
in the American ports, dismantled and without cargoes. Eighteen 
thousand four hundred and thirteen American seamen were made 
prisoners during the war, and two thousand five hundred and forty- 
eight detained as prisoners of war, being American seamen in British 
ports at the declaration of war, or impressed seamen, who refused 
to serve, and gave themselves up as prisoners. 

Toward the close of 1814, the affairs of the United States were in 
a critical position. The American commissioners said the British 
negotiators demand inadmissible terms. The expenditure of the 
country greatly exceeded its income. But the government adopted 
vigorous measures. New loans were authorized and the energetic 
Monroe acted as secretary of war in the place of General Armstrong. 
The violent opposition of some of the New England States to the 
war, threatened the stability of the Union. A convention was held 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 343 

at Hartford in December, ■which issued an address, bitterly denounc- 
ing the government, and recommending amendments to the federal 
constitution. But the great majority sustained the president in the 
prosecution of the war. 

The defence of the seventh military district, comprehending the 
States of Tennessee and Louisiana, and the Mississippi Territory, 
was intrusted to General Jackson. After subduing the Creeks, and 
granting them peace on such terms as he thought proper, under the 
direction of the president, he proceeded to establish strong garrisons 
at the various military posts in the Mississippi Territory, the object 
of which was to watch and check any hostile movements of the Indians. 

From the commencement of Indian hostilities in the South, the 
Spanish authorities in Florida had given the hostile tribes all the aid 
and encouragement in their power, and had suffered the British to 
supply them, through the post and territories of the Floridas, with the 
means of carrying on their warfare. After the defeat of the Creeks, 
McQueen and Francis, the two principal instigators of the massacre 
at Fort Mimms, and the subsequent war, took refuge at Pensacola, 
under the protection of the Spanish governor. A considerable quan- 
tity of arms for the use of the hostile Indians, which were collecting 
in the Floridas, and on the borders of the United States, were suf- 
fered to be landed, and conveyed up the Apalachicola river, to enable 
them to renew their hostilities. Against this' conduct of the Spanish 
government. General Jackson urged the most strong and pointed re- 
monstrances; but received nothing but evasive and unsatisfactory 
answers: while a continuance of the same course of proceedings, gave 
abundant evidence of the weakness and partiality of the Spanish 
authorities. 

The establishment of the British in the Floridas, so convenient for 
them to supply the Indians, and encourage their hostilities, and so 
injurious to the United States, General Jackson determined, on his 
own responsibility, to break up. The Spanish authorities claimed thafc 
national law regards neutral territory as inviolable, admits no hostile 
acts between the belligerants, nor permits either to pursue or attack 
the other thereon. The same principles allow the neutral to open his 
ports and harbours equally to both belligerants. While, therefore, 
Spain did not refuse the same accommodation to the Americans, she 
could not be accused of a breach of neutrality in permitting the British 
to rendezvous at Pensacola, however injurious it might be to the inte- 
rests of the United States. To this it was answered that as she had 
not caused her rights as a neutral to be respected by the British in 
the case of the Essex at Valparaiso, but had suffered them to be 



344 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

grossly violated, to the injury of the Americans; she could not now 
complain if they availed themselves of the same privilege of attack- 
ing their enemy while on her territory. What course it might be 
expedient to pursue in relation to this subject was a question exclu- 
sively for the American government to determine. 

Without waiting however for this determination, General Jackson, 
on the 6th of November, appeared before the town of Pensacola with 
the regulars of the 3d, 39th, and 44th regiments of infantry, part of 
General Coffee's brigade, the Mississippi dragoons, part of the West 
Tennessee regiment, and the Choctaws under Major Blue. On his 
approach, he sent Major Pierce with a flag, to communicate the object 
of his visit to the governor. As the flag approached Fort St. George, 
then occupied by British and Spanish troops, it was fired upon and 
compelled to return. The Americans encamped on the west of the 
town, and in order to induce a belief that the attack would commence 
on that quarter, the mounted men were paraded and sent out on the 
morning of the 7th. While the attention of the British was directed 
to them, the main body passed in rear of the fort to the east side of 
the town, where they appeared in full view, at a mile's distance. In 
this position there was a strong fort in possession of the British ready 
to assail them on the right, seven armed ships on the left, and strong 
block-houses and batteries in front. General Jackson led on his men 
with firmness, and entered the town, Avhen a battery opened upon his 
centre column composed of the regulars, with ball and grape, while 
at the same time they were assailed by a shower of musketry from 
the houses and gardens. Captain Leval, with his company, imme- 
diately stormed and took the battery, while the enemy's musketry 
were silenced by a steady and well directed fire of the regulars. The 
governor now came out^ and met Colonels Williamson and Smith, who 
led the dismounted volunteers, with a flag, and surrendered the town 
and fort unconditionally. The fort was taken possession of at twelve 
o'clock at night; and protection granted to the persons and property 
of the citizens of the town. On the morning of the 8th, General 
Jackson was preparing to storm the Barrancas, a fortress six miles 
from the town, which commanded the entrance of the harbour, and 
in the hands of the Americans could have enabled them to prevent 
the escape of the British ships, when a tremendous explosion gave 
notice that the fortress with its appendages was blown up. To save 
the shipping, the British had compelled the Spaniards to consent to 
the destruction of this post, the most important in the Floridas. A 
detachment of two hundred men were sent to examine the ruins, who 
reported that every thing combustible was burned, the cannon spiked 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 345 

and dismounted, and the British gone to their ships. At the approach 
of General Jackson, the hostile Indians fled across the hay. The 
American general, having assured the Spaniards that any injury done 
to private property should be compensated by the American govern- 
ment, withdrew his troops from the Spanish territory, and returned 
to Ten saw on the 13th of November, leaving a strong impression of 
the bravery and firmness of the American troops. 

The success of this enterprise, and its beneficial effects to the United 
States, precluded all inquiry into the real character of the transac- 
tion. It was in eff'ect making war upon Spain, by an American ge- 
neral, without the authority of Congress or the executive. Under 
other circumstances, it might have involved the country in war with 
that nation, or the government must have disavowed the transaction, 
dismissed the general, and made restitution. But Spain was at this 
time in no condition to resist either British or American aggres-sions. 

Toward the close of the year 1814, the attention of the British 
and Americans was drawn from all minor operations of the war, to 
the attack and defence of New Orleans. The city is situated on the 
east bank of the Mississippi, one hundred miles from its mouth. 
Forty miles up the river is Detour Plaquemine, where there is a con- 
siderable bend in the river, so that the same wind which brings a ship 
into this bend will not serve to carry it further up. Fort St. Philip's 
is erected on a point of land formed by this bend, and commands the 
passage. A ship of war entering it must lie to, within reach of the 
guns of this fort, until a change of wind enables her to proceed up 
the river; by reason of marshes, the fort is inaccessible by land. 
This position is the principal defence of the city from an attack by 
sea. Forty miles above this is the Detour I'Anglois, or English town, 
situate in a similar form, but not fortified. From this to the city is 
a high embankment, or dyke, on the margin of the river, to prevent 
its overflowing the adjacent country: the surface of this embankment 
forms a convenient road. One hundred miles above the city, is an 
outlet from the river on its east bank, which is denominated the River 
Iberville, and communicates with Lake Pontchartrain, through Lake 
Maurepas. Lake Pontchartrain, by a narrow pass, communicates 
with Lake Borgne, and this with the Gulf of Mexico. The land en- 
circled by these waters, forms the Island of Orleans, and is low, 
level, and swampy, intersected with numerous bayoua or creeks, and 
much of it lower than the surface of the river. The outlet from Lake 
Pontchartrain to Lake Borgne is about four miles in length. For 
the defence of this passage, a small fortress had been erected, called 
Petit Coquille. General Wilkinson, while he commanded at New 



346 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Orleans, having been directed to present a plan for the defence of 
the city; and considering that the probable course which an enemy 
designing an attack, would take, must be through this passage, and 
up the Bayou St. John, which would bring them directly before the 
city, advised that the fortification at the Petit Coquille be enlarged 
and provided with sixty pieces of heavy ordnance, and an adequate 
garrison. His plan was never adopted; but the enemy having ob- 
tained possession of it, and believing it to have been executed, were 
deterred from making their attack at that point. At the entrance 
of Lake Borgne into the Gulf of Mexico are a number of small 
islands, the principal of which is Ship or Pine Island, where there is 
a harbour. At this place, and at every entrance into the lake from 
the gulf, the water is shoal, and will not admit of sea vessels. 

The city of New Orleans is the natural and only convenient place 
of deposit on the Mississippi, which furnishes an outlet for one half 
the territory of the United States, containing one quarter of its po- 
pulation. The productions of the country above, are transported in 
rafts, boats, and various river craft, to this city, whence they are 
shipped in sea vessels to distant markets. Its situation rendered it 
the most important point of attack which the United States presented. 
At this period, vast quantities of sugar, cotton, tobacco, and other 
productions were accumulated here, which the war had prevented from 
being exported, and now promised a rich harvest of plunder. These 
circumstances rendered this city an important object to the British 
government, either as a permanent conquest, or a subject of negotia- 
tion. The same circumstances rendered its defence, at all hazards, 
an imperious duty on the part of the United States. 

After the British fleet left the Chesapeake, they repaired to Ja- 
maica for the purpose of recruiting, obtaining supplies, and concen- 
trating their forces. At this place, and at Bermuda, the whole British 
force, which could be spared from the Atlantic coast, from Halifax to 
Georgia, rendezvoused in the month of November for the New Orleans 
expedition: large reinforcements were also ordered from England, 
under General Packenham, furnished not only with the means of war, 
but also with printing-presses, custom-house and civil officers; and 
every thing incident to a permanent establishment. On the 20th of 
November, this formidable armament, consisting of upward of sixty 
sail, left the West Indies for the Gulf of Mexico ; and on the 18th 
of December rendezvoused in the neighbourhood of Ship Island, at 
the entrance of Lake Borgne. 

General Jackson, with the regular troops from the Mobile and Mis- 
sissippi Territory, arrived at New Orleans on the 2d of December, and 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 347 

put in operation the most rigorous measures of defence. The militia 
of Louisiana and Mississippi were ordered out en masse, and hirge 
detachments from Tennessee and Kentucky. From a previous cor- 
respondence with Governor Claiborne, General Jackson had been in- 
formed that the citj corps had for the most part refused obedience to 
the orders which he had given to turn out on the requisition of Ge- 
neral Flournoy ; that they had been encouraged in their disobedience 
by the legislature of the State, who were then in session in the city; 
that, although there were many faithful citizens in New Orleans, there 
were many others whose attachment to the United States could not 
be confided in; and should the city be attacked, they must principally 
depend upon the regular troops, and the militia of the Western States 
for defence. " Many of the citizens," the governor observes, " are de- 
voted to the interests of Spain; and whose hostility to the English 
is no less observable than their dislike to the American government. 
Native Americans, native Louisianians, Frenchmen, Spaniards, and 
English compose the population; among them there exists much jea- 
lousy, and as great a diiference in political sentiment as in their lan- 
guage and habits." 

In addition to this communication, on the 8th of September, the 
governor writes, " There is great reason to fear a much greater dis- 
aifection than I had anticipated. The garrison here is alarmingly 
weak, and from the great mixture of persons and character in this 
city, we have much to apprehend, from within as well as without. In 
arresting the intercourse between New Orleans and Pensacola, you 
have done right. That place is, in fact, an enemy's post ; and had our 
commercial intercourse continued, the supplies furnished the enemy 
would have so much exhausted our own stock of provisions, as to have 
occasioned the most serious inconvenience to ourselves. I was on the 
point of taking on myself the prohibition of the trade to Pensacola, 
and should have issued a proclamation for that purpose, the very day 
I heard of your interposition. Enemies to the country may blame 
you for the very prompt and energetic measures you have taken ; but 
in the person of every patriot you will find a supporter. I am aware 
of the lax police of the city, and indeed throughout the State, with 
respect to the visits of strangers. I think with you that our country 
is filled with spies and traitors." 

On his arrival in the city. General Jackson found these sentiments 
of the governor fully justified; and, on consultation with him, in con- 
junction with Judge Hall, and many influential persons of the city, 
on the 16th of December, issued an order, declaring the city and 
environs of New Orleans to be under strict martial law. Every in- 



348 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

dividual entering the city was required to report himself to the adju- 
tant-general, and no person by land or water was suffered to leave the 
city without a passport. The street lamps were ordered to be extin- 
guished at nine o'clock ; after which any persons found in the streets, 
or from their homes without permission in writing, and not having the 
countersign, were ordered to be apprehended as spies. This measure 
at once converted the whole city into a camp, and subjected the per- 
sons and property of the citizens to the will of the commanding ge- 
neral. Writs of habeas corpus, and all other civil process by means 
of which the lives and properties of the people are protected, were 
for the time suspended. Such was the alarm and confusion of the 
moment, that few inquiries were made whence the commanding ge- 
neral of a military station derived such powers, to be exercised over 
the inhabitants of the adjacent country, in nowise connected with his 
camp. Although the brilliant success which afterward attended the 
operations of General Jackson seemed to justify the measure, yet 
the people saw in it a precedent, which though it might have saved 
New Orleans, might at some future period extinguish their liberties. 
A most rigid police was now instituted. Spies and traitors, with 
which the governor complained the city abounded, and who had been 
industriously employed in seducing the French and Spanish inhabit- 
ants from their allegiance, now fled; and the remaining citizens cor- 
dially co-operated with the general in the means of defence. Fort 
St. Philip's, which guarded the passage of the river at the Detour la 
Plaquemine, was strengthened and placed under the command of 
Major Overton, an able and skilful engineer. A site was selected for 
works of defence, four miles below the city, where its destinies were 
ultimately to be determined. The right rested on the river, and the 
left was flanked by an impenetrable cypress swamp, which extended 
eastward to Lake Pontchartrain, and westward to within a mile of 
the river. Between the swamp and the river was a large ditch or 
artificial bayou which had been made for agricultural objects, but 
■which now served an important military purpose. On the northern 
bank of this ditch the intrenchments were thrown up, and large 
quantities of cotton bales so arranged that the troops could be 
effectually protected from the enemy's fire. Each flank was secured 
by an advance bastion; and the latter protected by batteries in the 
rear. These works were well mounted with artillery. Opposite this 
position, on the west bank of the river, on a rising ground. General 
Morgan, with the city and drafted militia, was stationed; and Com- 
modore Patterson, with the crews of the Caroline and Louisiana, and 
the "uns of the latter, formed another, near General Morgan's; both 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 349 

which entirely enfihided the approach of an enemy against the prin- 
cipal works. A detachment was stationed above the town to guard 
the pass of the Bayou St. John, if an attempt should be made from 
that quarter. These arrangements, promptly and judiciously made, 
gave entire confidence to the citizens, and inspired them with zeal to 
second the general's exertions. Reinforcements Avere daily arriving, 
and as they arrived, were immediately conducted to their respective 
stations. 

In the mean time, the British were actively employed iu making 
preparations for the attack. Believing the pass from Lake Borgne to 
Lake Pontchartrain to be defended according to General Wilkinson's 
plan by the Fortress of Petit Coquille, they determined to land from 
Lake Borgne, by the Bayou Bienvenue. For this purpose they con- 
centrated their forces on Ship Island, eighty miles distant from the 
contemplated place of landing. The depth of water in Lake Borgne 
was such that this distance could be traversed only by boats and 
small craft, and must necessarily be passed several times in order to 
bring up the whole armament. The first object of the British gene- 
ral Avas to clear the lake of the American gunboats; and for this 
purpose, forty British launches were sent in pursuit of them, and, 
after a desperate resistance, captured and destroyed the whole Ame- 
rican flotilla stationed on Lake Borgne and Pontchartrain for the 
defence of New Orleans, consisting of five gunboats, and a small 
sloop and schooner. By this success they obtained the undisturbed 
possession of the lake; and on the 22d of December proceeded from 
their rendezvous on Ship Island, with all their boats and small craft 
capable of navigating the lake, to the Bayou Bienvenue; and having 
surprised and captured the videttes at the mouth of the bayou, the 
first division accomplished their landing unobserved. Major-general 
Villiere, of the New Orleans militia, living on the bayou, to whom 
the important service of making the first attack, and giving notice 
of the enemy's approach was intrusted, found them on his plantation, 
nine miles below the city, without any previous knowledge of their 
approach. 

Notice was immediately given to General Jackson, who came out 
and attacked them on the evening of the 2od. In this affair, the 
British sustained a loss, in killed, wounded, and missing, of five hun- 
dred. The British intrenched themselves at the Bienvenue planta- 
tion, four miles from the American camp, making the plantation-house 
in the rear of their works their head-quarters. General Jackson es- 
tablished his head-quarters at McCarty's plantation, on the bank of 
the river, and in full view of the British encampment. Two armed 



z.^' 



350 LIVES OF THE TRESIDENTS AND VICE-rRESIDENTS, 

schooners, the Caroline and Louisiana, constituting all the American 
naval force on the river, dropped down from the city, anchored oppo- 
site the British encampment, and opened a brisk fire upon their lines 
"with considerable effect. On the 27th, the Caroline, Captain Henly, 
got becalmed within reach of the British batteries, and was set fire 
to, and destroyed by their hot shot: the other succeeded in getting 
out of their reach. On the 28th, the British advanced within half a 
mile of the American lines, and opened a fire of shells and rockets; 
but were driven back by the artillery with considerable loss. On the 
night of the 31st December, the enemy again advanced within six 
hundred yards of General Jackson's position, and erected three bat- 
teries, mounting fifteen guns, and, at eight o'clock in the morning, 
opened a heavy fire. In the course of the day, under cover of these 
batteries, three unsuccessful attempts were made to storm the Ame- 
rican works. By four in the afternoon, all their batteries were si- 
lenced, and, in the following night, they returned to their former 
position. On the 4th of January, General Adair arrived, with four 
thousand Kentucky militia, principally without arms. The muskets 
and munitions of war destined for the supply of this corps, were pro- 
vided at Pittsburgh, and did not leave that place until the 25th of 
December ; passed Louisville the 6th of January, and arrived at New 
Orleans several days after the battle of the 8th. On the 6th, the 
last reinforcement of three thousand men arrived from England, under 
Major-general Lambert. Before the final assault on the American 
lines, the British general deemed it necessary to dislodge General 
Morgan and Commodore Patterson from their positions on the right 
bank. These posts so effectually enfiladed the approach to General 
Jackson's works, that the army advancing to the assault must be ex- 
posed to the most imminent hazard. To accomplish this object, boats 
-were to be transported across the island from Lake Borgne to the 
Mississippi ; for this purpose the British had been laboriously em- 
ployed in deepening and widening the canal or bayou Bienvenue, on 
which they first disembarked. On the 7th, they succeeded in opening 
the embankment on the river, and completing a communication from 
the lake to the Mississippi. In pushing the boats through, it was 
found at some places that the canal was not of sufficient width, and 
at others the banks fell in and choked the passage, which necessarily 
occasioned great delay and increase of labour. At length, however, 
they succeeded in hauling through a sufficient number to transport 
five hundred troops to the right bank. At dawn of day on the 8th 
was the period fixed for the final assault on the American lines. Co- 
lonel Thornton was detached with five hundred men, to cross the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 351 

river, and attack the batteries on that side, at the same time that the 
main assault was made, of which he Avas to be informed by a signal 
rocket. The American general had detached Colonel Davis, with 
three hundred Kentucky militia, badly armed, to reinforce General 
Morgan. These were immediately ordered to the water edge, to op- 
pose the enemy's landing. Unable in their situation to contend with 
a superior force of regular troops well armed, they soon broke and 
fled, and the Louisiana militia at General Morgan's battery followed 
their example. Commodore Patterson's marine battery, being now 
unprotected, his crews were obliged to yield to an overwhelming force, 
and the British succeeded in silencing both ; but the opposition Co- 
lonel Thornton met with prevented this operation from being com- 
pleted, until the contest was nearly ended on the opposite side of the 
river. 

At daylight on the morning of the 8th, the main body of the British, 
under their commander-in-chief, General Packenham, were seen ad- 
vancing from their encampment to storm the American lines. On 
the preceding evening, they had erected a battery within eight hun- 
dred yards, which now opened a brisk fire to protect their advance. 
The British came on in two columns, the left along the levee on the 
bank of the river, directed against the American right, while their 
right advanced to the swamp, Avith a view to turn General Jackson's 
left. The country being a perfect level, and the view" unobstructed, 
their march was observed from its commencement. They were suf- 
fered to approach in silence and unmolested, until within three hun- 
dred yards of the lines. This period of suspense and expectation 
was employed by General Jackson and his officers in stationing every 
man at his post, and arranging every thing for the decisive event. 
When the British columns had advanced within three hundred yards 
of the lines, the whole artillery at once opened upon them a most 
deadly fire. Forty pieces of cannon deeply charged with grape, ca- 
nister, and musket-balls, mowed them down by hundreds : at the same 
time the batteries on the west bank opened their fire; while the rifle- 
men in perfect security behind their works, as the British advanced, 
took deliberate aim, and nearly every shot took effect. Through this 
destructive fire, the British left column, under the immediate orders 
of the commander-in-chief, rushed on with their fascines and scaling 
ladders to the advance bastion on the American right, and succeeded 
in mounting the parapet; here, after a close conflict with the bayonet, 
they succeeded in obtaining possession of the bastion ; when the bat- 
tery planted in the rear for its protection, opened its fire, and drove 
the British from the ground. On the American left, the British at- 



352 LIVES OF THE PRESIDET^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

tempted to pass the swamp, and gain the rear, but the works had 
been extended as far into the swamp as the ground would permit. 
Some who attempted it, sunk in the mire and disappeared; those be- 
hind, seeing the fate of their companions, seasonably retreated and 
gained the hard ground. The assault continued an hour and a quarter : 
during the whole time the British were exposed to the deliberate and 
destructive fire of the American artillery and musketry, which lay 
in perfect security behind their breastworks of cotton-bales, which 
no balls could penetrate. At eight o'clock, the British column drew 
off in confusion, and retreated behind their works. Flushed with 
success, the militia were eager to pursue the British troops to their 
intrenchments, and drive them immediately from the island. A less 
prudent and accomplished general might have been induced to yield 
to the indiscreet ardour of his troops; but General Jackson, under- 
stood too well the nature both of his own and his enemy's force, to 
hazard such an attempt. Defeat must inevitably have attended such 
an assault made by raw militia upon an intrenched camp of British 
regulars. The defence of New Orleans was the object; nothing was 
to be hazarded which would jeopardize the city. The British were 
suffered to retire behind their works without molestation. The result 
was such as might be expected from the different positions of the two 
armies. General Packenham, near the crest of the glacis, received 
a ball in his knee. Still continuing to lead on his men, another shot 
pierced his body, and he was carried off the field. Nearly at the 
same time. Major-general Gibbs, the second in command, within a 
few yards of the lines, received a mortal wound, and was removed. 
The third in command, Major-general Keane, at the head of his 
troops near the glacis, was severely wounded. The three command- 
ing generals, on marshalling their troops at five o'clock in the morn- 
ing, promised them a plentiful dinner in New Orleans, and gave them 
booty and beauty as the parole and countersign of the day. Before 
eight o'clock, the three generals were carried off the field, two in the 
agonies of death, and the third entirely disabled; leaving upward 
of two thousand of their men, dead, dying, and wounded, on the field 
of battle. Colonel Baynor, who commanded the forlorn hope which 
stormed the American bastion on the right, as he was leading his 
men up, had the calf of his leg carried away by a cannon-shot. Dis- 
abled as he was, he was the first to mount the parapet, and receive 
the American bayonet. Seven hundred were killed on the field, four- 
teen hundred wounded, and five hundred made prisoners, making a 
total on that day of twenty-six hundred. But six Americans were 
killed, and seven wounded. Of General Morgan's detachment on the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 353 

west bank, and in a sortie on the British lines, forty-nine were killed, 
and one hundred and seventy-eight wounded. 

After the battle. General Lambert, who had arrived from England 
but two days before, and was now the only surviving general, requested 
a truce for the purpose of burying his dead. This was granted until 
four o'clock in the afternoon of the ninth. Lines were drawn one 
hundred rods distant from the American camp, within which the 
British were not permitted to approach. In the ditch, and in front 
of the works, within the prescribed lines, four hundred and eighty- 
two British dead were picked up by the American troops, and deli- 
vered to their companions over the lines for burial. The afternoon 
of the 8th, and the whole of the 9th, was spent by the British army 
in burying their dead. The American sentinels guarding the lines 
during this interval, frequently repeated in the hearing of the British, 
while tumbling their companions by hundreds into the pits, "Six 
killed, seven wounded." General Lambert employed the first mo- 
ments of the truce in recalling Colonel Thornton's corps from the 
west bank. On the 9th, General Lambert and Admiral Cochrane, 
with the surviving officers of the army, held a council of war, and 
determined to abandon the expedition. To withdraw the troops from 
their position, and re-embark in the face of a victorious enemy, pre- 
sented an object of nearly as much difficulty and hazard as the iir3t 
landing and attack. To accomplish this, every appearance of a re- 
newal of the assault was kept up. The British remained firm in their 
position, and presented a menacing front until the 18th. 

In order to induce a belief that a united attack by land and water 
was still intended, the lighter ships ascended the river to the Detour 
la Plaquemine, and commenced a bombardment of Fort St. Philip's 
on the 9th, and continued it until the 17th. The ships, taking sta- 
tions out of the reach of the guns, commenced throwing shells into 
the fort, and continued it with little intermission during the whole 
time. Major Overton, with the garrison under his command, sus- 
tained the attack with firmness and with little loss : but two were 
killed and seven wounded. On the 17th, the ships withdrew and 
joined the squadron off Ship Island. This attack on Fort St. Philip's 
answered the purpose of keeping up the alarm at New Orleans, and 
inducing a belief that another attempt was intended. During the 
whole of this time, the general and admiral were with the utmost se- 
crecy and silence withdrawing and re-embarking their heavy artillery, 
baggage, and stores. On the night of the 18th, they broke up their 
encampment, and commenced their retreat to the place of their first 
landing. 

23 



354 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEl^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

This was the last action of the war. The Americans had suffered 
many disasters at the commencement of the struggle, but they came 
out of the contest with an exalted naval and military reputation. 

Soon after the ratification of peace with Great Britain, the United 
States declared war against Algiers. The Algerine government had 
violated the treaty of 1795. In 1812, under pretence that the cargo 
of the ship Alleghany, which had just arrived with naval stores, for 
the payment of tribute, did not contain such an assortment of articles 
as he had a right to expect, the Dey of Algiers demanded additional 
tribute to be paid in money. After several ineffectual attempts to 
negotiate, Colonel Lear, the American consul, made arrangements 
for paying the demand, and sailed for the United States. Imme- 
diately after his departure, the Dey commenced hostilities upon the 
commerce of the United States in the Mediterranean. These out- 
rages were not chastised at the time, on account of the war with 
Great Britain. War having been declared against Algiers, two squad- 
rons were fitted out, under Commodores Decatur and Bainbridge. 
Commodore Decatur sailed from New York in May, and proceeding 
up the Mediterranean, captured, on the 17th of June, an Algerine 
frigate, and on the 19th, off Cape Palos, an Algerine brig, carrying 
22 guns. From Palos, Decatur sailed for Algiers. The Dey, intimi- 
dated, signed a treaty of peace, which was highly honourable and 
advantageous to the Americans. Decatur then proceeded to Tunis 
and Tripoli, where he obtained satisfaction for the unprovoked viola- 
tion of the treaty subsisting between those governments and the United 
States, and caused the former treaties to be renewed. On his arrival 
at Gibraltar, Commodore Decatur joined the squadron under Com- 
modore Bainbridge, to whom he resigned the command. Bainbridge, 
with this additional force, made his appearance before Algiers, Tunis, 
and Tripoli, but seeing no disposition to violate the treaties, he re- 
turned to the United States. 

With a view to the tranquillity of the Western and North-western 
frontiers, measures were taken to obtain a peace with several tribes 
of Indians who had been hostile to the United States. Several of 
their chiefs met at Detroit, on the 6th of September, and readily ac- 
ceded to a renewal of their former treaties of friendship. 

At the close of the war, the regular army of the United States was 
reduced to 10,000 men. For the better protection of the country in 
case of another war. Congress appropriated a large sum for fortifying 
the seacoast and inland frontiers, and for the increase of the navy. 

In April, 1816, an act was passed by Congress to establish a na- 
tional bank, with a capital of 35,000,000 of dollars. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 355 

In August, Fort Apalachicola, which was occupied by runaway- 
negroes and hostile Indians, was destroyed by a detachment of Ame- 
rican troops. More than one hundred were killed, and the remainder 
were taken prisoners. In September, General Jackson held a treaty 
with the Chickasaws, Choctaws, and Cherokees. He made purchases 
of their lands, particularly favourable to the wishes and security of 
the frontier settlements. The tranquillity which was restored among 
the Indians themselves contributed to favour the resumption of the 
work of civilization, which previous to the war had made considerable 
progress. In December the Indiana Territory was admitted into the 
Union as a State. 

In 1816, the presidential election occurred. Mr. Madison, follow- 
ing the example of his predecessors, declined a re-election. James 
Monroe and Daniel D. Tompkins, the candidates of the Republican 
party, were elected president and vice-president by a considerable 
majority. Mr. Madison retired from the laborious and highly respon- 
sible position which he had occupied, generally esteemed as a man, 
but while partisans still denied him the qualifications necessary to 
constitute an able president. 

In 1817, Mr. Madison retired to his farm to enjoy the serenity of 
rural life; but here he was not idle. On the death of Mr. Jefferson, 
he was made Chancellor of the University of Virginia, and, as well 
as his predecessor, took a deep interest in the prosperity of the insti- 
tution. When Virginia called a convention to alter her constitution, 
Mr. Madison, with Chief-justice Marshall and Mr. Monroe, were found 
among the sages who had witnessed the birth of that constitution, and 
were well acquainted with its excellences and defects, and were good 
judges of the best forms of amendment. Many years ago, a book- 
seller at Washington got up an edition of the debates in the several 
conventions called by the States in 1787 and 1788, to deliberate on 
the adoption of the constitution of the United States. Mr. Madison 
took a lively interest in this publication, and afforded the editor all 
the information that he possessed upon the subject. 

Mr. Madison was unquestionably the leading member in the Vir- 
ginia convention called for the adoption of the constitution of the 
United States, although there were several distinguished men among 
them. This body was fortunate enough to have employed a reporter 
of eminence for the occasion, which was not the case in many other 
States ; and what the Virginia reporter did not put down in his notes, 
Mr. Madison's minutes and recollections most readily supplied. 

In the convention' he had to meet the blaze of Patrick Henry's 
eloquence, the subtle arguments of Mason, and the chilling doubts 



356 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of Monroe; but all were overcome by the clearness of his views and 
the force of his reasonings. Mr. Madison was not an orator in the 
common acceptation of the word; there were no deep tones in his 
voice; no flashes of a fierce and commanding eye; no elegant ges- 
tures to attract the beholder ; all was calm, dignified, and convincing. 
It was the still, small voice, in which the oracles of God were com- 
municated to the prophet. He never talked for the love of display, 
but simply to communicate his thoughts. He spoke often in debate, 
when earnest in his cause, but was always heard with profound atten- 
tion ; not a word of his speeches was lost. He was so perfectly master 
of his subject, that he had nothing to correct in a retrospective view 
of it, and was so well understood that he had nothing to explain. 
His voice was deficient in volume, but it was so well modulated, that 
its compass was more extensive than that of many speakers of stronger 
lungs. His conversation was truly a charm. He was familiar with 
most topics, and he loved both to communicate and receive informa- 
tion. He lived in times when men grew up with strong prejudices 
and partialities ; but his most familiar guests seldom heard a sentence 
tinged with them, either at his table or fireside. For nearly twenty 
years he had been daily preparing for the change of worlds, and at 
last sank into the arms of death in as peaceful a sleep as a babe on 
the bosom of his mother. Nature and religion had cured him of all 
fears of the grave ; he had no dread of what " dreams might come 
when he had shufiled ofi" this mortal coil." He had no enmities to 
settle, for he had quarrelled with no one ; he had no slanders to for- 
give, for no one ever traduced him. His history contains, indeed, a 
miracle, for there has not been one of mortal, or of immortal birth, 
who has acted a conspicuous part on this earth, but James Madison, 
whose private reputation has not been assailed. 



JAMES MONROE. 



The members of the cabinet during the administration of President 
Madison, were as follows: — Secretaries of state, Robert Smith and 
James Monroe ; secretaries of the treasury, Albert Gallatin, George 
W. Campbell, and Alexander J. Dallas ; secretaries of war, William 
Eustis, John Armstrong, James Monroe, and William H. Crawford ; se- 
cretaries of the navy, Samuel Hamilton, William Jones, and Benjamin 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 357 

W. Crowlnshield ; attorneys-general, Caesar A. Rodney, William 
Pinckney, and Richard Rush ; Gideon Granger, and Return Jona- 
than Meigs were postmasters-general. A biography of Mr. Monroe 
"will be found in its proper place, as that for President of the United 
States. 



GEORGE W. CAMPBELL. 

George Washington Campbell was a native of Tennessee. 
Having been educated to the profession of the law, he gradually rose 
to distinction, and after serving in the legislature of his native State, 
was elected to a seat in the United States Senate. On the 11th of 
February, 1814, Mr. Madison appointed him secretary of the trea- 
sury. He made but one report, and that showed a lamentable con- 
dition of affairs in the department under his control. The toils of 
the position destroyed his health in a few months, and he resigned 
on the 28th of September, 1814, being succeeded by Mr. A. J. Dallas, 
of Pennsylvania. Mr. Campbell made no figure in public life after- 
ward. 



ALEXANDER JAMES DALLAS. 

Alexander James Dallas was secretary of the treasury under 
Mr. Madison's second term of administration, and one of the ablest 
of American financiers. He was born in the Island of Jamaica, on 
the 1st of June, 1759. When quite young, he was sent to school at 
Edinburgh, and afterward at Westminster. His father was an emi- 
nent and wealthy physician in the Island of Jamaica. In 1781, 
after the death of his father, he left England for Jamaica. It was 
found that the whole of Mr. Dallas's property was left at the disposal 
of his widow, who married again, and no part of it ever came to the 
rest of the family. The subject of this article left Jamaica in April, 
1783, and arrived at New York June 7, and at Philadelphia a week 
after. June 17th, he took the oath of allegiance to the State of 
Pennsylvania. In July, 1785, he was admitted to practise in the 
supreme court of Pennsylvania, and, in the course of four or five 
years, became a practitioner in the courts of the United States. 



358 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

During this period, his practice not being extensive, he prepared his 
reports for the press, and occupied himself in various literary under- 
takings. He wrote much in the magazines of the day. Of the 
Columbian Magazine he was at one time editor. His essays will 
bear a comparison with those of his contemporaries ; and this is no 
small praise, for Franklin, Rush, and Hopkinson were of the number. 
January 19, 1791, he was appointed secretary of Pennsylvania by 
Governor Mifflin. In December, 1793, his commission was renewed. 
Not long after, he was appointed paymaster-general of the forces 
that marched to the West, and he accompanied the expedition to 
Pittsburg. In December, 17^6, the office of secretary was again 
confided to him. While he held this office, he published an edition 
of the laws of the commonwealth, with notes. Upon the election of 
Mr. Jeiferson, in 1801, he was appointed attorney of the United 
States for the eastern district of Pennsylvania, and he continued in 
this office until his removal to Washington. October 6, he was ap- 
pointed secretary of the treasury of the United States. The cir- 
cumstances under which he entered this difficult situation, the bold- 
ness with which he assumed its responsibilities, his energy of cha- 
racter, and the general confidence and approbation with which hia 
career was accompanied, belong to the history of the times. March 
13, 1815, he undertook the additional trust of secretary of war, and 
performed with success the delicate task of reducing the army of the 
United States. 

In November, 1816, peace being restored, the finances arranged, 
the embarrassment of the circulating medium daily diminishing, and 
soon to disappear under the influence of the national bank, which it 
had so long been his effort to establish, Mr. Dallas resigned his 
honourable station, and returned to the practice of the law in Phila- 
delphia. His business was considerable, and his talents as an advo- 
cate were employed, not only at home, but from almost every quarter 
of the Union. In the midst of his brilliant prospects, exposure to 
cold, and great professional exertions in a very important cause, 
brought on an attack of the gout in his stomach, at Trenton, of 
•which he died, January 16, 1817. 

Mr. Dallas was gifted with a quick and powerful mind, and as a 
statesman he displayed remarkable energy and extensive information. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 359 



WILLIAM EUSTIS. 

The first secretary of war under the administration of President 
Madison, was Dr. William Eustis, of Massachusetts, who was born at 
Boston, in 1753, and graduated at Cambridge in 1772. At the 
commencement of the Revolution he was a student in medicine with 
Dr. Joseph Warren, on whose recommendation he was early appointed 
surgeon of the regiment of artillery then in Cambridge. " In all the 
duties pertaining to his office, Dr. Eustis was found faithful, humane, 
and indefatigable." At the termination of the war, he began his 
professional practice in Boston. He was two years of the council 
during the administration of GovernAr Sullivan ; and in 1800 was 
elected a member of Congress. In 1809 he was appointed secretary 
of war, but soon retired from that department. In 1815 he was ap- 
pointed ambassador to Holland, and in 1821 was chosen member of 
Congress. When Governor Brooks retired from office, he succeeded 
to the chair of state " under circnmstances peculiarly auspicious to a 
happy administration." 

Dr. Eustis died in the city of Boston, after a short illness, during 
his attendance at the general court, in the session of February, 1825, 
at the age of seventy-two years. He was a man of fine abilities, 
profound learning, and extraordinary application. He was evidently 
out of his element when he served as secretary of war. He lacked 
energy, decision, and familiarity with extensive systems of military 
operations. But his high reputation suffered no diminution because 
of his failure to meet the demands of an uncongenial sphere. The 
fault rested with those who had selected him for such a position. 



JOHN ARMSTRONG. 



General John Armstrong, distinguished as a war minister and 
military annalist, was born at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in 1758. When 
eighteen he joined the army as a volunteer, about the commence- 
ment of the Revolution, was in the Northern campaign under Wash- 
ington, and fought under him at Princeton. Here he distinguished 
himself by his bravery, and when General Mercer fell, received him 
in his arms. He afterward joined the staff of General Gates, re- 



360 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

ceived the rank of major, and acted as such until the peace. He 
was author of the celebrated Newburg addresses, which produced an 
intense sensation throughout the army. 

Major Armstrong was secretary of the State of Pennsylvania, 
during the gubernatorial term of Dr. Franklin, and subsequently 
member of the old Congress, About the year 1789 he married a 
daughter of Chancellor Livingston. In 1800 he was chosen United 
States senator from New York, and, while still serving in that capa- 
city, received the appointment of minister to France, from President 
Jefferson, a station which he filled six years. 

Soon after the declaration of war by the United States against 
Great Britain in 1812, he was appointed a brigadier-general in the 
United States army, and assigned to the command of the district 
embracing the city and harbour of New York ; and, in February of 
the following year, he succeeded Dr. Eustis as secretary of war. 
This office he accepted with the greatest reluctance, having no con- 
fidence in the fitness of the generals whom the president (Mr. Madi- 
son) had appointed to the chief command of the American forces, 
and expecting only defeat and disaster until they should be super- 
seded by younger, and more active as well as more able men. They 
had, it is true, seen and done some service in the Revolution, but 
only in subordinate capacities ; and, becoming enervated by a repose 
of thirty years, they had, according to General Armstrong, " lost all 
ambitious aspirations, while they had forgotten all they ever knew, 
and were ignorant of the later improvements in military science." 
In this condition of things, the new secretary of war adopted the 
step, with difficulty acquiesced in by Mr. Madison, of transferring 
his department of the government from Washington to Sackett's 
Harbour, that he might be near the scene of the operations to be 
directed, from the State of New York, against Canada. But even 
his presence was unable to counteract the evils resulting from the 
mistaken appointments which had been made. The generals in 
command were not deterred from setting aside his instructions as to 
the plan of the campaign (of 1813 ;) and, superadding to their other 
disqualifications that of quarrelling among themselves, the result of 
the efforts made for the conquest of Canada was precisely such as 
General Armstrong, before going into office, had predicted as likely, 
under the circumstances, to ensue. The capture of Washington, in 
August, 1814, led to General Armstrong's retirement from the war 
office, an act which terminated his political career. That no especial 
blame could be attached to him for this untoward event, must be 
manifest, when we are told that the individual (General Winder) who 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 361 

was placed at the head of the forces which had been assembled for 
the defence of the District of Columbia, and who commanded against 
the enemy in the action at Bladensburg, had been appointed by the 
president to this post "against the advice of the secretary," as also, 
that the latter had, under a decision of the president, been con- 
strained "to leave the military functionaries to a discharge of their 
own duties, on their own responsibility." Public opinion, however, 
without any minute inquiry into the causes of the disaster which had 
happened, very naturally, perhaps, fixed upon the head of the war 
department of the administration as a principal object of blame. 
Mr. Madison, though aware of the injustice of the clamour raised 
against the secretary, and in no wise disposed to take any step of a 
nature calculated to aifect the reputation of this officer injuriously, 
was induced, from motives of precaution, to yield to it to a certain 
extent. He intimated to General Armstrong that a brief visit to his 
family would give time for the ebullition of passion and prejudice to 
subside, when he would be able to return and resume the functions 
of his office under more favourable circumstances. But the general 
regarded this intimation as itself an act of injustice, and felt indig- 
nant at its having been given. Determining to exercise his functions 
wholly or not at all, he sent in his resignation, which the president 
accepted. 

In his retirement. General Armstrong's pen was employed on 
various subjects connected with the public good, or belonging to the 
history of his own times. Among the fruits of his literary labours, 
we have a treatise upon gardening, and another upon agriculture, 
that are held in high esteem ; a review of General Wilkinson's me- 
moirs, in which he handles the author with great severity ; several 
biographical notices ; and a history, in two volumes, of the last war. 
It was his intention to leave behind him a history of the war of the 
Revolution, a work in which he had made some progress, and which, 
had he been permitted to finish it, would, there is no doubt, have 
been invested with no ordinary interest, from the fact of his personal 
knowledge of the distinguished men, and most of the important 
events of that period. Toward the latter part of the year 1842, he 
fell into a decline, and gradually wasted away: he breathed his last, 
in the full possession of his mental faculties, and in the eighty-fifth 
year of his age, on the 1st day of April, 1843.* 

General Armstrong was a very decided Democrat in political 
principle, and one of the ablest champions of that party. He was 

* Frost's American Generals. 



362 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

gifted with a mind quick and comprehensive, and, by application, he 
had greatly improved his advantages. He was one of the most 
powerful political writers of his day, and his works prove that he 
was almost unrivalled among his countrymen as a military historian. 



WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD. 

William Harris Crawford was born in Nelson county, Vir- 
ginia, on the 24th of February, 1772. At the age of fourteen, he 
emigrated with his parents to Georgia. For several years, Mr. 
Crawford was engaged in agricultural pursuits, during which time 
his towering genius made a gradual advancement to the temple of 
science and of knowledge, under the private tuition of Mr. Waddell, 
the late president of the University of Georgia. On completing 
his academic course, Mr. Crawford took charge of the academy in 
Augusta ; and employed the time not required in the seminary, in 
prosecuting a course of legal study, which, by the time he had 
arrived to the age of thirty, had fitted him for the practice of the 
law. 

Soon after his admission to the bar, he was one of the three gen- 
tlemen appointed to prepare a digest of the laws of the State, the 
labour of which was principally borne by him : and the work, com- 
pleted in a masterly manner, was received and published by authority 
of the legislature. His professional career now opened to him a wider 
field of emolument and reputation. The excellence of his understand- 
ing, and the superiority of his intellect, soon brought him into public 
life, where he displayed to advantage, those powers with which nature 
had so eminently gifted him. 

He was now called to a seat in the legislature of his State, which 
he continued to fill for four successive years, with advantage to him- 
self and his constituents. 

In 1807 he was elected to the senate of the United States; and 
took his seat in that body, unknown to every member in it, and 
equally new to all the executive officers, having been in no way before 
connected with the administration of the federal government. 

Pursuing an undeviating course in his politics, and attached to the 
Democratic party, the unbending integrity of his character, and his 
powerful talents, soon marked him out as one of the most popular 
and prominent members of either house. He now became a common 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 303 

centre of attraction, and, by his frankness and conciliatory manners, 
attached to him friends from both parties. 

In the session of 1811 and '12, his zeal and talents in the debates 
of that interesting period often brought him into conspicuous notice ; 
and, by his firm and manly conduct, was considered the main stay of 
the administration in the senate. 

In 1813, on the death of Mr. Barlow, he was appointed to succeed 
him as minister plenipotentiary to the court of France, to which he 
repaired without delay. 

The catastrophe of the great campaign of 1813, in Europe, and 
the glorious termination of our war with England, superseded the 
investigations contemplated in the mission to France, and afforded 
Mr. Crawford an early opportunity to return home, in compliance 
with his own arrangements and stipulations at the time of his de- 
parture from Washington. He came home in the same vessel with 
his fast friend, the lamented Bayard, and on his arrival took charge 
of the war department, to which he had been appointed in anticipation 
of his return. On the resignation of Mr. Dallas, he was transferred 
by President Madison to the treasury department. He continued to 
hold that office until the retirement of Mr. Monroe in 1825. He 
declined a reappointment tendered him by Mr. Adams. At the 
period of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford was an unsuc- 
cessful candidate — partly on account of his ill-health, which would 
for a time, at least, have disqualified him for the arduous duties of 
the office of president. 

In 1827, Mr. Crawford was appointed judge of the northern circuit 
of Georgia. Subsequently he was twice elected to the legislature. 
But his health now entirely failed, and he died on the 15th of Sep- 
tember, 1834. 

Mr. Crawford was a statesman of high ability and a politician of 
great influence. 



• 
364 LIVES OF THE PKESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



PAUL HAMILTON. 

Paul Hamilton was distinguished as a patriot and statesman. He 
■was a native of South Carolina. When the Revolutionary struggle 
commenced, he was a young man, and he embraced the cause of his 
country with conspicuous zeal and served with ability on many im- 
portant occasions. In 1804, Mr. Hamilton was chosen governor of 
South Carolina, and he continued to hold that office until 1806, dis- 
charging its duties to the general satisfaction of the State. In 1809 
he was appointed secretary of the navy, an office he held when the 
second war with Great Britain commenced. In 1813 he retired 
from all public office, and in 1816 he died, generally lamented as an 
honest and patriotic servant of his country. 



WILLIAM JONES. 

The successor of Paul Hamilton as secretary of the navy was 
William Jones, a distinguished citizen of Rhode Island. He was 
born at Newport in 1754. At the breaking out of the struggle for 
independence, he entered the service of his country and became a 
captain of marines. He participated in many trying scenes of the 
war, and established his reputation as a brave and unflinching patriot. 
At the capitulation of Charleston to the forces of Sir Henry Clinton, 
Captain Jones was made prisoner. At the conclusion of the war, he 
returned to his native State, and took an active part in civil affairs. 
He was elected to the legislature, and several times chosen speaker 
of the house of representatives. In 1810 he was chosen governor 
of Rhode Island. In 1813, a critical period of the second war with 
Great Britain, he was selected by President Madison to succeed Mr. 
Hamilton as the head of the navy department. For this position he 
was peculiarly fitted by his long service and experience, and the 
manner in which he discharged the duties of his position gave universal 
satisfaction, at a time when the navy was the pride and hope of the 
country. In 1817, Mr. Jones retired from public life ; and in 1822 
he died at the age of sixty-eight years. He was a man of much 
energy and decision of character. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 365 



BENJAMIN W. CROWNINSHIELD. 

Mr. Crowninshield was born at Salem, Massachusetts, Decem- 
ber 29tb, 1773. In youth be received only a common school educa- 
tion, but he possessed energy of character, and great natural abilities, 
and in a few years rose to a much higher and more responsible social 
position. Before he was twenty-one, he commanded a ship in the 
East India trade, and afterwards made several voyages to the East 
Indies in that capacity. He then became one of the most Avealthy 
merchants in Salem ; and from the commencement of the present 
century till the close of the war in 1812, he carried on an extensive 
business with the East Indies, assisted by his father and brothers. 

He held various municipal offices under the state legislature from 
1808 to 1811, and was appointed, by President Madison, secretary 
of the navy in 1814. In 1821 he represented the city of Boston in 
the state legislature, and afterwards was sent to Congress. 

He died on the 3d of February, 1851, in Boston, from an affection 
of the heart, in the 77th year of his age. 



WILLIAM PINCKNEY. 



William Pinckney was one of the finest geniuses who has yet 
filled the office of attorney-general of the United States. He was 
born in Annapolis, Maryland, March 17, 1764. His father was a 
native of England, and favoured the cause of the mother country 
during the Revolutionary struggle, while his son early avowed a 
decided attachment to that of his native land. After receiving such 
an education as the imperfect means of the country could then afford, 
he commenced the study of medicine, but soon relinquished it, and 
entered, in 1783, into the office of the late Judge Chase, then an 
eminent member of the Maryland bar. In 1786 he was admitted to 
practice, and soon gave indications of his future distinction. His 
style of speaking, however, in the outset, was entirely different from 
its subsequent character. In 1788 he was elected a delegate from 
Hartford county to the convention of the State which ratified the 
constitution of the United States, and likewise a representative to 
the house of delegates. Soon after taking his seat, he made an 
animated speech upon the report of a committee appointed to con- 



366 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

sider the laws of Maryland prohibiting the voluntary emancipation 
of slaves ; and, in the ensuing session of 1789, pronounced another 
and superior discourse on the same subject. In both he breathed 
sentiments of the purest philanthropy. It the year just mentioned, he 
was married at Havre de Grace, Maryland, to the sister of Commodore 
Rodgers. In 1790 he was elected a member of Congress ; but his 
election was contested on the ground of his not residing in the dis- 
trict for which he was chosen. He made, himself, a powerful argu- 
ment in support of his claim ; but, after obtaining a favourable 
decision, he declined the honour, in consequence of his professional 
pursuits, and the state of his private afiairs. 

In 1792 he was chosen a member of the executive council of Mary- 
land, and continued in that station until November, 1795; when, 
being elected a delegate to the legislature from Anne Arundel county, 
lie resigned his seat at the council board, of which at the time he 
was president. During all this period, in which he attained a dis- 
tinguished political rank in his State, he was so zealous and inde- 
fatigable in professional pursuits, that he gradually rose to the head 
of the bar. His acuteness, dexterity, and ardour in the transaction 
of business, were combined with great readiness, spirit and vigour in 
debate, and with a rich and fluent elocution, adorned with the finest 
imagery, drawn from classical lore, and a vivid fancy, the effect of 
which was increased by the manliness of his figure, a sonorous and 
flexible voice, and a general animation and gracefulness of delivery. 
In 1796 he was selected by President Washington as one of the 
commissioners of the part of the United States, under the seventh 
article of Mr. Jay's treaty with Great Britain. He embarked for 
London, with his family, in July of the same year, and remained 
absent until 1804, earnestly engaged in the business of his mission, 
and also in attending to the claim of the State of Maryland for a 
large amount of public property invested in the stock of the Bank 
of England before the Revolution, and which had become the subject 
of a complicated chancery litigation. His successful exertions in 
the latter affair were suitably acknowledged by the State of Mary- 
land after his return. He recommenced in Baltimore his professional 
labours with renewed ardour, and with no diminution of legal know- 
ledge, as he had continued his habits of diligent study during his 
residence abroad, and had derived all the advantage which could be 
obtained from frequent intercourse with the first lawyers of England 
and attendance on its courts of justice. He had, besides, employed 
a portion of his time in supplying the defects of his early education, 
with regard to English and classical literature, and, by his applica- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 367 

tion to the subject of elocution and the English language, he had 
added to his natural facility and fluency a copiousness of elegant 
diction which graced even his conversation, and imparted new 
strength and beauty to his forensic style. 

In 1805 he was appointed attorney-general of Maryland. In the 
following year he was again made minister extraordinary to treat 
with the British government, in conjunction with Mr. Monroe, then 
minister resident at the court of St. James, upon various subjects of 
difference between the United States and England. In 1807, Mr. 
Monroe returned home, and Mr. Pinckney was left in London as 
minister resident. His exertions to accommodate matters between 
the two governments terminating fruitlessly, he took his leave of the 
prince regent, and embarked for the United States in 1811. In 
September of the same year, he was elected a member of the senate 
of Maryland, and, in the succeeding December, accepted the office 
of attorney-general of the United States, tendered to him by Mr. 
Madison. When war was declared between Great Britain and this 
country, in 1813, he was chosen to command a volunteer corps raised 
in Baltimore for local defence, which was attached as a battalion of 
riflemen to the third brigade of Maryland militia. He was present, 
and behaved with great gallantry at the unfortunate battle of Bla- 
densburg, where he received a severe wound. After the peace, he 
resigned his command. 

In 1814, a bill having been brought into the house of representa- 
tives, requiring the attorney-general to reside at the seat of govern- 
ment, Mr. Pinckney resigned the office. In 1815 he was chosen a 
member of Congress from Baltimore, and delivered an able speech 
on the treaty-making power. In 1816 he was a third time invested 
with diplomatic functions, being appointed by Mr. Madison special 
minister to the court of Naples, to demand from it indemnity for the 
losses which our merchants had sustained by the seizure and confisca- 
tion of their property in 1809, during the reign of Murat; and also 
minister resident at St. Petersburg. He was induced to accept those 
appointments by the necessity of recruiting his mind and body, almost 
worn out by his intense application to professional duties. He first 
proceeded to Naples, where he had various conferences with the 
minister of foreign affairs, and addressed him an elaborate note, the 
answer to which, however, he could not wait for, being obliged, by 
his instructions, to repair at once to the Russian capital. He returned 
home in 1818. In 1820 he took his seat in Congress as a senator 
from Maryland, and made an elaborate and powerful speech against 
the clause in the bill for the admission of Missouri into the Union, 



368 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

which prohibited the introduction of slaves into the new State. He 
continued also to prosecute his engagements at the bar with his 
wonted ardour ; and to his professional zeal, indeed, he may be said 
to have fallen a victim. In the session of the supreme court in 
1822, he had exerted himself in the investigation and argument of a 
cause in which he felt particular interest, at a time when the state 
of his health unfitted him for application to study and business. A 
severe attack of indisposition, February 17, was the consequence ; 
and, after a period of acute sufiering, during parts of which he was 
in a state of delirium, he expired on the 25th of the same month, in 
the fifty-eighth year of his age. 

As a lawyer, Mr. Pinckney was pre-eminent. He presented a 
rare union of an intense love of his profession, almost unparalleled 
industry, and a genius of Avonderful grasp. He entered the lists with 
his antagonist armed like the ancient cavalier, cap-a-pie. In cases 
which embraced all the complications and intricacies of law, where 
reason seems to be lost in the ocean of technical perplexity, and 
darkness and obscurity assume the dignified character of science, he 
displayed an extent of research, a range of investigation, a lucidness 
of reasoning, and a fervour and brilliancy of thought, that excited 
wonder and elicited admiration. On the driest, most abstract, and 
uninteresting questions of law, when no mind could anticipate such 
an occurrence, he would blaze forth in all the enchanting exuberance 
of a chastened, but rich and vivid imagination. In the higher grades 
of eloquence, where the passions and feelings of our nature are roused 
to rapture or lulled to tranquillity, he was still the great magician 
whose power was resistless, and whose touch was fascination. His 
eloquence was majestic, and overwhelming. The personal appear- 
ance of this great orator was commanding and graceful. 




/^^-^Z^Y^-^^^r^' ^y^^ 



of i\t ^rtsihnls of i\t InittJr States, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



SkpaipfS 0f i\t Wxtt-^xt$\knt$ u'h ik llcmkrs of i\t Mmts, 



JAMES MONROE 



Was born in the county of Westmoreland, Virginia, on tlie 28th 
of April,, 1758. He graduated at William and Mary, and having 
entered as a cadet in the American army in 1776, he was soon after 
appointed lieutenant. He was in the battle of Harlaem Heights, 
White Plains, and Trenton. At the latter, perceiving that the 
enemy were endeavouring to form a six-gun battery at the head of 
King street. Lieutenant Monroe, with Captain William Washington, 
rushed forward with the advance guard, drove the artillerists from 
their guns, and took two pieces which they were in the act of firing. 
These officers were both wounded in this successful enterprise, and for 
his gallant conduct, Lieutenant Monroe was promoted to a captaincy. 
He was aid to Lord Stirling in the campaigns of 1777 and 1778, and 
was at Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth, in which actions 
he distinguished himself. By the recommendation of Washington, 
he was appointed to raise a regiment, of which he was to be given 
the command ; but, in the exhausted State of Virginia, he failed to 
raise his regiment, and therefore resumed the study of the law under 
Jefferson, then governor of the State. He was active as a volunteer in 
the militia, and in the subsequent invasions of Virginia, and in 1780 
visited the Southern army, under De Kalb, as a military commissioner, 
at the request of Mr. Jefferson. 

In 1782 he was a member of the Virginia legislature, and of the 
executive council, and in 1783, at the age of twenty-four, a member 
of Congress, in which he served three years. He was always at his 
post, and engaged in the most arduous duties. He introduced a 
resolution to vest in Congress the power to regulate the trade with 
all the States, and other important resolutions. He was appointed a 
commissioner to settle the boundary between New York and Massa- 

24 369 



370 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

cliusetts. In 1787 he was again a member of the Virginia legishature, 
and in 1788 of the Virginia convention. From 1790 to 1794 he was 
a member of the United States senate. From 1794 to 1796 he was 
minister plenipotentiary to France, and he was recalled by Washing- 
ton, under an implied censure. In 1799, under the nomination of 
Mr. Madison, he was appointed governor of Virginia. In 1803 he 
was minister extraordinary to France, to act in conjunction with Mr. 
Livingston, the resident minister. This mission was of the utmost 
consequence, as it terminated in the acquisition of Louisiana. In the 
same year, Mr. Monroe was appointed minister to London, and' in 
1804, to Spain. In 1806, in conjunction with William Pinckney, he 
was appointed minister to London, where he pursed the negotiations 
with the Fox ministry. Mr. Monroe having been prominently 
brought forward as a candidate for the presidency, as the successor 
of Mr. Jefferson, returned from London ; but soon after Avithdrew 
from the canvass. In 1810 he was again elected to the legislature, 
and again appointed governor. He was appointed secretary of state, 
November 26, 1811. The war department being in a very embar- 
rassed state, on the departure of its head, General Armstrong, Mr. 
Monroe undertook it, and made extraordinary and very useful ex- 
ertions to help the war on the lakes and the defence of New Orleans. 
After he had reduced to order the war department, he resumed the 
duties of the department of state, which he continued to exercise 
until, in 1817, he was chosen successor to James Madison in the 
presidency. 

Mr. Monroe was inaugurated president of the United States, on 
the 4th of March, 1817. As Mr. Monroe had been a leading spirit 
in President Madison's councils, his accession to office was followed 
by no remarkable changes. But as the chief-magistrate, he was more 
active and energetic, and made a more conspicuous figure in office 
than his predecessor. During the summer of 1817, Mr. Monroe 
visited all the Northern and Eastern States, and was received with 
every demonstration of affection and respect. This year a treaty 
was concluded by commissioners appointed by the president of the 
United States, and the chiefs of the Wyandot, Delaware, Shawanee, 
Seneca, Ottowa, Chippewa, and Potowattamie tribes of Indians, by 
which these tribes ceded to the United States all lands which they 
claimed within the limits of Ohio. The Indians were, at their option, 
to remain on the ceded lands, subject to the laws of the United 
States. The Territory of Mississippi was this year admitted into the 
Union of the States. 

A band of adventurers, who pretended to act under the authority 



And of members of the cabinets. 371 

of the South American States, took possession of Amelia Island, near 
the boundary of Georgia, with the avowed design of invading Florida. 
As this island had been the subject of negotiation with the govern- 
ment of Spain, as an indemnity for losses by spoliations, or in ex- 
change for lands of equal value beyond the Mississippi, the measure 
excited a sentiment of surprise and disapprobation; which was 
increased when it was found that the island was made a channel for 
the illicit introduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, 
an asylum for fugitive slaves from the neighbouring States, and a 
port for smuggling of every kind. The United States sent out a 
force, which took possession of the islands, and put a stop to the 
illicit trade. 

The political feuds which had, since the Revolution, occasioned so 
much animosity, were now gradually subsiding; and it was an object 
with the administration to remove old party prejudices, and promote 
union among the people. A spirit of improvement was spreading 
over the country: roads and canals were constructed in almost all 
parts of the Union, and the facilities for travelling and for convey- 
ing merchandise and produce were continually increasing. The 
subject of education received great attention, particularly in its 
primary departments. These improvements were, however, made 
by the State goverments, among which the wealthy State of New 
York, at whose head was the illustrious De Witt Clinton, took the 
lead. Congress caught the spirit of the times, and manifested a 
desire to employ the resources of the nation for these objects; and 
though no doubt arose as to the expediency of such a course, yet the 
power of that body for carrying on such a system of internal im- 
provement was questioned and debated. It was the opinion of Pre- 
sident Monroe that the general government had not this power, and 
could not obtain it except by an amendment of the constitution, 
which he recommended to the States. 

In the first year of Mr. Monroe's administration, an arrangement 
was concluded with the British government for the reduction of the 
naval force of Great Britain and the United States, on the lakes ; 
and it was provided that neither party should keep in service on lake 
Ontario or Champlain more than one armed vessel, and on lake Erie, 
or any of the upper lakes, more than two, to be armed with one gun 
only. 

For the security of the inland frontiers of the United States, 
military posts were established at the mouth of the Yellowstone 
river, on the Missouri, about eighteen hundred miles above its 



372 LIVES OF THE PKESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

junction with tlie Mississippi, and at the mouth of St. Peter's on the 
Mississippi. 

During the year 1818, the United States became engaged in a war 
with the Seminole Indians, who occupied the lands lying on the con- 
fines of the United States and Florida ; the greater part, however, 
lying within the dominions of the king of Spain. Outlaws from the 
Creek nation, negroes who had fled from their masters in the United 
States, and the Seminole Indians, had united in committing depre- 
dations upon the lives and property of the citizens of the United 
States. For many months the Southern frontier was exposed to 
savage and bloody incursions ; the most horrid massacres had 
become so frequent, that the inhabitants were obliged to flee from 
their homes for security. The hostile spirit of the IndiajUS was 
strengthened by Arbuthnot and Ambrister, two English emissaries, 
who had taken up their residence among them, for the purposes of 
trade. They were also incited by one Francis, whom they regarded 
as a prophet. In December, 1817, a detachment of forty men, under 
the command of Lieutenant Scott, was sent to the mouth of the 
river Appalachicola, to assist in removing some military stores to 
Fort Scott. The party in returning were fired upon by a body of 
Indians who lay in ambush upon the bank of the river, and six only 
escaped. Lieutenant Scott was one of the first who fell. Notwith- 
standing the offenders were demanded by General Gaines, the com- 
manding officer on that frontier, the chiefs refused to deliver them 
up to punishment. General Jackson, with a body of Tennesseans, 
was now ordered to the protection of the Southern frontier. In 
several skirmishes with the Indians, he defeated and dispersed them ; 
and persuaded that the Spaniards were active in fomenting the 
Seminole war, and furnishing the Indians with supplies, he entered 
Florida, and took possession of Fort St. Marks and Pensacola. He 
took as prisoners, Arbuthnot, Ambrister, and the Indian prophet 
Francis. A court-martial was called, at which General Gaines pre- 
sided, for the trial of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. Arbuthnot was 
tried on the three following charges : — First, " for exciting and stir- 
ring up the Creek Indians to war against the United States and her 
citizens, he being a subject of Great Britain, with whom the United 
States are at peace." Second, " for acting as a spy, aiding, abetting, 
and comforting the enemy, and supplying them with the means of 
war." Third, "for exciting the Indians to murder and destroy 
William Hambly and Edmund Doyle, confiscate their property, and 
causing their arrest, with a view to their condemnation to death, and 
the seizure of their property, they being citizens of Spain; on 



AND OP MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 373 

account of their active and zealous exertions to maintain peace 
between Spain, the United States, and the Indians." He was found 
guilty of the first and second charge, omitting the words " acting as 
a spy," and sentenced to be hung. Ambrister was tried on the fol- 
loAving charges: — First, "aiding, abetting, and comforting the 
enemy, and supplying them with the means of war, he being a 
subject of Great Britain, who was at peace with the United States, 
and late an officer in the British colonial marines." Second, "lead- 
ing and commanding the Lower Creek Indians, in carrying on war 
against the United States." The court-martial found him guilty of 
both charges, and sentenced him to be shot. 

The treaty between the United States and Spain stipulated that 
the Spanish should keep such forces as would enable them to restrain 
the hostilities of the Indians inhabiting their respective colonies. It 
was the refusal of Spain to do this, which produced the necessity of 
carrying the war into her provinces. The massacres committed by 
the savages left no alternative but to suffer the frontier settlements 
of Georgia to remain exposed to the mercy of those barbarians, or to 
carry the war into Florida. Pensacola and St. Marks were restored 
to Spain, by order of the president. 

The Congress of this year passed a bill to admit Illinois Territory 
into the Union, by the name of the State of Illinois. Treaties of 
commerce were concluded with Great Britain and Sweden. In the 
treaty with the former, the northern boundary of the United States, 
from the Lake of the Woods to the Stony mountains, was fixed. 
Congress also passed a law abolishing internal duties. They passed 
an act providing for the indigent officers and soldiers of the Revo- 
lution, by which every officer who had served nine months at any 
period of the Revolutionary war, and whose annual income did not 
exceed one hundred dollars, received a pension of twenty dollars a 
month ; and every needy private soldier #ho had served that length 
of time received eight. 

This year the Chickasaws ceded to the government of the United 
States, all lands west of the Tennessee river in the States of Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee. 

In 1819, the condition of those tribes living within the territories 
of the United States attracted the attention of the government, 
and a most humane policy dictated its measures with regard to them. 
The sum of ten thousand dollars annually, was appropriated by 
Congress for the purpose of establishing schools among them, and to 
promote in other ways their civilization. By means of the mis- 
sionary societies already established in the United States, missionaries 



374 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

were supported among the Indians, and success in many instances 
crowned their efforts. 

On the 23d of February, 1819, a treaty was negotiated at Wash- 
ington, between the secretary of state and the Spanish minister, by 
which Spain ceded to the United States, East and West Florida, and 
the adjacent isLands. The government of the United States was to 
exonerate Spain from the claims which the citizens of the United 
States had against that nation, on account of injuries and spoliations, 
and Congress was to satisfy these claims to an amount not exceeding 
five millions of dollars. Three commissioners were to be appointed 
by the president with the advice of the senate, to examine and decide 
upon the amount and validity of all claims included by the treaty. 
The contracting parties renounced all claims to indemnities for any 
of the recent acts of their respective ofhcers in Florida. This treaty 
was ratified by the president and senate of the United States, and 
sent to Spain, when the king very unexpectedly refused to sanction 
it. Don Onis, the Spanish minister, was recalled. Another minister 
was sent to the United States to make complaints of unfriendly 
policy on the part of the American government, and to demand ex- 
planations respecting the imputed system of hostility on the part of 
the American citizens against the subjects and dominion of the king 
of Spain. Explanations were made, and it was satisfactorily shown 
that there had been no system of hostility pursued by the citizens of 
the United States. 

In October, 1820, Ferdinand ratified the treaty between France 
and Spain, but did not give possession of Florida until July, 1821. 
In 1820, Alabama Territory was admitted into the Union of the 
States. The Territory of Missouri was separated, and another, 
called the Arkansas territory, formed. 

A petition was presented to Congress this year from the Territory 
of Missouri, praying for authority to form a State government, and 
to be admitted into the Union. A bill was accordingly introduced 
for that purpose. This, with an amendment, prohibiting slavery 
within the new State, passed the house of representatives, but waa 
arrested in the senate. The district of Maine also presented a 
memorial to Congress, praying to be separated from Massachusetts, 
to be authorized to form its own constitution, and to be admitted 
into the Union on an equal footing with the other States. The two 
bills for the admission of Maine and Missouri were joined, but not 
without much opposition from the advocates of the restriction in the 
Missouri bill. Upon this subject, the members of Congress were 
divided into two parties; those from the non-slaveholding States 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 375 

were in favour of the restriction, while those from the South warmly 
opposed it. Much debate took place, and at no time had the parties 
in the Congress of the United States been so marked by a geo- 
graphical division, or so much actuated by feelings dangerous to the 
Union of the States, as at this time. Nor was the seat of govern- 
ment the only place where this subject was discussed ; in all parts of 
the Union it attracted the attention of the people. Many of the 
Northern States called meetings, and published spirited resolutions, 
expressive of their fears of perpetuating slavery, and their appro- 
bation of the restriction. The members from the South opposed the 
restriction partly on the ground of self-defence. They did not con- 
sider that the admission of Missouri, without any restriction, would 
tend in any degree to perpetuate slavery. After much discussion a 
compromise was effected, and a bill passed for the admission of Mis- 
souri without any restriction, but with the inhibition of slavery 
throughout the Territories of the United States, north of 36 degrees 
30 minutes north latitude. 

The bill for the admission of Maine passed without restriction or 
amendment; and, in 1820, Maine became independent of Massa- 
chusetts, and assumed her proper rank as one of the United States. 

Missouri was not declared independent until August, 1821. Pre- 
viously to the passage of the bill for its admission, the people of 
Missouri formed a State constitution ; a provision of which required 
the legislature to pass a law " to prevent free negroes and mulattoes 
from coming to and settling in the State." When the constitution 
was presented to Congress, this provision was strenuously opposed. 
The contest occupied a great part of the session, but Missouri was 
finally admitted on the condition that no laws should be passed by 
which any free citizens of the United States should be prevented 
from enjoying those rights within that State, to which they were 
entitled by the Constitution of the United States. This year Mr. 
Monroe entered upon his second term of office, having been re-elected 
to the presidency by nearly a unanimous vote. 

A territorial government was established in Florida in 1822. In 
June a convention of navigation and commerce, on terms of reci- 
procal and equal advantage, was concluded between France and the 
United States. The ports of the West India Islands were opened to 
the United States by an act of the British parliament. 

The American commerce had for several years suffered severely in 
consequence of the depredations committed by pirates. The West 
Indian seas were infested by these marauders, and transactions of 
the most flagrant and outrageous character had become frequent. 



376 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Great quantities of property were seized by them, and their captives 
were often murdered in the most inhuman manner. They respected 
no law, and the flag of no nation. An event occured this year which 
excited general attention, and showed that the evil had become so 
alarming as to call loudly for the strong arm of government to 
interpose for the protection of its citizens. The Alligator, United 
States schooner, was about entering the harbour of Matanzas, when 
information was received that two American vessels, which the 
pirates had just captured, were lying a short distance from that 
place. The Alligator was immediately ordered to their relief. An 
engagement with the pirates ensued, in which the Americans were 
victorious. They recaptured five American vessels which were in 
possession of the pirates, and took one piratical schooner. But 
Allen, the commander of the Alligator, was wounded in the en- 
gagement, and died in a few hours. His death excited much feeling 
throughout the United States. 

In the message which President Monroe this year sent to Congress, 
he invited their attention to the expediency of recognising the inde- 
pendence of the South American republics. He stated, that 
throughout the contest between those colonies and the parent 
country, the United States had remained neutral, and had fulfilled, 
with the utmost impartiality, all the obligations incident to that 
character. Some time had elapsed since the provinces had declared 
themselves independent nations, and had enjoyed that independence 
free from invasion. For three years Spain had not sent a single 
corps of troops into any part of that country. The delays which had 
been observed in making a decision on this important subject 
would afford an unequivocal proof of the respect entertained by the 
United States for Spain, and of their determination not to interfere 
with her rights. Mr. Monroe remarked, that, "in proposing this 
measure, it is not contemplated to change thereby in the slightest 
manner, the friendly relations with either of the parties, but to 
observe in all respects as heretofore, should the war be continued, 
the most perfect neutrality between them." The committee on 
foreign relations, to whom this question was referred, reported in 
favour of this measure, and recommended that a sum should be ap- 
propriated to enable the president to give due effect to such recog- 
nition. Ministers plenipotentiary were appointed to Mexico, Buenos 
Ayres, Columbia, and Chili. 

Ever since the year 1816, the tariff had attracted the attention of 
the people throughout the Union, and from time to time the subject 
had been brought before Congress ; but, with the exception of the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 377 

small protection afforded to coarse cotton cloths, nothing had yet 
been done for the encouragement of American manufactures. Not- 
withstanding the pressure of the times, and the many disadvantages 
under which they laboured, the manufactures of cotton, after they 
recovered from the first shock, had proved successful. Excepting 
fine fabrics, which were not manufactured to any extent in America, 
domestic cottons almost supplied the country, and considerable 
quantities were exported to South America. Establishments for 
printing calicoes had been erected in a few places, and in some 
instances the manufacture of lace had been attempted. 

In the support of these establishments, independent of the pro- 
tection of government, and in defiance of the obstacles which opposed 
them, individuals and manufacturing companies displayed great 
energy and perseverance. During this period, the friends of manu- 
factures had increased in numbers, and in zeal for the cause. This 
year the subject of a new tariff was again brought before Congress, 
but was vehemently opposed. The grounds of the opposition to the 
bill were, that it would injure the commerce and agriculture of the 
country, and, by lessening the public revenue, compel a resort to a 
system of excise and taxation. That it would diminish the exports 
of the United States, as other nations would not purchase articles of 
any kind unless the produce of their industry was received in ex- 
change. That the country was not prepared for the successful 
establishment of manufactures, on account of the high price of 
labour ; and that manufactures would, under a favourable concur- 
rence of circumstances, flourish without the protection of government. 
After much discussion, the bill, with some amendments, passed ; and 
it proved effectual in affording the desired protection to cotton 
goods. 

On the 15th of August, 1824, General La Fayette, the friend of 
America, arrived in the harbour of New York. He did not stop at 
the city, but proceeded to the residence of the vice-president at 
Staten Island. Congress, participating in the warm feeling of 
esteem and gratitude which pervaded the whole nation, had given 
him an invitation to visit America, and had proposed sending a 
national ship for his conveyance. He accepted the invitation, 
although he declined the offer of a national vessel. 

His reception and his progress throughout the country, the inde- 
pendence of which he had helped to establish, were attended with 
almost unexampled demonstrations of joy and gratitude. Never had 
a man more reason to be proud of the approval which his heroic de- 
votion to liberty so enthusiastically obtained. 



378 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENfs AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

The administration of Mr. Monroe was during a time of profound 
peace. In this period, sixty million dollars of the national debt 
were discharged. The Floridas were peaceably acquired, and the 
boundaries of the United States extended to the Pacific Ocean. The 
internal taxes were repealed, the military establishment reduced to 
its narrowest limits of efficiency, the organization of the army im- 
proved, the independence of the South American nations recognised, 
progress made in the suppression of the slave-trade, and the civil- 
ization of the Indians advanced. 

In the latter part of 1824, a very exciting contest for the presi- 
dency occurred. The candidates were John Quincy Adams, Andrew 
Jackson, Henry Clay, and William H. Crawford. The electors could 
effect no choice, and the election then devolved upon the house of 
representatives, by which body Mr. Adams was chosen to the chief- 
magistracy. John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was elected to the 
vice-presidency. Mr. Monroe retired from office with the esteem of 
all parties. 

It is a high compliment to the firmness, judgment, and sagacity 
of Mr. Monroe, that he proclaimed to the world the determination 
of the United States not to suffer any European government to 
interfere with the internal concerns of the independent South Ame- 
rican governments. The well-timed expression of this sentiment put 
an end to all rumours of any armed intervention in the affairs of 
Spanish America. 

In the late stages of his life, he was associated with the ex-presi- 
dents Jefferson and Madison, in founding the University of Virginia. 
Subsequently, he was chosen a member of the convention of 1829-30, 
for revising the State constitution, and presided over its deliberations. 
He did not disdain to act as justice of the peace in Loudon. 

Mr. Monroe died at New York, July 4, 1831, the anniversary of 
American independence, like the ex-presidents Jefferson and Adams. 
Colonel Monroe's biography is intimately and honourably connected 
with the civil and military history of the United States. He was 
one of the leaders of the Democratic or Jefferson party, and involved 
in most of the party questions and occurrences by which the country 
was divided and agitated. He possessed a very energetic, persever- 
ing spirit ; a vigorous mind, and extraordinary powers of application. 
In his unlimited devotion to public business, he neglected his private 
affairs. He retired from office extremely deep in debt ; a situation 
from which he was relieved, though when almost too late, by liberal 
appropriations of Congress to satisfy the large claims which he pre- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 379 

ferred on the government for moneys disbursed and debts incurred 
on its account. 

Mr. Monroe had a striking personal appearance, being about six 
feet in stature, with strongly marked features, and blue, penetrating 
eyes. His bearing was dignified and courteous. He was no orator, 
and but a tolerable writer. But his energy and sagacity were great, 
and he was invaluable in action. 



DANIEL D. TOMPKINS. 

Daniel D. Tompkins was vice-president of the United States 
during both terms of President Monroe's administration, and his 
popularity was almost as great as that of the president. He was 
born on the 21st of June, 1774, at Scarzdale, West Chester county, 
New York. He was educated in Columbia College, in the city of 
New York, where he was distinguished among his companions by the 
progress which he made in knowledge. He next studied law, and 
was admitted to the bar in 1797. In 1801 he was chosen to be a 
member of the convention for revising the constitution of his native 
State ; in 1802, a member of its legislature; and, in 1804, one of its 
representatives in Congress. In the last mentioned year, he was 
also appointed to a seat on the bench of the New York supreme 
court ; and, in 1807, he was elected to fill the office of governor, 
which he continued to do until 1817, when he resigned it in conse- 
quence of his election to be vice-president of the United States. In 
1821 he was one of the delegates to the convention which was con- 
vened at Albany, for the framing of a new State constitution, and 
was selected to preside over the deliberations of .that body. His 
death occurred on the 11th of June, 1825, at his residence on Staten 
Island. 

Mr. Tompkins was a man of indomitable energy, and great politi- 
cal tact. 



GEORGE GRAHAM. 



The members of the cabinet during President Monroe's admini- 
stration, were as follows : — Secretary of state, John Quincy Adams ; 
secretary of the treasury, William H. Crawford ; secretaries of war, 
George Graham and John C. Calhoun ; secretaries of the navy, 



380 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENl^ AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Smith Thompson, John Rodgers, and Samuel L. Southard ; attorney- 
general, William Wirt ; Return J. Meigs and John McLean were the 
postmasters-general. George Graham who succeeded William H. 
Crawford in the post of secretary of war, was a native of Virginia. 
Previous to his appointment, he had not been very prominent in politi- 
cal life, but had taken an active part in the local politics of his native 
State. He did not hold office for any considerable length of time, 
being succeeded by John C. Calhoun, in October of the same year in 
which he was appointed. 



RICHARD RUSH. 



This distinguished statesman was the son of Dr. Benjamin Rush, 
the eminent patriot and philanthropist of the Revolution. He was 
born in Philadelphia, in 1780. After graduating at Princeton Col- 
lege, he entered upon the study of the law at Philadelphia. In 
1811 he was appointed attorney-general of Pennsylvania, and, 
shortly afterward, he was named comptroller of the treasury of the 
United States. When James Monroe succeeded to the presidency, 
he called ubon Mr. Rush to perform the duties of secretary of state, 
until the return of John Quincy Adams from Europe. After the 
arrival of that distinguished statesman, Mr. Rush was appointed 
minister to England, and he remained in that situation some years, 
discharging its duties to the satisfaction of the country. He ne- 
gotiated a number of important treaties. Mr. Rush subsequently 
published an account of his negotiations, interspersed with interest- 
ing anecdotes of distinguished personages — a very entertaining 
work. On the accession of Mr. Adams to the presidency, in 1825, 
lie appointed Mr. Rush secretary of the treasury. In 1836, he went 
to London, at the request of General Jackson, to obtain Mr. Smith- 
son's legacy to the United States, out of the court of chancery, and 
he was completely successful. In 1847, President Polk appointed 
Mr. Rush minister to France, which office he filled with ability until 
the accession of General Taylor to the presidency. Mr. Rush en- 
joys a very high reputation for learning, decision, and general 
capacity for the duties of political station. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 381 



RETURN JONATHAN MEIGS. 

Retuen Jonathan Meigs was born in Middletown, Connecticut, 
in 1765. He was the son of the distinguished soldier and patriot 
of the Revolution who bore the same name. He graduated at Yale 
College, studied law, and was admitted to the bar of his native town. 
He then removed to Ohio, and was among the first settlers at Ma- 
rietta. In the winter of 1802-3 he was elected chief-justice of the 
supreme court of the State. The next year he resigned this office, 
having received from Jefferson the appointment of commandant of 
the United States troops and militia in the upper district of Lou- 
isiana, and shortly after was appointed one of the judges of the Ter- 
ritory of Louisiana. In April, 1807, he was commissioned a judge 
of Michigan Territory ; resigned the commission in October, and, be- 
coming a candidate for governor of Ohio, was elected, in a spirited 
canvass, over his competitor. General Massic; but not having the 
constitutional qualification of the four years' residence in the State 
prior to the election, his election was contested and decided against 
him. In the session of 1807-8, he was appointed senator in Con- 
gress, which office he afterward resigned, and was elected governor 
of Ohio in 1810. In the war with Great Britain, while holding the 
gubernatorial office, he acted with great promptness and energy. In 
March, 1814, having been appointed postmaster-general of the 
United States, he resigned that office, and continued in his new vo- 
cation until 1823, during which he managed its arduous duties to the 
satisfaction of Presidents Madison and Monroe. He died at Ma- 
rietta, March 29, 1825. In person he was tall and finely formed, 
with a high retreating forehead, black eyes, and aquiline and promi- 
nent nose. His features indicated his character, and were remark- 
ably striking, expressive of mildness, intelligence, promptness, and 
stability of purpose. His moral character was free from reproach, 
and he was benevolent, unambitious, dignified, but easy of access. 



WILLIAM WIRT. 



"William "Wirt ranks with William Pinckney, among the most 
brilliant lawyers and orators who have served the republic in the 
capacity of attorney-general. He conferred lustre upon that office 



382 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

durinor the entire administrations of Monroe and Adams. This dis- 
tinguished citizen was born at Bladensburg, Md., on the 8th of No- 
vember, 1772. His parents died before he had reached his eighth 
year. In 1792, when twenty years of age, he commenced the prac- 
tice of Law at Fairfax, in the neighbouring county of Culpepper. 

In 1795 he married the eldest daughter of Dr. George Gilmer, a 
distinguished physician, and took up his residence at Pen Park, the 
seat of his father-in-law, near Charlottesville ; and here he was in- 
troduced to the acquaintance of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and. 
other persons of celebrity. 

In 1799 his wife died, and he was soon after elected clerk of the 
house of delegates. Having performed the duties of his office two 
years, he was in 1802 appointed chancellor of the eastern district 
of Virginia, and then took up his residence at Williamsburg ; and 
the same year he married the daughter of Colonel Gamble, of Rich- 
mond. He soon after resigned his chancellorship, and at the close 
of the year 1803 removed to Norfolk, and entered upon the assiduous 
practice of his profession. Just before he removed to Norfolk, he 
wrote the letters published in the Richmond Argus, under the title 
of "The British Spy," which were afterward collected in a small 
volume, and have passed through many editions. In 1806 he took 
up his residence in Richmond, and in the following year he greatly 
distinguished himself in the trial of Colonel Burr. In 1812 he 
wrote the greater part of a series of essays, which were originally 
published in the Richmond Enquirer, under the title of " The Old 
Bachelor," and have since, in a collected form, passed through 
several editions. The "Life of Patrick Henry," his largest literary 
production, was first published in 1817. In 1816 he was appointed 
by Mr. Madison the United States attorney for Virginia, and, in 
1817, by Mr. Monroe, attorney-general of the United States, a post 
which he occupied with distinguished reputation until 1829, through 
the entire administrations of Monroe and Adams. In 1830, he 
took up his residence in Baltimore, for the remainder of his life. 
He died February 18, 1834, at Washington City, in his sixty-second 
year. 

As an orator, Mr. Wirt was always brilliant, and frequently power- 
ful. As a writer, he was occasionally exaggerated and bombastic, 
but generally correct and entertaining. His learning was profound, 
and always at command. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 383 



JOHN CALDWELL CALHOUN. 

A FIRM, decisive spirit and a mind of powerful grasp rendered 
John Caldwell Calhoun one of the leading men of his age. For 
about forty years he acted a bold and decided part in American poli- 
tics ; and in one section of the Union, his words were almost as potent 
as those of Mirabeau were in the French Assembly of 1789. This 
great statesman was born in Abbeville district, South Carolina, on 
the 18th of March, 1782. His father was an L'ishman by birth, but 
during the Revolution as zealous an advocate of independence as 
any native of America. As a child, John C. Calhoun was remark- 
able for firmness of will and quickness of apprehension. As soon 
as he was old enough, he was sent to an ordinary country school. 
At the age of thirteen he was placed under the care of Mr. Waddell, 
in Columbia county, Georgia, for the prosecution of his studies. 
Soon afterward his father died, and Mr. WaddelL discontinued his 
academy. John was then left to educate himself. He resided with 
Mr. Waddell, who was his brother-in-law, and, having access to a 
good library, employed all his leisure hours in reading. Intense ap- 
plication impaired his health, and his mother induced him to return 
home. There exercise and amusement soon restored his strength. 
Four years were passed upon the farm, and during that period, the 
education of Mr. Calhoun was almost entirely neglected. 

In 1800, an incident occurred which changed the current of Mr. 
Calhoun's life. John had determined to become a planter ; but in 
that year his brother James persuaded him to study for one of the 
learned professions. He returned to Dr. Waddell's, Georgia, where 
that gentleman had reopened his academy ; and his progress there 
was so rapid that in two years he entered the junior class of Yale 
College. In 1804, just four years from the time he commenced the 
Latin grammar, he graduated with distinction. Dr. Dwight, presi- 
dent of the college, is said to have predicted his future eminence. 
Mr. Calhoun then spent three years in the study of the law, first at 
Litchfield, Connecticut, and then in the office of Mr. De Saussure in 
Charleston, South Carolina. He then presented himself for ad- 
mission to the bar, (1807,) and commenced practice in the Abbeville 
district. His great abilities seem to have been recognised imme- 
diately, for in a very short period he was ranked with the foremost 
lawyers in his section of the State. 

Political affairs soon engaged the attention of the young lawyer. 



384 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

The attack of the Leopard on the Chesapeake agitated the whole 
country. A public meeting was called in the Abbeville district. 
Mr. Calhoun was requested to draw up the resolutions, and he per- 
formed the task so ably that he was then requested to address the 
meeting. He complied, and created a decided impression. At the 
next election he was chosen to the legislature. In that body he 
was active and influential, and his reputation .greatly increased. In 
1810, Mr. Calhoun was elected to represent his native district in the 
Congress of the United States. He was then thirty years old. 
His debut as a Congressional speaker was made on the 19th of De- 
cember, 1811, when he delivered a powerful argument for the war 
resolutions which had been reported to the house, which at once 
established his reputation as a most formidable debater, and as a 
masterly logician. Throughout the war which followed, Mr. Calhoun 
supported the administration of Mr. Madison, and was considered a 
leader of the Republican party. 

After the conclusion of the treaty of peace, Mr. Calhoun made a re- 
markable speech upon the treaty-making power ; in the course of 
which he showed his independence of mind by diifering with most of 
the leading Republicans. In 1816 he advocated a bill establishing a 
national bank, as a means of raising the credit of the country, and 
shortly afterward supported a protective tariff with rare ability. In 
December, 1817, President Monroe invited Mr. Calhoun to take a 
place in his cabinet as secretary of war, and, after some consulta- 
tion with his friends, the invitation was accepted. Contrary to the 
general expectations of his friends, who had no conception of his 
powers of action, his management of the department was bold, 
thorough, and skilful. When he entered upon the office, the afiairs 
of the department were in a state of confusion. He brought order 
out of chaos, and established every thing upon such a footing that 
the task of his successor was comparatively easy. 

In 1824, Mr. Calhoun was nominated for the vice-presidency, and 
his popularity was shown at the general election, when he received 
182 out of the 261 electoral votes. On the 4th of March, 1825, 
he took his seat as the presiding officer of the senate of the United 
States. Mr. Calhoun was peculiarly fitted for this position. He 
was prompt, energetic, and dignified. His opinion that the vice- 
president had no power to call to order gave great ofl'ence to the 
friends of President Adams, but he vindicated it in arguments of 
irresistible force. In 1828, Mr. Calhoun was re-elected vice-presi- 
dent, as the candidate on the same ticket with General Jackson. 

The nullification controversy, as it has been termed, grew out of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 385 

the system of high protective duties long contended for by the 
manufacturing interest and the friends of the American system, and 
finally established by the act of 1828. By the act of 1816 a re- 
duction of five per cent, on woollen and cotton goods was made in 
1819 ; and the protectionists forthwith commenced their efforts to 
procure a modification of the law more favourable to their interests. 
Their exertions were continued from year to year, till they were 
ultimately crowned with success, through the efforts, in great part, 
of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. The act of 1816 went beyond the 
true revenue limit, but so long as the policy was merely to foster 
and build up domestic manufactures, and while the public debt re- 
mained unpaid, Mr. Calhoun, and others who entertained similar 
views, were content not to insist upon a reduction of the duties to 
the revenue standard. The debt must be provided for, and this, it 
was probable, would absorb the surplus of revenue for a long time 
to come. In 1824 the protectionists procured the passage of the 
act of that year increasing the profits of certain branches of manu- 
factures already establisbed, and offering great inducements for the 
establishment of others. Three years later — at the session of 1826-7 
— " the woollens' bill," was brought before Congress. After a 
long struggle, the tariff act of 1828 was passed. It imposed a 
tariff of duties averaging nearly fifty per cent. This measure gave 
great offence to the Southern States. But following the counsels of 
Mr. Calhoun they waited patiently to see if the administration of 
General Jackson would not change the condition of affairs. But 
nothing occurred to meet their anticipations. In the mean time, 
the friendly relations between Mr. Calhoun and General Jackson 
were interrupted, and Martin Van Buren became the leading candi- 
date for the succession. The tariff act of 1832 then came to in- 
crease dissensions, and Mr. Calhoun announced that the protective 
system might be regarded as the settled policy of the country, and 
that all hope of relief from Congress was utterly gone. A large 
majority of the people of South Carolina then embraced the doc- 
trine of nullification, as laid down by their great statesman, and 
affairs assumed a rebellious aspect. 

On the 19th of November, 1832, a State convention was held at 
Columbia, South Carolina, and on the 24th, that body adopted the 
celebrated Ordinance of Nullification, declaring the acts of 1828 and 
1832 absolutely void within the State of South Carolina, and assert- 
ing that any attempt to enforce those laws would be followed by the 
formation of an independent government. The State then placed 
itself in an attitude of military preparation. President Jackson im- 

25 



386 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

mediately issued a proclamation declaring the ordinance of the State 
convention subversive of the federal constitution, and his intention 
to enforce the laws at whatever hazard. Governor Hayne, of South 
Carolina, replied by calling out twelve thousand volunteers. 

In the mean time, Mr. Calhoun had been chosen to succeed General 
Hayne as a senator from South Carolina. He immediately resigned 
the office of vice-president, and in December, 1832, he took his seat. 
Soon afterward the famous Force Bill was introduced into the senate, 
the object of it being to enable the federal government to enforce 
the collection of the revenue in South Carolina. The debate upon 
this question was one of the most interesting which ever occurred in 
the senate. Mr. Calhoun's speech is by many considered his most 
masterly effort ; and certainly, it is almost unparalleled in the annals 
of congressional debate for cogent reasoning, clear statement, and 
vigour of language. The bill was passed by a large majority. The 
subject of nullification was debated still further, however, and those 
gigantic minds, Calhoun and Webster, met in lofty conflict, and it 
is a tacit admission to the triumph of the former, that Mr. Webster 
made no attempt to reply to his final speech. 

In spite of that stormy aspect of affairs, no collision occurred be- 
tween the national and State authorities ; and early in 1833, the 
Compromise Act, introduced by Henry Clay, settled the tariff excite- 
ment for the time. Mr. Calhoun triumphed in obtaining the conces- 
sion of two points for which he had long conten.ded — the ad valorem 
principle, and the general reduction of duties to a revenue standard. 
Mr. Calhoun now refused to connect himself with either party, but 
he generally opposed the measures of President Jackson's administra- 
tion. He was re-elected to the senate, and in spite of his independent 
position, he continued, by the extraordinary force of his genius, to 
wield a vast influence. The chief subject which received his attention 
during the remainder of his senatorial career was abolitionism, which 
now began to intrude itself in national politics. He opposed the 
abolition movement from the outset, and his speeches upon that sub- 
ject were among the ablest he ever delivered. He was regarded as 
the champion of the South upon the question of slavery. 

In March, 1843, Mr. Calhoun resigned his seat in the senate, in 
order to give some attention to his private affairs, which were con- 
siderably embarrassed. But he was not long suffered to remain in 
retirement. On the 28th of February, 1844, Mr. Upshur, President 
Tyler's secretary of state, was killed on board the steamer Princeton, 
by the explosion of a large gun. President Tyler then solicited Mr. 
Calhoun to accept the control of the department of state, and he 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 387 

consented. He held that position until the close of Mr. Tyler's ad- 
ministration. The chief act accomplished by him during that period 
was the conclusion of a treaty for the annexation of Texas, a measure 
•which he had always favoured. 

After the accession of Mr. Polk, Mr. Calhoun was re-elected to 
the senate, in the place of Judge Huger, resigned. In November, 
1845, he was elected a delegate to a South-western convention, held 
at Memphis, Tennessee, to promote the development of the resources 
of the Western and South-western States. This gave Mr. Calhoun 
an occasion to express his matured opinions upon the subject of 
internal improvements. He opposed the measures which brought 
about the Mexican war; and after the conclusion of peace, Avhen 
California applied for admission into the Union, he opposed the ad- 
mission. He issued an address to the people of the South, setting 
forth his opinions upon the agitating question of the period. When 
Congress met in December, 1849, Mr. Calhoun was too feeble to 
occupy his seat. Mr. Clay proposed a compromise, to settle the 
whole question of slavery. Mr. Calhoun was resolved to be heard 
upon the subject, but he was confined to his room. There he pre- 
pared the last great effort of his mind,- which his colleague. Judge 
Butler, read in the senate on the 4th of March, 1850. On the 13th 
of March, Mr. Calhoun's voice was heard for the last time in debate. 
On the morning of the 31st of March, he died at Washington, at the 
age of sixty-eight years. 

In person, Mr. Calhoun was tall and slender. His features were 
strong and angular in their outline, indicating extraordinary firm- 
ness of will. His eyes were large, dark blue, and glowing. The 
general expression of his countenance was that of concentrated 
thought. His manners were simple and dignified. His private life 
was pure and happily domestic. His attachments were warm, and 
he was generous and charitable. As an orator, he had more of the 
Demosthenean simplicity and lofty thought than any other Ame- 
rican. His speeches are models in arrangement and force of expres- 
sion. His manner in speaking was always majestic, but seldom 
animated, or rather, excited. But occasionally he burst forth in the 
most impassioned oratory. He has left a deep impression upon the 
politics of the United States, and his reputation may be said to be 
increasing every day. 



388 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



SMITH THOMPSON. 

This distinguished citizen was a native of Virginia. Educated to 
the bar, he early won a reputation for ability and eloquence. He 
became distinguished in the local politics of his native State, and 
also in the politics of the nation. After holding various offices under 
the government, he was appointed secretary of the navy under Pre- 
sident Monroe. At that time he possessed much political influence. 
When the discussion of the Missouri Compromise agitated Congress 
and threatened the stability of the Union, Mr. Thompson wrote a 
powerful letter in advocacy of the measure, and showed that he was 
an ardent friend of the tranquillity and unity of his country's councils. 
Mr. Thompson held no public office after his retirement from the post 
of secretary of the navy. 




3' Si. c^cLo.m\X 



0f tlje iprtsiknts of t\t Wiit^ States, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



gicpa^M^s 0f t^e f ia-|Rsiijcttts m^ % J^mkrs ai i\t €i\hmiL 



JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

John Quincy Adams was the son of John Adams, the great orator 
of independence. He was born at Quincy, Massachusetts, on the 
11th of July, 1767, at the period when his father was rapidly attain- 
ing the position of a leader in opposing the oppressive designs of 
Great Britain. He received the rudiments of an English education 
from his mother, a woman of extraordinary intelligence and attain- 
ments. As a child, John Quincy was remarkable for quickness of 
apprehension and precocity of intelligence. When he was ten years 
of age, his father was appointed minister to France, and, in Febru- 
ary, 1778, the father and son sailed for that country. They re- 
mained abroad about a year and a half, during which period, John 
Quincy attended a school in Paris. In 1779, young Adams accom- 
panied his father in his mission to the court of St. James. But they 
did not reach England. They remained at Paris until August, 1780, 
during which period John Quincy Adams attended an academy. 
The mission proved unsuccessful, and the father and son proceeded 
to Holland. While in that country, John Quincy was placed at 
school, first at Amsterdam, and afterward in the University of 
Leyden. 

In July, 1781, Francis Dana was appointed minister to Russia, 
and John Quincy Adams, then only fourteen years of age, was ap- 
pointed secretary of the mission. He remained in that position four- 
teen months, performing its duties with entire satisfaction to the 
minister. Returning to Holland, young Adams resumed his studies 
at the Hague. But he was in Paris when the definitive treaty of 
peace was concluded between Great Britain and the United States, 
(November, 1783.) After the ratification of this treaty, John Quincy 
accompanied his father to London. In 1785, young Adams returned 

389 



390 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

to his native land, and, at the age of eighteen years, entered Cam- 
bridge University. There he graduated in 1786, with distinguished 
honours. 

Having completed his collegiate education, John Quincy Adams 
entered the office of Theophilus Parsons, at Newburyport, Massa- 
chusetts. He studied law for the usual term, and then commenced 
the practice of his profession in Boston. 

In 1791 he published a series of papers in the Boston Sentinel, 
under the signature of Publicola, containing remarks upon the first 
part of Paine's Rights of Man, which excited much public notice in 
this country, as well as in Europe; and, in 1793-4, he published 
various political essays, which did honour to his talents, and drew 
upon him the notice of President Washington, who afterward selected 
him for the important post of minister resident to the Netherlands. 

From this period, until 1801, he was successively employed as a 
public minister in Holland, England, and Prussia. And, during his 
residence in the latter country, he concluded a treaty of commerce 
with that power, to the entire satisfaction of our cabinet. 

In 1801, Mr. Adams returned to the United States, and the next 
year was elected a member of the senate of Massachusetts, and, in 
1803, of the senate of the United States. He passed, altogether, six 
years in these two bodies, engaged indefatigably and prominently 
in the important questions which occupied their attention. It was 
during this perplexing period of public affairs that he nobly sacrificed 
the interest of party to that of his country, by which he has more 
firmly interwoven his name in the annals of his country. In con- 
sequence of his appointment of first Boylston professor of rhetoric 
and oratory in the University of Cambridge, Mr. Adams resigned his 
seat in the senate of the United States in the year 1808. He had 
no sooner completed a most brilliant course of lectures on rhetoric 
and oratory, in that renowned institution, when he received, un- 
solicited, from President Madison, the appointment of minister pleni- 
potentiary to the court of Russia. 

In 1813, Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Bayard arrived at St. Petersburg, 
empowered to negotiate, jointly with Mr. Adams, a treaty of peace 
with Great Britain, under the mediation of Russia. The British 
government declined the mediation, but proposed a direct negotiation, 
which finally took place at Ghent, in 1814, with Mr. Adams as its 
head, on the American side. 

At the termination of this successful mission, Mr. Adams repaired 
to London, and there concluded, jointly with Mr. Clay and Mr. Galla- 
tin, a commercial convention. The American government having 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 391 

appointed him, immediately after the ratification of the peace of 
Ghent, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the 
British court, he remained in London in that capacity, until the sum- 
mer of 1817, when he was called home by President Monroe, to fill 
the office of secretary of state. 

To give even an outline of his labours, in this high and responsible 
office, would swell this article to an immoderate size: we shall there- 
fore content ourselves by briefly enumerating a few leading facts only. 
Under his instructions, a commercial convention was negotiated with 
Great Britain in 1818. In 1819, he signed the Florida treaty with 
Don Luis de Onis, which gave to us not only the Floridas, and an 
indemnity of five millions of dollars for our merchants, but the first 
acknowledged boundary from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific. 
In 1822 he signed with the ambassador of France a convention of 
commerce and navigation, which was unanimously ratified by the 
senate. He defended General Jackson when that great warrior was 
censured for invading Florida, and had sufficient influence with the 
administration to induce Mr. Monroe and his cabinet to approve the 
course pursued. 

Mr. Adams was regarded as a fit man to succeed Mr. Monroe in 
the presidency, and he was nominated in various parts of the Union. 
But there were several great men in the field, candidates for the 
same high position. These were General Andrew Jackson, William 
H. Crawford, and Henry Clay, The result of the election was that 
in the electoral college. General Jackson received ninety-nine votes, 
Mr, Adams, eighty-four ; Mr, Crawford, forty-one ; and Mr. Clay, 
thirty-seven. The election then devolved upon the House of Repre- 
sentatives. In that body, the result was as follows: — For John 
Quincy Adams, thirteen votes; for Andrew Jackson, seven votes; 
for William H. Crawford, four votes, John Quincy Adams was there- 
fore declared elected president of the United States. This election 
gave great ofience to the friends of General Jackson. They charged 
Mr, Adams and Mr, Clay with -'bargain and corruption," and 
threatened to make war upon the new administration "to the bitter 
end." Their excitement was natural under the circumstances, but 
their charges have been shown to be utterly false. 

On the 4th of March, 1825, John Quincy Adams was inaugurated 
president of the United States, He composed his cabinet of some 
of the most brilliant men in the republic, Henry Clay was appointed 
secretary of state; Richard Rush, secretary of the treasury; James 
Barbour and Peter B. Porter, secretaries of war ; Samuel L. South- 
ard, secretary of the navy ; William Wirt, attorney-general ; and 



392 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

John McLean, postmaster-general. The three last mentioned were 
in oiBce under President Munroe. 

Immediately after the inauguration of Mr. Adams, it became evi- 
dent that a powerful opposition had been organized, and that what- 
ever measures were proposed would be strenuously resisted. One of 
the most prominent topics of public interest during 1825, was the 
controversy between the national government and Governor Troup 
of Georgia. The national government had engaged to extinguish 
the Indian titles to land within the limits of Georgia wherever this 
could be accomplished at a reasonable expense. A part of this 
agreement had been fulfilled, and Georgia now demanded that the 
entire Indian population should be removed west of the Mississippi. 

But the Creek nation, having begun to enjoy the arts and com- 
forts of civilization, were unwilling to leave their lands for the wilder- 
ness of the West, and they passed a law forbidding the sale of any 
of their lands on pain of death. A few of the chiefs were disposed 
to violate this law, and these were induced by the United States com- 
missioners to sell all the lands of the Creeks in Alabama and Georgia. 
The treaty was ratified by the national government on the last day of 
Mr. Monroe's administration. This produced great excitement among 
the Creeks, and a secret council of the nation being called, they re- 
solved not to accept the treaty. Mcintosh and another chief who 
had signed that instrument were shot on the 30th of April. Go- 
vernor Troup, of Georgia, now contended that the lands were vested 
in the State, and that the national government was bound to compel 
the removal of the Indians. But the president, finding that the 
treaty had been fraudulently obtained, decided not to suffer any in- 
terference with the Indians until the meeting of Congress. Governor 
Troup threatened to enforce the treaty himself, but the firm, decided 
tone of President Adams induced him to leave the afiair to the dis- 
posal of the constituted authorities. The president then opened new 
negotiations, which resulted in all the Georgia lands of the Creeks 
being ceded to the United States, but the Alabama land remained in 
possession of the Indians. This new treaty was ratified by the 
senate. In August, 1825, Governors Cass and Clarke concluded 
treaties with the north-western tribes, at Prairie de Chien. 

The plan of removing the Indians west of the Mississippi, and 
adopting measures for their civilization was now prosecuted with un- 
interrupted success. 

In September, 1825, General Lafayette, "the nation's guest," 
bade farewell to the people of the United States. President Adams 
delivered to him a parting address full of noble emotion. In the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 393 

course of the congressional session which began in December, Messrs. 
Benton and McDuffie made an effort to amend the constitution so as 
to provide for a direct election of president bj the people. But the 
movement failed. The most prominent topic of discussion was M'hat 
is known as "the Panama mission," or the sending of delegates to 
participate in the general congress of the South American republics, 
held at Panama. The opposition denounced the mission as a viola- 
tion of the neutral policy of the government. But a majority of 
Congress approved it, and confirmed the nominations of the delegates, 
Richard C. Anderson and John Sergeant. The delay caused by the 
discussion, however, prevented the United States from being repre- 
sented in the congress at Panama. Several important measures for 
internal improvement were passed by this Congress. 

In the mean time the opposition was being concentrated upon 
General Andrew Jackson, as their candidate to succeed Mr. Adams 
in the presidency. They soon obtained a majority in the house of 
representatives, and elected their candidate for speaker. In 1828 
a protective tariff was adopted after a long and exciting discussion. 
The measure was very unpopular in the Southern States. Soon 
afterward, the senate adopted an important amendment to the rules, 
giving the presiding officer power to call to order. 

In the fall of 1828, the general election occurred, and the contest 
was intensely exciting. The result was the defeat of Mr. Adams 
and Mr. Rush, and the election of General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun 
by a large majority. The twentieth Congress did not seem disposed 
to do more than provide for the necessities of the government. The 
appropriations for internal improvements were rather large. 

•The administration of John Quincy Adams terminated on the 3d 
of March, 1829. It had, from the outset, encountered a powerful 
opposition, and its difficulties were, therefore, almost unprecedented. 
But that the government was during that period administered with 
vigour, decision, and consummate ability none have pretended to 
deny since the partisan bitterness of the time has subsided. The 
foreign and domestic policy of the government had been clear, 
energetic, and unequivocal. 

After the inauguration of his successor in 1829, Mr. Adams retired 
to private life, at Quincy, near Boston. But the people of his dis- 
trict were not willing to let him remain a mere spectator of public 
affairs. In 1830 he was elected to represent them in Congress. He 
accepted the post, and, in December, 1831, took his seat, which he 
continued to occupy till the hand of death removed him from earthly 



394 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

care. He was always an active member, and particularly distin- 
guished himself as an advocate of the right of petition. 

On the 21st of February, 1848, this illustrious statesman was 
stricken with paralysis while sitting in his chair in the house of 
representatives. He sank into unconsciousness — and, in the midst 
of general excitement, he was removed to the speaker's room, where 
he lingered until the evening of the 23d, when his spirit left its 
tenement of clay. The last words he was heard to utter were, "This 
is the last of earth ! I am content !" 

The whole nation was thrown into mourning by the death of John 
Quincy Adams. A faithful sentinel of the people had died at his 
post. Congress adjourned. The president issued a proclamation, 
announcing the event. In all sections of the Union the voice of 
eulogy was raised to do justice to the character and deeds of the 
noble dead. The remains were taken to Massachusetts, and interred 
at Quincy, among the graves of an illustrious ancestry. 

In personal appearance, John Quincy Adams was of middle stature 
and portly person, his eyes dark and piercing, his countenance ex- 
pressing a striking union of firmness and intelligence. His manners 
were rather haughty and reserved, like those of his illustrious father. 
His habits were of the most active character. 

The greatest feature in the character of Mr. Adams was his inde- 
pendence of thought and action. In this respect he resembled his 
father, who estimated an honest independent spirit as the best 
virtue of man. His mind was quick and capacious. Study and ob- 
servation had rendered its stores of knowledge immense, and they 
were so classified that they were always at command. His eloquence 
was fervent and copious, sometimes rather diifuse. He seldom spoke 
without eliciting general attention, and never without being forcible. 
He will be remembered as one of the most valuable public servants 
America has yet produced. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 395 



HENRY CLAY. 

The secretary of state under the administration of John Quincy 
Adams, was the brilliant orator of Kentucky, the eloquent advocate 
of the war of 1812, and the skilful negotiator of Ghent, Henry 
Clay. This distinguished statesman was born on the 12th of April, 
1777, in Hanover county, Virginia. He was the son of a respect- 
able Baptist clergyman. His father died when young Henry had 
attained his fifth year, and the care of superintending his education 
devolved on his widowed mother. She appears to have been a lady 
of sterling worth, singular intelligence, and masculine vigour of in- 
tellect. Though left in very reduced circumstances, she was enabled, 
by prudence, economy, and energy, to raise her large family in 
comfort, and to place her sons in the way to assume stations of re- 
spectability and honour in society. 

The boyhood of Henry Clay was furnished with few of those fa- 
cilities for obtaining a literary education, which are now accessible 
to almost all. His mind was left to develop its poAvers and attain 
its growth through the force of its own innate energies, with but 
little aid from books or competent instructers. Those rich treasures 
of intellectual wealth, which are to be found in well-selected libra- 
ries and properly organized schools, were to him a sealed fountain. 
The extent of his boyish attainments in literature, consisted of the 
common elements taught in a country school of the ■ most humble 
pretensions. Even these slender advantages were but sparingly en- 
joyed, and the future orator and statesman was compelled, by the 
straitened circumstances of his family, to devote a considerable 
portion of his time to manual labour in the field. 

At the age of fourteen, he was placed in a small drug-store in the 
city of Richmond, Virginia. He continued in this situation but a 
few months, and, in 1792, entered the office of the clerk of the high 
court of chancery. While in this office he attracted the attention 
of Chancellor Wythe, who, being very favourably impressed by his 
amiable deportment, uniform habits of industry, and striking dis- 
plays of intelligence, honoured him with his friendship, and em- 
ployed him as an amanuensis. It was probably through the advice 
of Chancellor Wythe that he first conceived the design of studying 
law, and he has himself borne testimony to the fact that his inter- 
course with that great and good man exercised a decided and very 



396 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENT'S AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

salutary influence in the development of his mental powers, and the 
formation of his character. 

In the year 1796, he went to reside with Robert Brooke, Esq., 
attorney-general of Virginia. While in the family of this gentle- 
man, his opportunities for acquiring a knowledge of the profession 
to which he had determined to devote his life, were greatly im- 
proved, and he appears to have cultivated thena with exemplary assi- 
duity. The year 1797 seems to have been devoted by Mr. Clay ex- 
clusively to the study of his profession. It is worthy of remark, 
that this was the first year in which his necessities permitted him to 
pursue an uninterrupted system of study, and so eagerly did he 
avail himself of the privilege, and such was the ardour and vivacity 
of his mind, that near the close of the year he obtained from the 
Virginia court of appeals a license to practise. Of course the ac- 
quisitions made in the science of law, in the course of these irregu- 
lar and broken efforts to master that intricate and complex system, 
"were somewhat desultory and crude, and it is not the least striking 
evidence of the wonderful resources of Mr. Clay's genius, that he 
was enabled, notwithstanding these disadvantages, to assume, so 
early in life, a high rank in his profession, at a bar distinguished for 
the number, ability, and profound erudition of its members. 

Upon obtaining his license, Mr. Clay, then in the twenty-first year 
of his age, came to Lexington, Kentucky. He did not, however, 
immediately enter upon the duties of his profession, but spent several 
months in reviewing his legal studies, and forming an acquaintance 
with the people. His appearance at this period is represented to 
have been that of a man in feeble health. Delicate in his person, 
slow and languid in all his movements, his whole air and bearing was 
pervaded by a lassitude, which gave no promise of that untiring 
energy which has since so singularly marked his extraordinary 
history. 

When Mr. Clay entered upon the duties of his profession, the 
Lexington bar was noted for talent, numbering among its members 
some of the first lawyers that have ever adorned the legal profession 
in America. He commenced the practice under circumstances some- 
what discouraging, and, as appears from his own statement, with 
very moderate expectations. His earliest efforts, however, were at- 
tended with complete success ; his reputation spread rapidly, and, 
to use his own language, he " he immediately rushed into a lucrative 
practice." This unusual spectacle, so rare in the legal profession, 
is to be ascribed mainly to Mr. Clay's skill as an advocate. Gifted 
by nature with oratorial genius of a high order, his very youth in- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 397 

creased the spell of that potent fascination which his splendid elocu- 
tion and passionate eloquence threw over the public mind, and led 
the imagination a willing captive to its power. It was in the con- 
duct of criminal cases especially, that he achieved his greatest tri- 
umphs. The latitude customary and allowable to an advocate in the 
defence of his client, the surpassing interest of the questions at 
issue, presented an occasion and a field which never failed to elicit 
a blaze of genius, before which the public stood dazzled and as- 
tonished. 

A large portion of the litigation of that day, in Kentucky, grew 
out of the unsettled tenure by which most of the lands in the coun- 
try were held. The contests arising out of those conflicting claims 
had built up a system of land law remarkable for its intricacy and 
complexity, and having no parallel in the whole range of the law of 
real property. Adapted to the exigencies of the country, and hav- 
ing its origin in the necessities of the times, it was still remarkable 
for its logical consistency and sound principle. Kentucky, at that 
day, could boast some of the most profound, acute, and subtle 
lawyers in the world. And it is no slight tribute to the talents and 
acquirements of Mr. Clay, to say that, among those strong and deeply 
learned men, he stood among the foremost. 

When Mr. Clay first arrived in Kentucky, the contest between 
the old Federal and Democratic parties was violent and bitter. Any 
one acquainted with the ardent, frank, open, and somewhat boister- 
ous and extravagant character of the Kentuckians at that period, 
will not require to be told that neutrality in politics, even had Mr. 
Clay been disposed to pursue that equivocal line of conduct, was for 
him utterly out of the question, and would not have been tolerated 
for a moment. He accordingly united himself with the Jeflfersouian 
or Democratic party, with whose principles his own sentiments en- 
tirely harmonized. He was prominent at a very early day among 
those who denounced the most obnoxious measures of the Adams ad- 
ministration, and was especially conspicuous for the energy, elo- 
quence, and efiiciency with which he opposed the alien and sedition 
laws. In 1803 he was elected to represent the county of Fayette 
in the most numerous branch of the State legislature. He was re- 
elected to that body at every session until 1806. The impression 
made upon his associates must have been of the most favourable 
character, since, in the latter year, he was elected to the senate of 
the United States, to serve out the unexpired term of General Adair. 
He was elected for one session only. 

During this session, Mr. Clay, as a member of the senate, had 



398 LIVES OF TFIE PRESIDEISI^S AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

occasion to investigate the extent of the power of Congress to pro- 
mote internal improvements, and the result of his examination was 
a full conviction that the subject was clearly within the competency 
of the general government. These views he never changed ; and 
profoundly impressed with the policy of promoting such works, he 
at the same session gave his cordial support to several measures of 
that character. 

At the close of the session, Mr. Clay returned to Kentucky and 
resumed the practice of his profession. At the ensuing election in 
August, he was returned as the representative from Fayette to the 
legislature. When the legislature assembled, he was elected speaker 
of the house. In this station he was distinguished for the zeal, 
energy, and decision with which he discharged its duties. He con- 
tinued a member of the legislature until 1809, when he tendered his 
resignation, and was elected to the senate of the United States for 
two years, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mr. 
Thruston. During his continuance in the legislature he had pro- 
duced the deepest impression of his abilities, and won the warm re- 
gard and full confidence of his associates. How completely he had 
established himself in the favourable opinion of that body, may be 
inferred from the fact that he was elected to the office before named 
by a vote of two-thirds. He retired, accompanied by expressions of 
ardent admiration for his talents, high esteem for his services, and 
sincere regret for his loss. 

The principal matters which came before the senate during Mr. 
Clay's second term of service, related to the policy of encouraging 
domestic manufactures; the law to reduce into possession and 
establish the authority of the United States over the territory 
between the Mississippi and Perdido rivers, comprehending the 
present States of Mississippi, xMabama and Florida; and the question 
of a recharter of the Bank of the United States. In the discussions 
which arose on each of these questions, Mr. Clay bore a conspicuous 
part, fully sustaining the high reputation for ability with which he 
entered the senate. 

His speech in favour of giving the preference to articles of Ame- 
rican growth and manufacture, in providing supplies for the army 
and navy, was remarkable, as being the first occasion in which he 
developed to the national legislature those peculiar views in reference 
to the policy of building up a system of home industry, which he had 
at an earlier day sought to impress on the legislation of Kentucky. 

At the session of 1810-11, the question of a recharter of the 
Bank of the United States was brought before the senate, and became 



AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 399 

the subject of a debate, noted in ovir congressional history for its 
intemperate violence and splendid displa3^s of eloquence. On this 
occasion Mr. Clay was found opposed to the recharter of the bank, 
and maintained his views in a speech of great ingenuity and power. 
He afterward, in 1816, saw reason to change his opinions, and since 
then has been firm in the support he has given to that institution. 
The explanation of this inconsistency is to be sought in the peculiar 
views held by American statesmen at that day, in reference to the 
construction of the constitution. The grand subject of difference in 
principle between the old Federal and Democratic parties related to 
the interpretation of that instrument. The Federalists were the 
advocates of a free construction, granting to the general government 
the utmost latitude in the exercise of its powers. It is probable 
that in the heat of party controversy they carried their principles to 
an extreme, perhaps a dangerous length. The Democrats, on the 
other hand, were strict constructionists; opposed to deriving powers 
to Congress by implication, and confining the government to the 
exercise of such as were expressly and in terms granted in the 
constitution. 

When, at the expiration of the terra of service for which he had 
been elected, Mr. Clay retired from the senate, he left behind him a 
character for general ability and sound statesmanship, which few men 
of the same age have ever attained. 

- In 1811, the same year in which he retired from the senate, he 
was elected by the people of the Fayette district to represent them 
in the house of representatives of the United States. In 1813, he 
was re-elected, and continued a member of the house until he was 
sent to Europe as one of the commissioners to negotiate a treaty of 
peace with Great Britain. During the whole of this period, he filled 
the speaker's chair in the house, having received the high and 
unusual compliment of being chosen to that responsible station the 
first day on which he appeared in his seat in Congress. 

Mr. Clay, consequently, presided over the twelfth and thirteenth 
Congresses, and participated largely in those measures adapted to 
vindicate the honour and assert the rights of the country, against 
the usurpations and aggressions of Great Britain. He gave a warm 
and hearty co-operation in all those efforts that were made to put the 
country in a state of defence, and contributed as much, if not more, 
by his sleepless energy and unrivalled eloquence, to infuse a proper 
spirit into the deliberations of Congress, than any other man. HivS 
speeches on the subject of our difficulties with Great Britain, exhibit 
some of the most brilliant specimens of parliamentary eloquence 



400 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

extant, and their effect at the time, in arousing the country to a 
sense of its wrongs, and a determination to redress them, is said to 
have been unequalled. 

In 1814, having been appointed in conjunction with Messrs. John 
Q. Adams, James A. Bayard, Albert Gallatin, and Jonathan Russell, 
a commissioner to meet commissioners appointed on the part of Great 
Britain, he proceeded to Europe. On the 6th of August, the pleni- 
potentiaries of both nations met in the ancient city cf Ghent, pre- 
pared to proceed to business. The plan of this sketch does not 
require, nor would it admit of a detailed account of the negotiations, 
extending through several months, which finally resulted in a treaty 
of peace between the two nations. These are to be found related at 
large in the public histories of the time, and to them we refer the 
reader for a full knowledge of those transactions. Let it suffice to 
say that on this, as on all other occasions, Mr. Clay mingled con- 
trollingly in the deliberations of his distinguished colleagues, and 
exercised a very commanding influence over the course of the nego- 
tiation. There is, indeed, reason to believe that, but for his firm- 
ness and tact, the right to the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi 
river would have been surrendered for a very inconsiderable equiva- 
lent. His colleagues in the negotiation have always borne the most 
honourable testimony to the ability and comprehensive knowledge 
displayed by Mr. Clay in those memorable transactions, and he 
returned to the United States with a reputation materially enhanced. 
When the commissioners had closed their diplomatic labours, Mr. 
Clay visited Paris, and subsequently London, forming an acquaint- 
ance with many of the most distinguished characters on the con- 
tinent and in England. In 1815 he left the shores of Europe, and 
returned to America, which continent he has not since left, except 
on one occasion, when he made a brief visit to the Island of Cuba for 
the benefit of his health. 

He found upon his arrival in Kentucky, that during his absence, 
he had been nominated by his friends and elected to Congress ; but, 
as there arose doubts respecting the legality of his election, he 
resigned, and the canvass was opened anew. This resulted as the 
previous vote, in his being returned by an overwhelming majority. 
He was re-elected in succession to every Congress that assembled, 
until the session of 1820-21, when he retired to repair the inroads 
made in his private fortune by his long devotion to public affairs. 
During this period, he was thrice elected speaker of the house, and 
presided over the deliberations of that body during the whole period 
which intervened between 1815 and 1821. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 401 

On his re-entrance into Congress, Mr. Clay was called to defend 
the treaty, in the formation of which he had participated so largely, 
against the animadversions of his old enemies, the Federalists. That 
treaty was made the subject of unbridled criticism, by those who had 
opposed the war, and with the magical astuteness of hatred, they dis- 
covered objectional features in every clause. In the course of the 
discussions which thus arose, he had frequent occasion to review the 
origin, progress, and termination of the war, which task he performed 
with masterly ability, exposing the inconsistency and malignity of 
his adversaries to deserved odium. He met them at every point, and 
never failed to make their rancorous virulence recoil on their own 
heads with tremendous effect. 

In 1820, the subject of a protective tariff again came before 
Congress, and Mr. Clay gave an ardent support to a bill introduced 
for the purpose of increasing the measure of protection. Nor did he 
relax his efforts until he finally had the satisfaction of seeing the 
system for which he had been so long struggling fully established. 

In March, 1818, a resolution was introduced declaring that Con- 
gress had power to construct post-roads and canals, and also to ap- 
propriate money for that object. This resolution encountered a 
most formidable array of opposition. Mr. Madison, previous to his 
retirement from the presidential chair, had vetoed a bill for the pro- 
motion of internal improvements, and in succeeding him, Mr. Monroe 
manifested a disposition to "follow in his footsteps." But nothing 
daunted by the overwhelming opposition against which he had to 
contend, and the discouraging fact that the administrations of Jef- 
ferson, Madison, and Monroe were all against the policy, Mr. Clay 
continued to urge upon Congress the adoption of his system, from a 
profound conviction that it was intimately connected with the pro- 
gress of the country in all those elements which promote the general 
good. The resolution was adopted by a vote of ninety to seventy- 
five. 

The recognition of the South American republics by the govern- 
ment of the United States, a measure which was almost entirely 
attributable to the indefatigable exertions, personal influence, and 
powerful eloquence of Mr. Clay, while it shed lustre on the Monroe 
administration, surrounded the brow of the great statesman with a 
halo of true glory which grows brighter with the lapse of time. At 
the session of 1816-17 the subject of the Seminole war was brought 
before Congress, and Mr. Clay, in the course of his speech on that 
occasion, spoke with some severity of the conduct of General Jackson. 
This was the origin of that inveterate hostility on the part of the old 

26 



402 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEfTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

general toward the great Kentuckian, tlie consequences of which 
were deeply felt in after years. 

The only remaining measure of importance with which Mr. Clay's 
name is connected in the history of those times, was the great and 
exciting question which arose on the application of Missouri for 
admission into the Union. Probably at no period of our history has 
the horoscope of our country's destiny looked so dark and threaten- 
ing. In the settlement of this question Henry Clay bore a leading 
part. At the close of the session of Congress in 1821, Mr. Clay 
retired, and resumed the practice of his profession. He did not 
again enter Congress until 1823. 

Upon resuming his place in Congress at the commencement of the 
session of 1823-4, Mr. Clay was elected speaker, over Mr. Barbour 
of Virginia, by a considerable majority. He continued speaker of 
the house until he entered the cabinet of Mr. Adams, in 1825. 
During this time, the subject of the tariff again came before Con- 
gress, and was advocated by Mr. Clay in one of the most masterly 
efforts of his life. He also advocated a resolution, introduced by 
Mr. Webster, to defray the expenses of a messenger to Greece, at 
that time engaged against the power of the Turks in an arduous an(i 
bloody struggle for independence. 

Toward the close of the year 1824, the question of the presidency 
was generally agitated. As candidates for this oflBce, Messrs. 
John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and William H. 
Crawford had been brought forward by their respective friends. Mr. 
Clay had been nominated by the Kentucky legislature as early as 
1822. The people failing to make a choice, the election was thrown 
into the house. Mr. Clay, being the lowest on the list, was excluded 
from the house by the constitutional provision which makes it the 
duty of Congress to select one of the three highest candidates. His 
position in the house now became exceedingly delicate as well as im- 
portant. He had it in his powei-, by placing himself at the head of 
the party who went with him in the house, to control its choice of 
the three candidates before it. When the election came on, he cast 
his vote for Mr. Adams, who thus became president of the United 
States. This vote of Mr. Clay has been made the subject of much 
calumny and misrepresentation. At the time, it was charged that 
he had been bought up by the offer of a seat in the cabinet. Efforts 
were made to produce evidence to this effect, but it was attended by 
signal failure. 

During Mr. Adams's administration, Mr. Clay occupied a seat in 
his cabinet, as secretary of state. The vai-ious official documents 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 403 

prepared by him while in this office are among the best in our 
archives. While secretary of state, he negotiated many treaties with 
the various foreign powers with whom this country maintained rela- 
tions, in which he approved himself as superior as a diplomatist, as 
he had been before unrivalled as a legislator and orator. He was a 
universal favourite with the foreign ministers resident at Washing- 
ton, and contributed much, by his amenity and suavity of deportment, 
to place the negotiations on a footing most favourable to his own 
country. At the expiration of Mr. Adams's term of office, Mr. Clay 
retired to Ashland, his seat near Lexington. He continued engaged 
in the avocations of his profession until 1831, when he was elected 
to the senate of the United States for the term of six years. About 
the same time, in a national convention at Baltimore, he was nomi- 
nated to the presidency in opposition to General Jackson. 

The subjects brought before the senate during this term of Mr. 
Clay's service, were of the most important and exciting character. 
The subjects of the tariff, the United States' bank, the public lands, 
&c., embracing a system of legislative policy of the most compre- 
hensive character and the highest importance, constantly engaged 
the attention of the country and of Congress. During the period 
signalized by the agitation of these great questions, probably the 
most exciting in the political annals of America, no man filled a 
larger space in the public eye than Mr. Clay. Although defeated 
when the election for president came on, that circumstance appeared 
but to increase the devotion of his friends. 

It was at this period that the lines were drawn between those two 
great and powerful parties, which, assuming to themselves the re- 
spective no7ns de guerre of Whig and Democratic, lighted up those 
flames of civil contention which have kept this country in a state of 
confusion ever since. 

It was in opposition to Andrew Jackson, that Mr. Clay was called 
to act upon his entrance into the senate in 1831. It was an exigency 
which demanded all his energy and all his talents. We shall not 
pretend to say that the conduct of Mr. Clay in these bitter and ex- 
citing controversies was free from the influence of passion. On the 
contrary, passion constituted one of the strong forces of his cha- 
racter, and was stamped on every action of his life. Perhaps, with 
the exception of Andrew Jackson, there was not a man in America 
so remarkable for the fierce and unyielding power of his will, and the 
deep and fervent impetuosity of his passions, as Henry Clay. It is 
the characteristic of all decided men. 

General Jackson's veto of the bill to recharter the Bank of the 



404 LIVES OF THE PRESIDfNTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

United States, produced an effect on the financial condition of the 
country, which resulted in the most disastrous consequences to trade, 
commerce, and business in all its branches. As in 1816, Mr. Clay 
advocated the recharter of the bank, and denounced the veto in un- 
measured terms. He predicted the consequences which would result 
from the measure. 

In relation to the tariff. South Carolina had assumed a hostile 
attitude. She declared her intention to resist the execution of the 
revenue laws within her borders, and prepared to maintain herself in 
this resistance by force of arms. Jackson, on the contrary, deter- 
mined that the revenue laws should be enforced at all hazards. The 
national horizon began to look J)loody, and peaceable men to tremble. 
At this junction, Mr. Clay again stepped forward as mediator. 
Although wedded to the protective system, by his conviction of its 
utility, and its close connection with the progress of the country in 
arts, wealth, and civilization, he was not the man to jeopardize the 
existence of the Union, or sacrifice the peace of his country to the 
preservation of any favourite system of policy. He accordingly 
introduced, and after great efforts succeeded in passing, a compro- 
mise measure, which, without yielding the principle of protection, 
but deferring to the exigencies of the times, pacified the troubled 
elements of contention, and restored harmony to a distracted people. 

In 1836, Mr. Van Buren became president of the United States, 
and Mr. Clay was re-elected to the senate. Mr. Van Buren's admi- 
nistration was taken up principally with the disputes relative to the 
currency. 

In 1840, General Harrison, the AVhig candidate for the presidency, 
was elected by one of those tremendous and irresistible popular move- 
ments, which are seen in no other country besides this. During the 
canvass, Mr. Clay visited Hanover county, the place of his nativity, 
and while there addressed an assembly of the people. It was one 
of the ablest speeches of his life, and contained a masterly exposi- 
tion of the principles and subjects of controversy between the two 
parties. 

After the election of General Harrison, when Congress assembled, 
it set itself to work to effect a change in the fiscal affairs and tariff 
policy of the government. Unfortunately, however, the work had 
scarcely commenced before death removed the lamented Harrison 
from the scene of his usefulness, and Mr. Tyler, the vice-president, 
succeeded to his place. Then followed, in rapid succession, veto 
after veto, until all hope of accomplishing the objects for which the 
Whigs came into power, were extinct. During this period, Mr. Clay 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 405 

laboured night and day to bring the president into an accommodating 
temper, but without success. 

On the 31st of March, 1842, Mr. Chij executed his long and 
fondly-cherished design of retiring to spend the evening of his days 
amid the tranquil shades of Ashland. He resigned his seat in the 
senate, and presented to that body the credentials of his friend and 
successor, Mr. Crittenden. The scene which ensued was indescrib- 
ably thrilling. When Mr. Clay resigned his seat, the senate unani- 
mously adjourned for the day. 

In May, 1844, the national Whig convention nominated Mr. Clay 
as a candidate for president of the United States. The nominee of 
the Democratic party was James K. Polk, of Tennessee. The can- 
vass was probably one of the most exciting ever witnessed in this 
country. In addition to the old issues, a new one was formed on the 
proposition to annex the republic of Texas to the American Union. 
This question, intimately involving the exciting subject of slavery, 
gave to the presidential canvass a new character and an unforeseen 
direction. It would be out of place here, although not without inte- 
rest and instruction, to trace and analyze the causes which operated 
to defeat the Whigs. Suffice it to say, that Mr. Polk was made 
president. Texas became one of the United States. War ensued 
with Mexico ; and the armies of the United States swept the fertile 
provinces of that sister republic from the mouth of the Rio Grande 
to the western base of the Rocky Mountains. Governments were 
abrogated, and new ones established in their place.* 

After his resignation, Mr. Clay still communicated with the public 
from his residence in Kentucky, by letters and speeches on the 
various topics of the day. He remained in retirement in Kentucky 
until after the election of General Taylor, when, in 1849, he was 
re-elected to the Senate of the United States. Here, during the 
famous session 1849-50, he devoted all his remaining energies to 
secure the passage of the series of measures known as the Com- 
promise Acts. His efforts during this session weakened his strength 
and hastened his death. As his disease was gaining the mastery 
over him, he sought for relief, in the winter of 1850-51, in a visit to 
Havana and to New Orleans, but with no permanent advantage. At 
the commencement of the next session of Congress, he came to Wash- 
ington, but was unable to participate in the active duties of the 
Senate. Sensible of his failing health, he resigned his seat in the 

* Collins's Kentucky. 



406 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Senate, the resignation to take effect upon the 6th of September, 
1852. But he was not to see that day. He died on the 29th of 
June, 1852. 

Mr. CLay's eminence as a lawyer was only eclipsed by the splendour 
of his political fame. In juridical learning he did not excel, nor 
could it have been expected, considering the standard of professional 
attainments in his day, but he was well grounded in the principles 
of the law, and these carried him safely through his manifold labours. 
As a jury lawyer and a criminal advocate, he has rarely, if ever, 
been excelled. His most eloquent speeches in public life are said 
to have been surpassed by some of his addresses to Kentucky juries 
before he had passed his twenty-fifth year. To many of the moral 
movements of the day, he gave the weight and influence of his elo- 
quence and his sympathy. Especially was he interested in the suc- 
cess of the Colonization Society, and was for a long time one of its 
most efiicient officers, and also its president. 

Mr. Clay was a man of the most untiring energy, and a tenacity 
of purpose which nothing could shake. His passions were intense 
and powerful, yet at periods of the fiercest excitement, he could 
reason with as much logical coolness as if he was sitting in a study. 
Such a man was born to be a ruling spirit amid the storms of political 
life. 

The personal appearance of Mr. Clay was manly and striking. 
He was tall and slenderly, but vigorously built. His countenance 
was full of animation, and his gray eyes beamed with light. He had 
all the graceful actions of the orator of nature. In general inter- 
course with society, no man was better calculated to win respect and 
affection. 

Mr. Clay had twelve children, of whom three sons survived him. 



SAMUEL L. SOUTHARD. 



Samuel L. Southard was born at Baskingridge, New Jersey, on 
the 9th of June, 1787. In 1804 he graduated at Princeton, with 
the highest honours. From this period till 1809, when he was ad- 
mitted to the bar of Virginia, he employed himself in the duties of 
teaching, first as an assistant in a classical academy, and afterward 
as a private tutor. Returning to his native State, he was appointed 
attorney-general of New Jersey. In January, 1815, he acquired a 



AND OF MEMBERS OF TPIE CABLNETS. 407 

high reputation as an able lawyer and orator, by his speech in the 
great " Steamboat Case," discussed before the New Jersey legislature, 
and which originated in the claim of Fulton to the invention of 
steamboats. In the following October he was elected to the legisla- 
ture. The same month he was appointed an associate judge of the 
supreme court of the State. At this time he was but twenty-eight 
years of age. 

Returning to the bar, Mr. Southard, in 1820, was chosen United 
States senator from New Jersey, for the following six years. His 
abilities soon brought him into prominent notice, and in 1823 he 
was called to the secretaryship of the navy by President Monroe. 
In that station he remained until the incoming of President Jack- 
son. In 1832, after three years of service as attorney-general, 
he was elected governor of New Jersey. Again elected United States 
senator, he served out his term, and was immediately chosen for 
another. 

In March, 1841, he was appointed president "pro tern, of the 
senate. While he occupied this position, the death of President. 
Harrison occurred. By this event, which elevated Mr. Tyler to the 
executive chair, Mr. Southard became, by virtue of his office, the 
vice-president of the Union. Before the close of his term, he took 
sick, and died, at Fredericksburg, Virginia, on the 26th of June, 
1842, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. Mr. Southard was a man 
of untiring energy in the performance of his public duties. Though 
an active politician, he still found abundant time to engage in enter- 
prises connected with the advancement of knowledge and Christian 
benevolence. His literary abilities were of a high order. 



JOHN RODGEPvS. 



Commodore John Rodgers was born in Harford county, Mary- 
land, on the 11th of July, 1771. He was of Scotch descent, his 
father having come to America some time before the war of inde- 
pendence. In that war, the elder Rodgers performed good service, 
as a militia colonel, in the ranks of the patriot forces. 

At the early age of sixteen, the subject of this narrative, having 
followed the sea from his thirteenth year, received command of a 
vessel sailing as a trader from Baltimore to the North of Europe. 
Remaining seven years in the merchant service, Captain Rodgers, 



408 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

in 1797, sailed on board the frigate Constellation, Commodore 
Truxton commanding, as a lieutenant in the navy of the United 
States. 

In February of the following year, while what is called the " quasi 
war" was raging between the United States and France, the Con- 
stellation encountered and captured the L'Insurgente, a French 
frigate. Lieutenant Rodgers, with twelve men, was sent on board 
the prize to clear the decks of the wounded and dead, and confine 
the prisoners, one hundred and seventy-three in number. Before 
this duty could be performed, a terrible storm arose, and swept the 
prize out of sight of the Constellation. Exercising that firmness 
and energy which formed striking traits in his character, Lieutenant 
Rodgers succeeded in restraining his prisoners and carrying the 
ship into the harbour of St. Kitts. 

On returning home, Lieutenant Rodgers procured a furlough, and 
sailed to the West Indies, in a small brig belonging to himself. 
Being at St. Domingo when the terrible slave revolt took place on 
that island, he exerted himself warmly to save the property and lives 
of the unfortunate whites. On one occasion, while engaged in this 
work of benevolence, he was seized by the enraged negroes, and 
placed in close confinement, but presently found means to make his 
escape. 

Lieutenant Rodgers was made a post-captain in March, 1799. 
Late in 1802 he sailed as commander of the sloop-of-war John Adams, 
in the expedition against Tripoli. On this occasion he distinguished 
himself by engaging and destroying the largest of the Tripolitan 
fleet. Returning home the following year, he again sailed to the 
Mediterranean, in 1804. In 1805 he succeeded Commodore Barron 
in the command of the squadron. Having assisted at the signing 
of the treaty, which ended the Tripolitan war, he presently returned 
to the United States, where he was appointed to take charge of the 
gunboats in New York harbour. At this station he remained till 
1809. 

From 1809 till the declaration of war against England, in 1812, 
Commodore Rodgers, first in command of the Constitution, and then 
of the President, performed good service in protecting our commerce 
from the depredations of British cruisers. It was during this period 
that he engaged and captured the English sloop-of-war Little Belt. 
Having his suspicions excited by the appearance of this vessel, 
Rodgers gave chase. As he approached within gunshot, his own 
ship was fired into, when an action ensued, in which the Little Belt 
was compelled to strike her flag. The British commander having 



AND OF MEMBERS OP THE CABINETS. 409 

declared that Rodgers was the aggressor in this affair, a court of 
inquiry was appointed, which confirmed the truth of the commodore's 
account. 

Soon after the breaking out of the war. Commodore Rodgers 
sailed from New York in command of a large squadron, boldly cross- 
ing and recrossing the Atlantic, in the face of an enemy famous for 
their power on the seas. From this period until 1814 he made 
several cruises, remarkable for their daring, but not leading to any 
important conflicts with the enemy. In August, 1814, he distin- 
guished himself in conducting the naval operations against the 
British, after their retreat from"the national capital. In September, 
he assisted at the defence of Baltimore, and contributed materially 
to the failure of the enemy's attempt against that city. 

At the conclusion of the war in 1815, President Madison tendered 
Commodore Rodgers the office of secretary of the navy, but he then 
declined it. During the administration of Mr. Monroe, however, he 
held that post for a short time. 

For a period of twenty-one years after the war. Commodore 
Rodgers was principally engaged in fulfilling the duties of president 
of the board of naval commissioners. In that time, he was at sea 
about two years — from 1825 to 1827. In the summer of 1832, his 
constitution was greatly shattered by a severe attack of Asiatic 
cholera. To restore his health, he made a voyage to Europe ; but 
he was now too far gone ; and, after lingering two years longer, he 
died at Philadelphia, on the 1st of August, 1838, in the sixty-seventh 
year of his age. 

To Commodore Rodgers the navy of the United States owed much 
during the second war with England. He laboured earnestly to raise 
the character of its discipline. 



JOHN McLEAN. 



Judge McLean was born in Morris county, New Jersey, in 1785. 
Four years after his birth, his father removed to the West, and 
finally settled in Ohio. Here young McLean received a scanty com- 
mon-school education. Having determined, however, to pursue the 
legal profession, he engaged at the age of eighteen to write in the 
clerk's office at Cincinnati, in order to maintain himself, by devoting 
a portion of his time to that labour while engaged in his studies. In 



410 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

1807, he was admitted to the bar, and he entered upon the practice 
of the law at Lebanon, Ohio. 

In October, 1812, Mr, McLean became a candidate to represent 
his district in Congress, and was elected by a large majority over his 
opponents. He was an ardent supporter of the war and of the gene- 
ral principles of President's Madison's administration. In 1814 he 
was again elected to Congress by a unanimous vote. He remained 
a member of the house of representatives until 1816, when the 
legislature of Ohio, having elected him a judge of the supreme court 
of the State, he resigned his seat. 

Judge McLean remained six years upon the supreme bench of 
Ohio, discharging the duties of his position with rare ability and 
success. In 1822 he was appointed by President Monroe, com- 
missioner of the general land-office; and in 1823 he was appointed 
postmaster-general. 

In 1829, Mr. McLean was appointed by President Jackson an 
associate justice of the United States supreme court, after he had 
refused the offer of the war and navy departments. He entered 
upon the duties of this high position at the January term of 1830, 
and up to the present time he has discharged the demands of the 
office with an ability that has commanded general respect. 



JAMES BARBOUR. 



James Barbour, secretary of war under Mr. Adams's administra- 
tion, was born near Montpelier, Orange county, Virginia. He was 
the son of Colonel Thomas Barbour, a distinguished patriot and 
soldier of the Revolution. He was thoroughly educated, and enjoyed 
the highest advantages for the study of the law. His abilities were 
soon recognised after his admission to the bar, and he was elected to 
a seat in the legislature. He was then elected speaker of the house 
of delegates. His popularity gradually increased, and he was suc- 
cessively elected governor of the State and senator in Congress. In 
the latter body, Mr. Barbour was an active, eloquent, and influential 
member. President John Quincy Adams selected him for the post 
of secretary of war, on account of his energy and talent, and he dis- 
charged the duties of that position with rare success. He was then 
appointed minister to Great Britain. Governor Barbour died on the 
8th of June, 1842, at the age of sixty-six years. His character was 
estimable, and his public services illustrated the extent of his capacity. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 411 



PETER B. PORTER. 

This distinguished soldier was born on the 14th of August, 1773, 
in the town of Salisbury, Connecticut. After graduating at Yale 
College, he studied law and became distinguished in the profession 
he had chosen. He gradually acquired popularity, and was elected 
a representative to Congress, where he remained until the opening 
of the war of 1812. He then took charge of the militia on the 
Northern frontier, and performed valuable service during the active 
campaigns in that quarter. In the latter part of 1812, he accom- 
panied General Smyth's expedition into Canada as the second in 
command. Smyth contemplated a more eifectual invasion of this 
province than that which had recently failed; and on finding his 
forces inadequate, published a proclamation inviting volunteers to 
join him. This was so successful, that, on the 27th of November, his 
army had swelled to four thousand five hundred men. Of these, the 
New York and Pennsylvania volunteers were commanded by General 
Porter. The expedition had provided for its use seventy public boats, 
each carrying forty men, five boats belonging to individuals, having 
one hundred men, and a number of smaller ones. 

Before setting out for Canada, General Smyth published a second 
proclamation, stating his ability and determination to take the coun- 
try in a short time, inviting all patriots to join his standard, and 
excusing the failure of former enterprises, on the score of the in- 
capacity of their leaders. This was soon afterward followed by one 
from General Porter, in which he set forth the necessity of the volun- 
teers speedily co-operating with Smyth. 

At three o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the boats put off 
from the American shore, but they had not proceeded one-fourth of 
the way across, when the British batteries opened a galling fire, and 
five of them were obliged to return. In one of these was Colonel 
Winder of the fourteenth infantry, who commanded the troops to 
whom this hazardous duty was assigned. The command of the four- 
teenth devolved therefore upon Lieutenant-colonel Boerstler, who was 
in one of the advance boats with several resolute infantry officers. 
A severe fire of musketry and of grape-shot from two pieces of flying 
artillery, was poured upon this part of the squadron, but they effected 
their landing in good order, formed on the shore, and advanced to 
the accomplishment of their object. 

Lieutenant-commandant Angus and his officers, assisted by Samuel 



412 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Swartwout, Esq., of New York, an enterprising citizen, who happened 
to be at the station, acted as volunteers after the landing of the 
troops, and joining their little band of sailors to the regulars, under 
Captain King of the fifteenth, they stormed the enemy's principal 
batteries and drove him to the Red House, where he rallied with two 
hundred and fifty men, and commenced a rapid fire of musketry upon 
the assailants. Sixty regulars and fifty sailors composed the whole 
American force. The success at the battery, the guns of which were 
spiked, was followed up by a desperate assault upon the Red House. 
The sailors charged with boarding-pikes and cutlasses, the regulars 
with the bayonet, and, after a hard and destructive engagement, they 
routed the enemy, fired the house in which he quartered, and made 
about fifty prisoners. Lieutenant-colonel Boerstler attacked and 
dispersed the enemy lower down the river, and took also several 
prisoners. Every battery between Chippewa and Fort Erie was 
now carried; the cannon spiked or destroyed, and sixteen miles of 
the Canadian frontier laid waste and deserted. The boats returned 
with the wounded and the prisoners, leaving Captain King and twelve 
men, who were so anxious to complete the destruction of every breast- 
work and barrack of the enemy, that they resolved on remaining in 
possession of the conquered ground, until the main body of the army 
should cross over the strait and march to the assault of the British 
forts. Sailing-master Watts fell at the head of his division of the 
sailors, while he was gallantly leading them on. Midshipman Graham 
received a severe wound, which caused an amputation of a leg. Seven 
out of twelve of the navy officers were wounded. Captain Morgan 
of the twelfth. Captain Sprowl and Captain Dix of the thirteenth, 
and Lieutenant Lisson, the two latter of whom were badly wounded, 
took a very distinguished part in the engagement. 

At sunrise part of the remaining troops at Buffalo began their 
embarkation. They numbered about two thousand under the imme- 
diate command of General Porter. Two thousand more paraded on 
shore, awaiting a second embarkation. About five hundred British' 
appeared on the opposite shore. When the troops had become im- 
patient with waiting. General Smyth unexpectedly ordered them to 
disembark, silencing their murmurs with the assurance that the ex- 
pedition was postponed only in order to place the boats in a better 
condition. The regiments then retired to their quarters, and the 
enemy commenced labouring actively upon their disabled batteries. 

On the 29th (Sunday) the troops were ordered down to the navy- 
yavd so as to be ready for crossing the next morning at nine o'clock. 
The point and time of embarking would have exposed the Americans 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 413 

to the whole British fire. This was perceived by the officers, who 
waited on the commander with their objections to his plan. He ac- 
cordingly altered both, determining to land the troops five miles 
below the navy-yard before daylight on Tuesday morning. 

On Monday evening, seven boats for Colonel Swift's regiment and 
eight for the new volunteers, were brought up the river and placed 
at difierent points, so that the noise and confusion of embarking the 
whole at one place might be avoided. At half an hour after three, 
these boats were occupied and took their station opposite the navy 
yard. The regulars were to proceed on the right, General Tanne- 
hill's volunteers in the centre, and the New York volunteers on the 
left. General Porter, with a chosen set of men, was appointed to 
proceed in front to direct the landing, and to join the New York 
volunteers when on the opposite shore. On the arrival of the boats 
which were to compose the van. General Porter found that the 
artillery were embarking in the scows with as much haste as possible; 
but one hour elapsed before the regular infantry attempted to follow, 
when Colonel Winder, at the head of the fourteenth, entered the 
boats with great order and silence. Every thing seemed to promise 
a speedy and successful issue ; the troops to be embarked were now 
nearly all in readiness to proceed ; General Porter dropped to the 
front of the line with a flag, to designate the leading boat, and the 
word only was wanted to put off. The front of the line was one- 
fourth of a mile from the shore, when the rear was observed to be 
retarded, and General Porter received orders from General Smyth 
to disembark immediately. He was at the same time informed that 
the invasion of Canada was abandoned for the season, that the regu- 
lars were ordered into winter quarters, and that, as the services of 
the volunteers could now be dispensed with, they might stack their 
arms and return to their homes. Previously to this order an inter- 
view had taken place between General Smyth and a British major, 
who came over with a flag. The scene of discontent which followed 
was without parallel. Four thousand men, without order or re- 
straint, indignantly discharged their muskets in every direction. 
The person of the commanding general was threatened. Upward of 
one thousand men, of all classes of society, had suddenly left their 
homes and families, and had made great sacrifices to obey the call 
of their country under General Smyth's invitation. He possessed 
their strongest confidence, and was gaining their warmest affections ; 
he could lead to no post of danger to which they would not follow. 
But now, the hopes of his government, the expectations of the peo- 
ple, the desires of the army, were all prostrated, and he was obliged 



414 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

to hear the bitter reproaches and the indignant epithets of the men 
•whom he had promised to lead to honour, to glory, to renown. The 
inhabitants refused to give him quarters in their houses, or to pro- 
tect him from the rage of those who considered themselves the vic- 
tims of his imbecility or his deceit. He was obliged constantly to 
shift his tent to avoid the general clamour, and to double the guard 
surrounding it; and he Avas several times fired at when he ventured 
without it. An application was made to him by the volunteers, to 
permit them to invade the enemy's territory under General Porter, 
and they pledged themselves to him to take Fort Erie if he would 
give them four pieces of flying artillery. This solicitation was 
evaded, and the volunteer troops proceeded to their homes, exe- 
crating the man whom they had respected, and the general on whose 
talents and promises they had placed the most general reliance. 

In his defence of this disgraceful affair. General Smyth indulged 
in the assertion " that the volunteers and the neighbouring people 
were dissatisfied, and that it had been in the power of the contracting 
agent [General Porter] to excite some clamour against the course 
pursued, as he found the contract a losing one, and would wish to 
see the army in Canada that he might not be bound to supply it. 

This unwarrantable assertion drew forth some recrimination from 
General Porter which eventuated in a duel ; but the affair was after- 
ward amicably settled. 

At Chippewa, General Porter commanded the New York and Penn- 
sylvania volunteers, with some Indians, as part of General Scott's 
Tsrigade. In the afternoon, he left the American camp, advanced 
through the woods and came upon the British scouting parties in 
such a position as to place them between his own fire and that of the 
American main army. Soon after he encountered the whole British 
column drawn up in order of battle. Here he behaved with great 
gallantry until reinforced; and received the personal compliments 
of the commander-in-chief. General Brown. 

General Brown thus mentions his services in the action at Niagara : 
— "It was with great pleasure I saw the good order and intrepidity 
of General Porter's volunteers from the moment of their arrival ; but 
during the last charge of the enemy, those qualities were conspicuous. 
Stimulated by their gallant leader, they precipitated themselves upon 
the enemy's line, and made all the prisoners which were taken at 
this point of the action." 

After the battle. General Porter marched with the army to Fort 
Erie, where his volunteers, together with the riflemen, occupied the 
centre. He was present at the memorable defence of that place, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 415 

and by his conduct Avon the following notice from General Gaines : 
— "Brigadier-general Porter, commanding the New York and Penn- 
sylvania volunteers, manifested a degree of vigilance and judgment 
in his preparatory arrangements, as well as military skill and courage 
in action, which proves him to be worthy the confidence of his coun- 
try and the brave volunteers who fought under him." 

For his bravery on the Niagara frontier General Porter was pre- 
sented by Congress with a gold medal, together with the thanks of 
that body. After the war he was again elected to Congress, and 
received during his term marks of esteem from several public bodies. 
He acted as secretary of war under President Adams, and on the 
change of administration retired to private life. After a long season 
of domestic tranquillity, he died at Niagara, New York, March 20th, 
1844, at the age of seventy-one. 



f ibts of tlje ^Hs&tirfs d t\t Inittb B>Mts, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS. 



TOGETHER WITH 



§i09rii|yts ai % iit^|r£siknts an^ patbm ai Hit €M\\dL 



ANDREW JACKSON. 



No man occupies a more conspicuous place in the annals of the 
great American republic than General Andrew Jackson. He 
stamped an impression upon the civil and military affairs of the 
country, which, whether good or evil, cannot be effaced. He was 
born on the 15th of March, 1767, at the Waxhaw settlement, in 
South Carolina. His parents were natives of the North of Ireland, 
who had emigrated to America two years previous to the birth of the 
subject of this memoir. At an early age, Andrew lost his father, 
and the task of bringing him up devolved upon his mother, a woman 
of energy and intelligence. Intending him, it is said, to become a 
clergyman, she resolved, though restricted in her pecuniary circum- 
stances, to give him a liberal education. For this purpose, she 
placed him at an academy, where he continued until his studies were 
interrupted by the advance of the British troops into the neighbour- 
hood, during the Revolutionary war. Young as he was, (scarcely 
fourteen years of age,) in company with an elder brother he joined 
the American army. 

Before long they were made prisoners by a party of British 
dragoons, by whom they were badly treated. The character of the 
conqueror Caesar was seen in his youthful defiance of Sylla and of 
the pirates. The character of Jackson was no less nobly displayed 
in his captivity. He was directed to clean the boots of one of the 
British officers ; but, fearless of consequences, he refused. Enraged, 
the officer struck him a blow on the head with his sword, the mark 
of which young Jackson carried with him to his grave, as a continual 
memento of British tyranny. His brother Robert was so badly 
treated that he died from his injuries, soon after they were both 
exchanged. 

*^ Ate 

416 




'^<?^^;^3:7^^^^5L.^^^<i^^^^^' 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 417 

While Jackson was still a boy, his mother died, and he was left 
without an adviser or protector, but with a small patrimony. He 
now became reckless and extravagant. But the necessity of doing 
something to obtain a subsistence brought him to reflection. He re- 
formed his habits and determined to become a lawyer. Jackson 
commenced the study of the law at Salisbury, in North Carolina, in 
the winter of 1784, and was admitted to the bar in 1786. In 1788 
he removed to Nashville, then a new settlement in the westei-n dis- 
trict of North Carolina. This district having been ceded to the 
United States, and organized into a territory in 1790, he was ap- 
pointed to the office of United States attorney ; and when the terri- 
tory, in its turn, in 1796, became the State of Tennessee, he was a 
member of the convention to frame the constitution for it, and took 
a conspicuous part in the proceedings of this body. He was imme- 
diately afterward chosen a representative, and in the next year, a 
senator in Congress. But his seat in the senate he held only for a 
single session, alleging, as a reason for resigning it, his distaste for 
the intrigues of politics. On this, he was appointed by the legisla- 
ture of Tennessee to be a judge of the supreme court of that State ; 
an office which he accepted with reluctance, and from which he soon 
retired to his farm on the Cumberland River, near Nashville. And 
there he continued to reside till the breaking out of the war with 
Great Britain in 1812. 

During the earlier part of his residence in Tennessee, General 
Jackson had repeatedly distinguished himself by his prowess, in 
the warfare carried on by the settlers with their Indian neigh- 
bours, and had even earned from the latter, by his exploits, 
the appellations of " Sharp Knife" and "Pointed Arrow." That, 
after attaining to a prominent position in civil life, he should be 
selected by his fellow-citizens to occupy a corresponding military 
rank among them, was therefore almost a matter of course. The 
war of 1812, accordingly, found him a major-general of one of the 
divisions of the Tennessee militia. In the month of November of 
that year, he proceeded, by the direction of the government, at the 
head of a body of between two and three thousand volunteers, who 
had assembled on his invitation, down the Mississippi to Natchez, 
for the protection of the country against an apprehended hostile 
movement on the part of the Indians. The danger having passed 
away, he was ordered by the secretary of war to disband his troops 
on the spot. This order he did not hesitate to disobey, on account, 
as he stated, of many of his men being sick, and unprovided with 
the means of paying their expenses on their way home. They re- 

27 



418 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

turned accordingly in a body with their general, whose apology for 
the course which he pursued was accepted by the government. 

In 1813 and 1814, General Jackson was employed against the 
Oreek and Muscogee Indians, who had invaded the frontier settle- 
ments of Alabama and Georgia, and inflicted on the inhabitants the 
usual horrors of savage warfare. After a succession of bloody 
victories achieved by him over those trifles, they agreed, by a treaty 
concluded in August, 1814, to lay down their arms. In the month 
May of this year, he was appointed a major-general in the service 
of the United States ; and, having first seized upon the town of 
Pensacola, in consequence of the admission into its harbour, by the 
Spanish governor, of a Bi'itish squadron to refit, he proceeded to 
take the command of the forces intended for the defence of New 
Orleans against the approaching attack of the enemy. On arriving 
there on the 1st of December, he tookhis measures with the utmost 
decision and promptness. Becoming convinced of the expediency 
of taking precautions against the treachery of some disafl"ected in- 
dividuals, he proposed to the legislature of Louisiana, then in 
session, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. Im- 
patient, however, with the time consumed in deliberating on his pro- 
posal, he proclaimed martial law, thus at once superseding the civil 
authority by the introduction of a rigid military police. Toward 
the enemy he acted with the same determined energy. Scarcely had 
the British troops eff'ected a landing, when he marched against them, 
and by unexpectedly assailing them, in the night of the 22d of De- 
cember, gained some advantages; the most important of which was 
that for which this movement of the general was chiefly made, 
namely, the impresssion produced upon his followers of their own 
ability to perform successfully the part assigned to them, at least 
while commanded by him, as well as that communicated to the in- 
vaders, of the formidable character of the opposition which they 
were destined to encounter. The contest for the possession of New 
Orleans was brought to a close by the memorable battle of the 8th 
of January, 1815, which raised the reputation of the American com- 
mander to the highest pitch among his countrymen, and served as a 
satisfactory apology with many for the strong measures adopted by 
him before the landing of the enemy, as well as for others which he 
adopted immediately after the retreat of the latter. 

General Jackson's next public employment was the conduct of the 
war against the Seminole Indians, in 1818. With a force composed 
of Tennessee volunteers and Georgia militia, he penetrated into 
Florida to the retreats of the savages and fugitive slaves who 



AND OF MEMT5ERS OF THE CABINETS. 419 

had joined them, and set fire to their villnges. lie likewise tool: 
possession, without hesitation, of several of the Spanish posts in 
that region, whence the Indians had been supplied with arms and 
ammunition, and executed two Englishmen who had been actively 
engaged in this trade. The posts were restored by the orders of the 
government ; but an attempt in the house of representatives in Con- 
gress to inflict a censure upon General Jackson, for the irregularity 
of his proceedings, was defeated, after very protracted debates, by 
a considerable majority. When Florida was transferred by Spain 
to the United States, he was appointed the first governor of the new 
territory, (1821.) He resigned this office, and returned to his 
farm near Nashville, in the following year. In 1823 he was once 
more chosen to represent the States of Tennessee in the senate of 
the United States, but resigned his seat in that body on becoming a 
prominent candidate for the presidency. Of the electoral votes 
which were given in the end of the year 1824, he received ninety- 
nine, Mr. Adams eighty-four, Mr. Crawford forty-one, and Mr. Clay 
thirty-seven. The election devolved, by the provisions of the con- 
stitution, on the members of the house of representatives in Con- 
gress, voting by States, and Mr. Adams was selected to be the- 
president. This choice caused great excitement among the friends 
of Jackson, who was believed to be the preference of the people, 
and they determined to bring him forward as a candidate at the next 
presidential election. Measures were concerted, and the entire 
opposition rallied to his support. In the fall of 1828 he was elected 
president of the United States by a large majority. 

On the 4th of March, 1829, General Jackson was inaugurated 
president. From the outset his administration was marked by features 
which distinguished it from all that had preceded it, and the country 
was led to expect a new order of things. 

General Jackson organized his cabinet by appointing Martin Van 
Buren, of New York, secretary of state ; Samuel D. Ingham, of 
Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury ; John H. Eaton, of Ten- 
nessee, secretary of war ; John Branch, of North Carolina, secre- 
tary of the navy; and John M. Berrien, of Georgia, attorney- 
general. 

Among some of the first acts of General Jackson's administration 
was that of removing from offices, within the executive gift, those 
incumbents who were considered either incompetent or unworthy of 
the trusts that had been reposed in them. For this he was censured, 
as possessing a spirit of proscription. Each removal made was 
blazoned over the country as evidence of a persecuting and intole- 



420 LIVES OF THE PRESID^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

rant spirit. Many of the removed officers even appealed to the 
people, as though their rights had been violated. 

The other acts which marked the commencement of General Jack- 
son's administration were such as had been expected from the well- 
known energy of his character. 

On the opening of Congress in December, 1829, General Jackson 
presented his first message to the representatives of the nation. It 
is a very able production ; and contains an interesting history of our 
national relations at that period, and also of the policy that had been 
commenced, and which was intended to be pursued by General Jack- 
son in the administration of our government. 

The veto of the bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of the 
Maysville and Washington Turnpike Road Company in Kentucky, 
was the first great act of President Jackson which awakened the 
denunciations of the opposition. In his veto message, he argued 
that a general system of internal improvements was unconstitutional. 

On the assembling of Congress in December, 1830, General Jack- 
son presented his second message to the representatives of the na- 
tion. He explained and expanded the principles of the veto message 
— his views of the tariflF were similar to those he had previously ex- 
pressed — asserting the constitutionality of the measure, and recom- 
mending its review, modification, and the most practicable equaliza- 
tion of its burdens. He objected to the present bank of the United 
States, and explained the principles of the institution, to which he 
alluded in his former message. 

It was before the close of this congressional session, that the con- 
troversy between General Jackson and Mr. Calhoun, vice-president 
of the United States, took place, which brought out, on the part of 
the latter, a voluminous correspondence between the parties inte- 
rested in the subject-matter of dispute. 

It was shown that Mr. Calhoun had disapproved the course pur- 
sued by General Jackson in the invasion of Florida, while the former 
was a member of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, and had advised a censure. 
From this time forth, all intercourse between the president and the 
vice-president was at an end. 

An interesting crisis was now approaching in the cabinet which 
General Jackson had selected to aid him in the discharge of the 
arduous duties of government. This was its dissolution. The causes 
which led to this result, were clearly and concisely developed in the 
letter of Mr. Martin Van Buren, secretary of state, tendering his 
resignation to the president. 

The name of the secretary had been brought forward as a candi- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 421 

date for the succession, and he did not think it proper that a person 
in that situation should remain a memher of the cabinet. The re- 
signation of Messrs. Eaton, Branch, Ingham, and Berrien immediately 
followed that of Mr. Van Buren. The reasons for this action were 
variously stated by each, but the grand cause was a want of harmony 
among the members of the cabinet. 

The dissolution of the cabinet was productive of no prejudice to 
General Jackson; it did not injure or embarrass the operations of 
government ; an angry fermentation only was for a time produced 
among a portion of its dissolving elements ; when every thing con- 
nected with the peace and harmony of the administration assumed 
its accustomed aspect, and its vigorous and politic measures were 
prosecuted with the same zeal and fidelity that characterized the 
operations of its energetic head, previous to the dissolution. 

General Jackson reorganized his cabinet by appointing Edward 
Livingston, of Louisiana, secretary of state ; Levi Woodbury, of New 
Hampshire, secretary of the navy ; Louis McLane, of Delaware, 
secretary of the treasury ; and Lewis Cass, of Ohio, secretary of war. 
Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, was appointed to the office of attorney- 
general. With it, General Jackson proceeded in the administration 
of the general government with renewed energy. 

The twenty-second Congress of the United States convened in 
Decem'ber, 1831, when General Jackson presented to the representa- 
tives of the nation his annual message. 

This session of Congress was remarkable for its turbulent display 
of party spirit. Martin Van Buren having been nominated as mi- 
nister to Great Britain, was rejected by the senate. Various reasons 
were assigned for this action of the senate, but the friends of the 
administration denounced that body as being actuated by a paltry 
feeling of hostility to the president. Mr. Van Buren was considered 
as a martyr by his party. Among the most urgent subjects of con- 
sideration at this session of Congress was the apportionment of 
representatives according to the census of 1830. Finally, the ratio 
fixed was one representative to forty-seven thousand seven hundred 
inhabitants. 

But the subject which towered above all others was the question 
of the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank. The 
president was known to be hostile to the institution which then ex- 
isted. He believed it to be both unconstitutional and inexpedient. 
The bill for renewing the charter passed through Congress early in 
July, 1831 ; but the president returned it to the senate with his 
veto, and an attempt to pass it without his consent failed. This 



422 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

veto produced a profound sensation througliout the country. The 
administration lost strength in some sections, but in the interior 
of the country, where the bank was in bad odour, the number of 
its friends increased. The tariff', internal improvement, and the dis- 
posal of the public lands were the principal topics of discussion during 
the remainder of the session ; but the excitement upon the bank 
question chiefly occupied the public mind, until the passage of a 
tariff act which directly admitted the principle of protection. 

South Carolina now boldly asserted the doctrine of nullification, 
and proclaimed that any attempt to enforce the revenue laws in that 
State should be resisted, if necessary, by force. This brought mat- 
ters to a crisis. The president issued a proclamation stating the na- 
ture of the federal Union, and his determination to execute the laws. 
Happily there was no call for a resort to force. The passage of a 
compromise tariff" act conciliated the nullifiers, and the republic was 
spared the horrors of civil war. 

During a portion of this administration, an Indian war raged on 
the north-western frontier, in which the famous chief Black Hawk 
was the principal actor. The difficulty grew out of a treaty made 
with the Indians at Prairie du Chien, in 1823. An article in this 
treaty provided that any of the Five Nations concerned in it, visit- 
ing the United States, should be protected from all insults by the 
garrison. Notwithstanding this, in the summer of 1827, a party of 
twenty-four Chippeways on a visit to Fort Snelling, were fallen upon 
by a band of Sioux, who killed and wounded eight of them. The 
commandant of the fort captured four of the Sioux, and delivered 
them into the hands of the Chippeways, who immediately shot 
them. Red Bird, the Sioux chief, repaired to Prairie du Chien with 
three companions, desperate as himself, about the first of July, and 
there killed two persons, wounded a third, and without taking 
plunder, retired to Bad-axe River. Here, soon after, he waylaid two 
keel-boats that had been conveying some missionaries to Fort Snell- 
ing, in one of which, two persons were killed; the others escaped 
with little injury. 

Not long after, General Atkinson marched into the Winnebago 
country, and captured some hostile Winnebagoes and Red Bird, who 
died soon after in prison. The Indians, who were imprisoned for the 
murder at Prairie du Chien were discharged, and Black Hawk and 
two others, who had been imprisoned for the attack on the boats 
before mentioned, were also discharged. 

The foregoing account shows that Black Hawk was imprisoned on 
suspicion, perhaps justly, but this was not his sole cause of complaint. 



AND OP MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 423 

His friend Red Bird had died in prison. Indians were executed for 
murdering whites, but it did not appear that whites were treated in 
like manner for murdering Indians. These causes had long been 
producing a feeling of disaffection among the Northern and Western 
tribes. Hence, it is not singular that the whites of the frontier of 
Illinois believed the Indians, from Canada to Mexico, more hostile 
than at any period since the war of 1812. 

The Sacs, who had served Great Britain against the Americans, 
were the most conspicuous in their enmity. This band of Sacs ren- 
dezvoused at their chief village on the Mississippi, where they had 
collected such of their neighbours as wished to engage in the war. 

General Gaines marched to, and possessed himself of this village, 
on the 26th of June. This he did without opposition ; for when the 
Indians discovered the army, they fled across the river, and displayed 
a flag for parley. Meantime, their associates had abandoned them, 
and the Sacs were left to manage affairs in the best manner they 
could. They, therefore, made peace with due submission, and Gene- 
ral Gaines was of opinion they were as completely humbled as if they 
had been chastised in battle, and were less disposed to disturb the 
frontier than if that event had taken place. Previous to this, he had 
declared his belief that whatever might be their hostile feelings, they 
would abstain from the use of tomahawks and fire-arms, except in 
self-defence. 

About the same time, a difficulty seems to have arisen between the 
Sacs and Menominies, in which twenty-eight of the latter had been 
murdered. Agreeably to an article of the treaty before mentioned, 
the United States obliged themselves to interpose between these and 
other Western tribes in cases of trouble. But these murders were 
not all the Sacs had done. They had recrossed the Mississippi, and 
occupied the country on its east bank, which they had the year 
before ceded to the United States. 

Black Hawk was the alleged leader in both cases. Therefore, 
General Atkinson set out on an expedition, hoping to make prisoner 
of Black Hawk, who was said to be the fomenter of all these dis- 
turbances. It was also alleged that he had little respect for treaties, 
and that he had, in former negotiations, so far overreached our com- 
missioners, as to make peace on his own terms. This is the first 
acknowledgment of that chief's talents in matters of diplomacy. 

General Atkinson was at a place on Rock River called Dixon's 
Ferry, May 15th, when he received news that a force which had 
marched to Sycamore Creek, thirty miles in advance of him, had met 
with a total defeat. This detachment had been sent forward on 



424 LIVES OF THE PRESIDeItS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

account of the great number of murders whicli had been committed 
in that vicinity. Among the sufferers in that neighbourhood, were 
the family of a Mr. Hall, whose fate had created much sympathy; 
his two daughters, one eighteen, and the other sixteen, having been 
carried into captivity, after having seen their mother tomahawked 
and scalped, and twenty others murdered in the same way at Indian 
Creek. These young women were humanely treated during their 
captivity, and afterward restored to their friends. 

The force that marched to Sycamore Creek was about two hundred 
and seventy-five strong, under the command of Major Stillman. 
When the news of the massacre at Indian Creek arrived, they ob- 
tained leave of General Whitesides to march to the scene of murder. 
On Monday, the 14th of May, they came upon a few Indians, whether 
enemies or not, it is not probable they inquired, for their march was 
that of revenge; therefore two of them were shot, and two more 
captured. The same day, at evening, when the army had arrived at 
a convenient place to encamp, and were making some preparations 
for that purpose, a small band of Indians was discovered bearing a 
white flag. One company of men went out to meet them, but soon 
discovered they were only a decoy. How they ascertained this fact, 
we are not informed. This company of discoverers, therefore fell 
back upon the main body, which, by this time, had remounted, and 
as strange as it is true, this misguided band rushed forward, regard- 
less of all order for several miles, till they crossed Sycamore Creek, 
and were completely in the power of the Indians. What follows, 
equals a similar affair at Pawtucket. The Americans had crossed 
the creek man by man, as they came to it, and all the Indians had 
to do, was to wait till a goodly number had come within their grasp. 
It was moonlight when the fight began, and after a few struggles, 
the whites fled in greater disorder, if possible, than they came. The 
Indians, after making the onset with their guns, fell on them with 
knives and tomahawks, and had not the night, and situation of the 
country, favoured their flight, nearly all the army must have been 
cut off. 

The Indians were supposed to be nearly two thousand strong, and 
it was said twelve of them were killed. Of the whites, only thirteen 
are reported killed. Their flight equalled that of General St. Clair's 
army. Fourteen hundred men, immediately after, marched to the 
scene of action to bury the dead, and their account of the barbarities 
committed on the bodies of the slain, quite equals any thing before 
recounted. 

The cholera, the following July, raged among the troops opposed 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 425 

to the Indians, so severely that several companies were entirely 
broken up, and many among them perished, in a manner too revolt- 
ing to be described. Of one corps of two hundred and eight men, 
but nine were left alive. General Dodge surprised a party of twelve 
Indians at Galena, and cut them off to a man; the whites scalped 
the slain, that they might not be outdone in these or any other 
barbarities by their foes. Black Hawk assembled his forces at a 
point between Rock and Wisconsin rivers, where he expected to 
meet the whites in a general battle. His warriors amounted to one 
thousand, or more. General Atkinson had nearly double that number 
of men, and resolved to meet him as soon as possible. Great hopes 
were entertained that, in such an event, a finishing blow would be 
given to the war. But Black Hawk was too wary thus to expose him- 
self to utter and irretrievable ruin, and accordingly made good his 
retreat into an interminable wilderness. 

General Atkinson made his way to Cashkoning, through woods, 
swamps, and defiles almost impassable, and constantly exposed to the 
danger of an ambuscade. On his arrival at this place, he was, ap- 
parently, no nearer his enemy, than at the commencement of this 
perilous march. Indeed, fair, open battle seemed to be a most un- 
likely thing to invite Black Hawk, as his numbers were greatly in- 
ferior to the Americans. Therefore, no hope of bringing him to 
terms seemed left, unless it could be effected by some stratagem. 

While General Atkinson was making this fruitless march, General 
Dodge was about forty miles from Fort Winnebago, following the 
trail of some Indians, who proved to be a flying, and nearly starved 
band, capable of offering little or no resistance. But, as they were 
attacked in the evening after, sixteen were butchered; the rest 
escaped. To form some idea of their sad condition, we have only to 
read the reports of the American commander to the war depart- 
ment, in which he states that they found many dead as they marched 
along, very much emaciated, and having died evidently of starvation. 

It became a matter of question to the two commanders where they 
should seek their enemy. From the supposition that they might 
have descended the Wisconsin, and so escaped across the Mississippi 
that way, General Dodge recommended a cannon should be placed 
on the river to cut them off; and General Atkinson marched for the 
Blue Mounds, with an army, consisting of regular troops and mounted 
men, to the number of sixteen hundred. 

The steamboat Warrior was soon after sent up the Mississippi, 
with a small force on board, in hopes they might somewhere discover 
the savages. Upon the arrival of the boat at Prairie du Chien, the 



426 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

last of July, slie was despatched to Wapashaw village, one hundred 
and twenty miles higher on the river, to inform the inhabitants of 
th^ approach of the Sacs, and to order all the friendly Indians down 
to Prairie du Chien. On the return of the steamboat, they met one 
of the Sioux bands, who told them their enemies were encamped on 
Bad-axe River to the number of four hundred. The Warrior here 
stopped to take in some wood and prepare for action. They dis- 
covered the enemy about four o'clock on the afternoon of the 1st of 
August, who, as they approached, raised a white flag, which being 
looked upon as a decoy, no attention was paid to it. They declined 
sending a boat on board when ordered. 

After giving them a few minutes to remove their women and chil- 
dren, (a piece of courtesy somewhat rare in our border wars,) the 
boat fired a six-pounder, loaded with canister, and followed by a 
severe fire of musketry. The battle continued for about an hour, 
when she weighed anchor and proceeded to Prairie-du-Chien. Twenty 
three Indians were killed and wounded. The Americans lost none. 
Before the steamboat could return to the battle field next morning, 
General Atkinson and his army had engaged the Indians. The 
Warrior joined the contest; the army this day lost eight or nine 
killed, and seventeen wounded, whom the Warrior took to Prairie du 
Chien at night, and also captives to the number of thirty-six, women 
and children. The spot where this battle took place was about forty 
miles above Prairie du Chien, on the north side of the Mississippi, 
opposite the mouth of the Iowa. It was very fortunate for the 
whites that they were able to co-operate on land and water at the 
same time. 

General Atkinson having formed a junction with General Dodge, 
the army crossed the Wisconsin on the 28th of July, and soon after 
discovered the route of the Indians, who were flying from the scene 
of action. The country through which the army had to march was 
a continual series of mountains, covered with a thick growth of heavy 
timber and much underwood. The valleys were so deep as to make 
them almost as difiicult to cross ; but nothing could damp the ardour 
of the troops as they pressed on to overtake Black Hawk, before he 
should be able to escape across the Mississippi. 

The place where the Indians were overtaken was very favourable 
for them, as may be judged by their being able to maintain a battle 
of more than three hours, in the wretched and nearly famished con- 
dition they were in, and when their whole force only amounted to 
three hundred warriors. They were discovered in a deep ravine at 
the foot of a precipice, over which the army had to pass. Notwith- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 427 

standing the misery of their condition, nothing but the bayonet's 
point routed them. Old logs, high grass, and large trees covered 
them until the charge was made, and as they were driven from one 
covert, they readily found another, and thus protracted the contest. 
At length, General Atkinson disposed his forces so as to come upon 
them from above, below, and in the centre. No chance now re- 
mained to the Indians, but to swim the Mississippi, or elude the 
vigilance of their enemy by land, who had nearly encompassed them. 
Many, therefore, adventured to cross the river; but as the slaughter 
was greatest there, few escaped. However, a considerable number 
succeeded in escaping by land. One hundred and fifty of them were 
supposed to have been killed in this battle. 

Black Hawk was among those who escaped, but in such haste as to 
leave even his papers behind him, one of which was a certificate from 
British officers that he had served faithfully, and fought valiantly 
for them, in the late war against the United States. The prisoners 
taken at this battle, stated that at the one which occurred at Wis- 
consin, between their army and that under the command of General 
Dodge, they lost sixty-eight, besides many wounded. 

It was now believed the Sacs would be glad to make peace on any 
terms. Accordingly, General Atkinson determined to order Keokuk 
to demand a surrender of the remaining principal men of the hostile 
party. From the battle-ground, the commanders went down the 
river to Prairie du Chien (Fort Crawford,) in the Warrior, and the 
army followed by land. On their way they killed and captured a 
few Sacs. 

The desperate fortunes of the hostile Indians, induced many of 
their countrymen to volunteer to hunt them down. One hundred 
Sioux obtained permission to seek them, and were followed by a small 
band of the same nation ; they overtook the enemy, and killed about 
one hundred and twenty. About this time, Keokuk, the friendly 
Sac chief, above mentioned, found a nephew of his had been accused 
of the murder of a man named Martin ; he gave him up to be dealt 
with according to the proof of his crime, which took place in Warren 
county, Illinois. 

Black Hawk, hunted like the wild deer of the forest from place 
to place, after many wanderings and much sufi"ering, was at last 
captured, and delivered up to General Street at Prairie du Chien. 
His companion in his flight and captivity was the Prophet. They 
showed a proper sense of self-respect by appearing before the com- 
mander in full dress, which consisted of tanned white deer-skin. 
One of the Winnebagoes who captured them, delivered a speech on 



428 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the occasion to General Street, desiring the fulfilment of the promises 
made to those who should capture and bring alive these men into the 
hands of the whites. 

In reply to this speech, the general said, that he wished the captors 
and the prisoners to go to Rock Island, where the president had 
desired General Scott and the governor of Illinois to hold a council. 
Both the Indians, who had taken these prisoners, seemed desirous 
that rewards for the deed should he given to their tribe rather than 
to them personally. Eleven chiefs of the Sacs and Foxes, besides 
Black Hawk and the Prophet, were sent to Jefferson Barracks, and 
there put in irons. In September, a treaty was made by the United 
States with the Winnebagoes, and also with the Sacs and Foxes. 
The Winnebagoes ceded all their lands south of the Wisconsin, and 
east of the Mississippi, amounting to 1,600,000 acres of valuable 
land. The treaty with the Sacs and Foxes gave to the government 
600,000 acres more, of a quality not inferior to any between the 
same parallels of latitude, and abounding with lead ore. 

By this same treaty. Black Hawk, his tAvo sons, the Prophet, Neo- 
pope, and five other principal warriors of the hostile band, were to 
remain in the hands of the whites, as hostages, during the president's 
pleasure. 

Black Hawk and his son were taken to Washington to visit the 
president. At different places on his route, he received many valua- 
ble presents, and was looked upon with great curiosity and interest. 
They returned by way of Detroit, and arrived at Fort Armstrong in 
August, 1833. 

In the mean time, trouble occurred concerning the north-eastern 
boundary of Maine. The King of the Netherlands, to whose arbitra- 
tion the question of boundary had been submitted, had given the 
award in such a way that all that had been claimed by Great Britain 
was obtained. The inhabitants of the disputed .territory resisted 
the award, and elected representatives to the Legislature of Maine. 
Thereupon, a British military force was sent into the territory, and 
three persons who had taken part in a town meeting, were arrested 
and thrown into prison. This course of action created great excite- 
ment throughout the United States. But the president was au- 
thorized to open negotiations for the settlement of the question. 

The foreign relations of the republic were managed with great 
energy and ability during the first term of General Jackson's ad- 
ministration. Advantageous treaties were concluded with France, 
Austria, Naples, Turkey, and Mexico. 

As General Jackson's first term drew to a close, parties arrayed 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 429 

themselves for a violent struggle. The opposition was very powerful 
but divided. The candidates for the presidency were General Jack- 
son, Henry Clay, John Floyd, and William Wirt. The candidates 
for the vice-presidency were Martin Van Buren, John Sergeant, 
William Wilkins, Henry Lee, and Amos Ellmaker. General Jackson 
and Martin Van Buren were the successful candidates. 

The second presidential term of General Jackson commenced on 
the 4th of March, 1833. The difficulty with South Carolina and 
other causes of public excitement having been settled, the new term 
began amid general tranquillity. But the expectations of the con- 
tinuance of peace were not destined to be fulfilled. The question of 
removing the government deposites from the Bank of the United 
States was now agitated. The president had determined to remove 
the deposites although Congress had refused to authorize the act. 
Mr. Duane, secretary of the treasury, refusing to obey the order of 
the president, was removed, and Roger B. Taney, of Maryland, ap- 
pointed in his place, effected the removal. 

Commercial distress immediately followed. The retrenchment of 
the bank aifected private credit deeply, and the business of the coun- 
try was interrupted to a ruinous extent. When Congress assembled, 
it was found, that the administration could command a majority in 
the house of representatives, but that the opposition was dominant 
in the senate. That body passed resolutions censuring the presi- 
dent for removing the deposites. The president sent his protest 
against this action, and demanded that it should be entered upon the 
minutes. But the demand was refused. Intense excitement was 
created throughout the Union. Petitions poured into Congress, ask- 
ing for some measures of relief. 

On the 2d of June, 1834, the opposition succeeded in electing John 
Bell, of Tennessee, speaker of the house of representatives, in place 
of Andrew Stevenson, resigned. In the same month, some change 
occurred in the cabinet : Mr. McLane having resigned, John Forsyth, 
of Georgia, was appointed secretary of state, and Mahlon Dickerson, 
of New Jersey, secretary of the navy, in place of Levi Woodbury, 
appointed secretary of the treasury. 

The chief measures adopted by Congress during the remainder of 
General Jackson's administration were that relating to the coinage of 
the mint, by which the quantity of gold and silver coin was greatly 
increased, several acts for carrying out internal improvements, and 
a bill to regulate the deposites of the public money in the several 
States. In March, 1836, the senate confirmed the appointment of 



430 LIVES OF THE PRESID^'TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Roger B. Taney as chief-justice of the supreme court, in place of the 
celebrated John Marshall, deceased. 

In the fall of 1836, the presidential election occurred. There 
were numerous candidates for both the highest offices in the gift of 
the people, the opposition being split up into numerous factions. 
Martin Van Buren, the administration candidate, was elected to the 
presidency by a majority over all others. There being no choice for 
the second office, the United States senate chose the highest candi- 
date, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky. 

Having issued a farewell address to his countrymen, embodying 
his political views and sentiments, General Jackson remained at 
Washington to witness the inauguration of his friend, Martin Van 
Buren, and then retired to his home, the Hermitage, near Nashville, 
Tennessee. There he lived, honoured and respected, until his death, 
on the 8th of June, 1845, at the age of seventy-eight years. 

In person. General Jackson was tall and slender, but compactly 
built. His countenance indicated a firm will and a keen intellect. 
His public character was marked by the strongest features. Daring 
firmness and decision, and that highest quality of a great man, the 
perception of the proper time to disobey a rule, were conspicuous 
in his civil and military career. His mind was solid rather than 
brilliant, and his judgment was usually sound. The measures of his 
administration are still discussed with much party spirit; but we 
believe that it is now generally conceded that he was a vigorous 
and powerful executive, whom no party could swerve from the path 
which his mind approved. 



LOUIS McLANE. 

Louis McLane was the son of Colonel Allan McLane, a gallant 
officer in the Revolution. He was born at Smyrna, Delaware, on 
the 28th of May, 1786. He displayed the enterprising spirit of his 
father at an early age. In 1798 he obtained a midshipman's war- 
rant, and served with courage on a cruise of a year. At the entreaty 
of his mother, he then resigned his commission, and applied himself 
to completing his education. Having graduated at Newark College, 
he entered the office of Mr. James A. Bayard, and began the study 
of law. In 1807 he was admitted to the bar. In 1812 he married 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 431 

the daughter of Mr. Robert Milligan. At the breaking out of the 
war of 1812, Mr. McLane evinced a bold and patriotic spirit, and 
actually served as a private in a volunteer company that marched to 
the defence of Elkton. In 1816 he was elected to a seat in the house 
of representatives of the United States, and he continued to be a 
leading member of that body until 1827. In that year he was 
elected to a seat in the senate of the United States. His great 
public services were fully appreciated by General Jackson ; and, in 
1829, he was appointed minister to Great Britain. He continued at 
that post two years, and, upon his return, was appointed secretary of 
the treasury. He discharged the duties of that office with fidelity 
until 1833, when he was appointed secretary of state. Upon his 
retirement from public office, Mr. McLane returned to the practice 
of his profession, in which he was eminent. 



EDWARD LIVINGSTON. 

Edward Livingston succeeded Mr. Van Buren as secretary of 
state, under the administration of General Jackson. He belonged 
to the Livingston family which has contributed so many statesmen to 
the service of the republic. He was born at Clermont, Montgomery 
county. New York, in 1764. Graduating at Princeton, in 1781, he 
studied law at Albany, and was admitted to practice four years after- 
ward. Having established himself in New York, he was, in 1794, 
chosen to represent that city and some of the adjoining counties in 
Congress. After six years of useful labour in the national councils, 
he was appointed by President Jefferson to the office of United States 
attorney for the district of New York. About the same time he 
was elected mayor of the city — a station in which he distinguished 
himself during the prevalence of the yellow-fever in 1803, by "his 
personal exertions and benevolence, displayed at the risk, and almost 
with the loss of his life." 

Becoming liable to the government for large amounts, in conse- 
quence of the misconduct of others, Mr. Livingston resigned his 
offices, and removed to the lately established Territory of Louisiana. 
Here, by an untiring devotion to his professional pursuits, he was 
ultimately enabled to discharge the whole of his liabilities. In 1820, 
conjointly with Messrs. Moreau and Derbigny, he revised the exist- 



432 LIVES OF THE PRESIDBNTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

ing civil or municipal code of Louisiana ; and, in the following year, 
he undertook alone the formation of a new system of penal law. In 
1826 the new code was submitted to the legislature. It is upon 
this, more, perhaps, than upon any other of his labours, that the 
lasting reputation of Mr. Livingston will rest. 

Meanwhile, in 1823, he had been elected a representative in Con- 
gress from Louisiana. Chosen United States senator in 1829, he 
was appointed secretary of state in 1831. In the summer of 1833 
he was sent to France, where he performed his arduous duties as 
minister from the United States, in a manner as creditable to him- 
self as it was to the country at large. Returning home in 1833, he 
retired to his family mansion at Rhinebeck, where he died on the 
23d of May, 1836. 



JOHN FORSYTH. 

The successor of Louis McLane as secretary of state was John 
Forsyth, of Georgia. He was born at Fredericksburg, Virginia, 
on the 22d of October, 1780. He was graduated at New Jersey 
College in 1799 ; was member of Congress from Georgia in 1813-18, 
and in 1827-29 ; United States senator in 1818-19, and in 1829-35 ; 
governor of Georgia in 1827-29 ; minister to Spain in 1819-22; and 
was appointed secretary of state by General Jackson in 1835, which 
office he held till the end of Mr. Van Buren's administration. " The 
high offices which, during a great portion of his life, he successfully 
filled, both in his own particular State and the general government, 
attest at once the superiority of his abilities and the public estima- 
tion of them. To the high advantage of superior talents, he added, 
also, that of elegance and dignity of manners, which shed a grace 
on the exalted stations which he filled." He died at Washington 
city, October 22, 1841, at the age of sixty-one years. 



SAMUEL D. INGHAM. 

Samuel D. Ingham, first secretary of the treasury under General 
Jackson's administration, was born and educated in Philadelphia. 
Being elected to a seat in the national house of representatives, he 
became an active and influential member of that body during the war 
of 1812. He advocated the war measures and sustained President 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 433 

Madison's administration. Having supported General Jackson, in 
opposition to Mr. Adams, that distinguished man appointed him 
secretary of the treasury. He performed his duties ably and intel- 
ligently, but disagreed with the president on the question of the re- 
charter of the United States Bank, and was superseded by the 
appointment of Louis McLane, of Delaware, (April, 1831.) 



WILLIAM J. DUANE. 



The question of the "removal of the deposites" from the Bank of 
the United States caused a rapid succession of secretaries of the 
treasury under General Jackson's administration. Louis McLane, 
the successor of Samuel D. Ingham, being averse to the proposed 
removal, Mr. William J. Duane was appointed secretary of the 
treasury in his place, (June 1, 1833.) This gentleman was a native 
of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in which city he had risen to distinc- 
tion as a lawyer and politician. Having advocated the election of 
General Jackson to the presidency, he was taken into the favour of 
illustrious man. Bnt Mr. Duane was opposed to the removal of the 
deposites without the consent of Congress; and as he refused to 
obey the order of the president, he was dismissed on the 23d of Sep- 
tember of the same year in which he was appointed. Mr. Duane 
then resumed the practice of law in his native city. He gained some 
reputation as a political writer. 



ROGER BROOKE TANEY. 

Chief-justice Taney was born on the 17th of March, 1777, in 
Calvert county, Maryland. He received a classical education, and 
graduated at Dickinson College, Carlisle, in 1795. In the spring 
of 1796, he commenced the study of the law in Annapolis, where the 
principal courts of Maryland were then held, and early in 1799, he 
was admitted to the bar. 

Mr. Taney then returned to Calvert county, and began the prac- 
tice of his profession. His ability and learning soon secured him 
reputation ; for in the fall of the same year, he was elected a dele- 
gate to the General Assembly of Maryland. In 1801 he removed 

28 



434 LIVES OF THE PRESID]?NTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

to Fredericktown, Frederick county, where he practised law with 
great success. 

In 1816, Mr. Taney was elected to the senate of Maryland, where 
he served one term, and then returned to his profession. In 1823 
he fixed his residence in Baltimore. In 1829, so great had become 
his reputation, that he was appointed attorney-general of Maryland, 
although the governor and council were politically opposed to him, 
they supporting Mr. Adams for the presidency, and he boldly avowing 
his preference of General Jackson. 

Mr. Taney continued to hold the office of attorney-general of 
Maryland until June, 1831, when President Jackson appointed him 
attorney-general of the United States. When it was found difficult 
to obtain a secretary of the treasury who would dare to remove the 
deposites from the Bank of the United States, and who possessed 
sufficient ability to justify such action, Mr. Taney came forward, and 
was appointed to succeed Mr. Duane in that responsible office. 
Under his direction, the government deposites were removed from 
the bank. In June, 1834, the senate rejected the nomination of 
Mr. Taney for secretary of the treasury, and he then returned to 
Baltimore, and resumed the practice of the law. 

In 1835, Judge Duvall resigned his office as associate-justice of 
the supreme court, and General Jackson nominated Mr. Taney to 
fill the vacancy. But the senate refused to act upon the nomination. 
Before the next session of Congress, Chief-justice Marshall died, 
and Mr. Taney was thereupon nominated for chief-justice of the 
supreme court of the United States ; and, the political complexion 
of the senate having changed, his nomination was confirmed by that 
body in March, 1836. Mr. Taney took his seat upon the bench of 
the supreme court in January, 1837. Since that time, he has dis- 
charged the duties of that lofty position with an ability and impar- 
tiality worthy of the illustrious judges who had preceded him upon 
the bench. 



LEVI WOODBURY. 



Levi "Woodbury, who succeeded Judge Taney as secretary of the 
treasury, under General Jackson's administration, was born in 
Francestown, New Hampshire, on the 22d of December, 1789, 
entered Dartmouth College in 1805, graduated in 1809, and joined 
the law school at Litchfield the same year. He studied law also in 
Boston, Exeter, and Francestown; and in September, 1812, com- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 435 

menced practice in Francestown. In December, 1816, he was ap- 
pointed judge of the superior court of New Hampshire. In 1819 he 
was married, and removed to Portsmouth. He was elected governor 
of New Hampshire in 1823 ; was speaker of the house in 1825 ; and 
in June of that year was elected senator to Congress ; was appointed 
secretary of the navy in May, 1731 ; was transferred in 1834 to the 
treasury department, in which office he continued until 1841, when, 
upon the incoming of the Harrison administration, he returned to 
Portsmouth. In March of that year he was re-elected to the senate, 
where he continued until September, 1845, when he was appointed, 
by President Polk, justice of the supreme court. 

Judge Woodbury died on the 7th of September, 1851, at Ports- 
mouth, in his native State, at the age of sixty-two years. He was a 
man of great energy and comprehensive mind, and at the time of his 
death, no man stood higher in the confidence of the political party 
of which he was a member. During his judicial career, he fully 
proved that he had many of the most important qualifications for a 
judge. His decisions were characterized by close reasoning and 
profound investigation. 



JOHN H. EATON. 



Majok Eaton, who was the first secretary of war under President 
Jackson, is chiefly remembered as the friend and biographer of that 
great man. He was born in Tennessee, and, like his illustrious 
friend, grew up with that State. On the breaking out of the war of 
1812, he joined the forces for the defence of the frontier against the 
Indians ; and, having been promoted to the rank of major, he served 
with distinction at the glorious defence of New Orleans. After the 
conclusion of the contest he returned to Tennessee, and engaged in 
the practice of the law. Major Eaton was one of the first to propose 
the name of General Jackson for the presidency. Filled with admi- 
ration of the general's character and exploits, he wrote and published 
a biography of him, written with care and fitted to become a standard 
work. Upon the accession of General Jackson, in March, 1829, 
Major Eaton was appointed secretary of war. For that post he was 
fitted by character and experience, and he filled it ably, until an un- 
fortunate difference in regard to a domestic arrangement, caused the 
rupture of the cabinet in April, 1881. Major Eaton resigned his 



436 LIVES OF THE PRESIDBNTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

post without giving any public I'eason. He still retained the friend- 
ship and confidence of President Jackson, however, and though he 
does not appear afterward in public life, he stood high in the esteem 
of his party. 



LEWIS CASS. 



The successor of Major Eaton as secretary of war under President 
Jackson was Lewis Cass, of Michigan. He was born at Exeter, 
New Hampshire, on the 9th of October, 1782. Having received a 
limited education at his native place, he set out, at the age of seven- 
teen years, to seek a home in the West, then a wilderness. He fii'st 
settled at Marietta, where he studied law and became distinguished. 
At the age of twenty-five, Mr. Cass was elected to the legislature of 
Ohio, in which body he took an active and striking part. He ori- 
ginated the bill which arrested the proceedings of Aaron Burr, and 
checked the famous conspiracy of that personage. 

In 1807, Mr. Jefi'erson appointed Mr. Cass marshal of Ohio, and 
he held that ofiice until the latter part of 1811, when he volunteered 
to repel Indian aggressions on the frontier. At the commencement 
of the war of 1812, he was elected colonel of the third regiment of 
Ohio volunteers, and entered the service of the United States. 

Having, by a difficult march, reached Detroit, he was distinguished 
for energy and courage. He was the first to land in arms on the 
enemy's shore, and, with a small detachment of troops, fought and 
won the first battle, that of the Tarontee. At the subsequent capitula- 
tion of Detroit, he was absent on important service, and was greatly 
mortified at that disastrous event, and especially at his command and 
himself being included in that capitulation, which, for a time, termi- 
nated his activity. Liberated on parol, he repaired to the seat of 
government to report the causes of the disaster and the failure of 
the campaign. He w^as immediately appointed to a colonelcy in the 
regular army, and, soon after, promoted to the rank of brigadier- 
general — having, in the mean time, been elected major-general of the 
Ohio volunteers. On being exchanged and released from parol, he 
again repaired to the frontier, and joined the army for the recovery 
of Michigan. Being at that time without a command, he served and 
distinguished himself, as a volunteer aide-de-camp to General Harri- 
son, at the battle of the Thames, which retrieved the previous re- 
verses of the American arms on that frontier. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 437 

Being appointed by President Madison, in October, 1813, as go- 
vernor of Michigan, yielding to the earnest and pressing solicitations 
of the citizens of that territory, General Cass accepted the appoint- 
ment. His position combined with the ordinary duties of chief ma- 
gistrate of a civilized community, the immediate management and 
control, as superintendent, of the relations with the numerous and 
powerful Indian tribes in that region of country. He conducted, 
with eminent success, the affairs of the territory under very embar- 
rassing circumstances, displaying great ability and energy. Under 
his sway, peace was preserved between the whites and the disaffected 
Indians, law and order established, and the territory rapidly advanced 
in population, resources, and prosperity. He held this position till 
July, 1831, when he Avas, by General Jackson, made a member of 
cabinet, as secretary of war. His administration of the affairs of 
that department was able and judicious. In the latter part of 1836, 
General Jackson appointed him minister to France, in which position 
he rendered eminent and valuable services. His celebrated protest 
against the "Quintuple Treaty" — which, under the pretext of break- 
ing up the slave-trade, provided for the indiscriminate right of search 
on the high seas — though avowedly put forth without instructions, 
and on his own personal responsibility, had the effect of preventing 
the final ratification of that treaty by France, though agreed to and 
signed by her executive authority. Considering himself placed in a 
false attitude by the arrangements made with Great Britain, respect- 
ing the suppression of the slave-trade, in the treaty of August, 1842, 
and that he could no longer maintain his position at the court of 
France with dignity and self-respect, he requested his recall, and 
returned to this country, where he had greatly gained in public esti- 
mation, by his manly and independent course in defeating the Bri- 
tish diplomacy. In January, 1845, he was elected by the legislature 
of Michigan, to the senate of the United States, which place he 
resigned on his nomination, in May, 1848, as a candidate for the 
presidency, by the political party to which he belongs. After the 
election of his opponent, General Taylor, to that office, the legisla- 
ture of his State, in 1849, re-elected him to the senate for the unex- 
pired portion of his original term of six years. In this position he 
has greatly distinguished himself as an able debater. General Cass 
is still in the enjoyment of full mental and physical vigour, the 
result, no doubt, of industrious and extremely temperate habits. 



438 LIVES OF THE PRESIdIiNTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. 

Benjamin Franklin Butler was born in Kinderhook, Columbia 
county, New York, on the 14th of December, 1795. He received 
but a common-school education, and was then taken into the law- 
office of Mr. Van Buren. He was admitted to the bar in 1817, and 
soon afterward became the law partner of Mr. Van Buren, which 
connection he continued until 1822, when he was appointed district 
attorney of Albany county. In 1827 we find him an active and 
influential member of the New York assembly. In November, 1833, 
President Jackson appointed him attorney-general of the United 
States, which post he continued to hold until 1838, when he resigned, 
and devoted himself to the institution of a law-school in New York. 
This school has attained a high reputation, owing to the energy, 
ability and learning of Mr. Butler. 



JOHN M. BERRIEN. 

John Macpherson Berrien, who was for some time attorney- 
general under President Jackson, was born in New Jersey in August, 
1781. While he was still an infant, his father removed to Georgia. 
He received an excellent education, and graduated at Princeton Col- 
lege, in 1796, when only fifteen years old. On returning to Georgia, 
Mr. Berrien commenced the study of the law, and he was admitted to the 
bar in 1799. In 1804 he was elected recorder of the city of Savannah, 
and in 1809, solicitor of the State for the eastern district. In 1810 
he was chosen a judge of the supreme court of the State, a post 
which he held four years. In 1822 and '23 he was elected to the 
senate of his State, and in 1824 to that of the United States. In 
1828 he was appointed attorney-general of the United States. Soon 
after retiring from that office he joined the opposition to the Jackson 
party. Mr. Berrien afterward served for six years in the national 
senate with great reputation. He now resides in the State of 
Georgia. 



AND OF MExMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 439 



WILLIAM T. BARRY. 

William Taylor Barry, who was postmaster-general under Ge- 
neral Jackson's administration, was born in Lunenburg county^ Vir- 
ginia, on the 5th of February, 1785. When in his eleventh year he 
went to Kentucky, settling in Jessamine county. Graduating at 
Transylvania University, he commenced the study of law in the office 
of the Hon. James Brown, afterward United States minister to 
France, and completed his legal course at the College of William 
and Mary, in Virginia. He was admitted to practice at Lexington, 
Kentucky, in 1805, and, two years subsequently, received the ap- 
pointment of attorney for the State. The same year, 1807, he was 
elected to the legislature, where he continued to serve during several 
successive sessions. 

In 1810, Mr. Barry was elected to Congress. Soon after the 
breaking out of the second war with Great Britain, he was appointed 
an aide-de-camp to Governor Shelby, and he assisted at the overthrow 
of Tecumseh and the English in the battle of the Thames. In 1814 
he was elected a United States senator from Kentucky. Resigning 
his seat, he was, in 1816, appointed one of the superior judges of 
the Kentucky courts. He was chosen lieutenant-governor of the 
State in 1820 ; and, in 1827, received the appointment of State 
secretary from Governor Desha. Under General Jackson's admi- 
nistration, he was selected to fill the station of postmaster-general. 
After six years of service, he resigned; and, in 1835, was despatched 
to Spain as American minister. On his way to Spain, he expired at 
Liverpool, on the 30th of August, 1838, in the fifty-first year of 
his age. 



JOHN BRANCH. 



John Branch was a distinguished partisan of General Jackson's, 
and promoted the election of that great man to the presidency. After 
being prominent in the politics of North Carolina, and in Congress, 
he was appointed secretary of the navy at the commencement of 
President Jackson's administration. He discharged the duties of 
that office with fidelity and satisfaction until the rupture in the cabinet 
in April, 1831, when he resigned, in compliance with the wishes of 
the president, who, however, complimented him upon his conduct in 
office. After this, we find no mention of Mr. Branch in public life. 



f iks of Ijje ^Ksibtnls of i\t SIiiM State, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOaETHER WITH 



§i0Qra|p£S at i\t iia-|r^siknts m\)i i^t Umkrs at i^t €M\\tU, 



MARTIN VAN BUREN. 



Martin Van Buren, the eighth president of the United States, 
was born at Kinderhook, Columbia county, New York, on the 5th 
of December, 1782. His parents were persons of moderate circum- 
stances, and he received but a common-school education. In his 
fourteenth year, he left the academy and began the study of the law 
in the office of Mr. Francis Sylvester, a lawyer of Kinderhook. The 
quick, intelligent, and active habits of young Van Buren soon 
attracted attention, and gave promise of future distinction. He was 
a politician while yet a student. At the age of eighteen years, he 
represented the Republicans of Kinderhook in the congressional 
convention of that district. During 1802-3 he studied law in New 
York city, in the office of William D. Van Ness, one of the most dis- 
tinguished lawyers in the United States. In November, 1803, he 
was admitted to the bar. 

The natural ability and energy of Mr. Van Buren soon raised him 
to position and influence in his profession. In the mean time he 
continued to give an active support to the men and measures of the 
Democratic party. In 1808, Governor Tompkins appointed him 
surrogate of Columbia county. From this time his promotion in 
public life was rapid and remarkable. In the spring of 1812 he 
was elected to a seat in the State senate, and he continued an active 
member of that body until 1820. During a portion of this period, 
he also held the office of attorney-general. 

Mr. Van Buren was now considered one of the leaders of the De- 
mocratic party in the State of New York. In 1821 he was chosen 
a member of the convention to revise the constitution of the State ; 
and, in the same year, elected to a seat in the senate of the United 
States. In that body, as in all others of which he became a member, 
440 




'U^u^^ '^ 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 441 

he was a leading and guiding spirit. In 1828, Mr. Van Buren re- 
signed his seat in the senate, having been nominated to succeed Go- 
vernor Clinton in the gubernatorial chair of New York. He was 
elected by a decisive majority, being supported by the friends of 
General Jackson in that State. He entered upon the duties of his 
high office in January, 1829 ; but his administration had scarcely 
developed its policy, when President Jackson offered him the post of 
secretary of state, which he accepted. 

In the cabinet of Jackson, Mr. Van Buren soon found his position 
unpleasant, owing to what was supposed to be a rivalry between him 
and Mr. Calhoun, the vice-president. He resigned in April, 1831. 
President Jackson, however, showed that he retained confidence in 
him, by appointing him minister to England. But the senate, by 
the casting vote of Mr. Calhoun, rejected the nomination. The 
president immediately declared that the rejection had been a mere 
exhibition of personal spite ; the administration party considered Mr. 
Van Buren a martyr ; and, in 1832, he was nominated and elected 
vice-president of the United States. He filled that ofiice with dignity 
and ability during General Jackson's second term. In 1836 he was 
nominated to succeed Jackson in the presidency, and elected by a 
large majority. 

Mr. Van Buren was inaugurated president of the United States on 
the 4th of March, 1837. In his inaugural address, he assured the 
people that he would follow out the policy of President Jackson, and 
his general political course evidenced the sincerity of his professions. 
The cabinet was composed of the following members : — Secretary of 
state, John Forsyth, of Georgia; secretary of the treasury, Levi 
Woodbury, of New Hampshire ; secretary of war, Joel R. Poinsett, 
of South Carolina; secretary of the navy, Mahlon Dickerson, of 
New Jersey; attorney-general, Benjamin F. Butler; postmaster- 
general, Amos Kendall, of Kentucky. 

Early in 1837, indications were perceived of a money pressure of 
unexampled severity. In May, all the banks of New York city sus- 
pended specie payments, and the banks of the other large cities 
followed the example. Unprecedented embarrassments ensued among 
the mercantile classes, and an immense number of failures occurred. 
The president was requested to rescind the specie circular and to 
call an extra session of Congress. After much delay, Mr. Van 
Buren consented to convene Congress on the first Monday in Sep- 
tember. This extra session continued forty-three days, during which 
the administration was sustained by a majority in the house of repre- 
sentatives. In his message, the president recommended the adoption 



442 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEIfrS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of the scheme known as the "sub-treasury." This met with violent 
opposition. The bill establishing the sub-treasury passed the senate, 
but was rejected in the house. 

When Congress again met in December, the sub-treasury bill was 
again pressed upon its attention, and again rejected. Various im- 
portant acts for internal improvement were passed. During 1838, 
a serious rebellion against the colonial government occurred in 
Canada, and many of the citizens of the United States prepared to 
join the insurgents. The president issued a proclamation, warning 
all persons from engaging in any enterprise which would violate the 
neutral laws of the United States. General Scott was ordered to 
the frontier, with a portion of the New York troops. But in the 
mean time, an affair occurred, which caused much ill feeling for a 
time in the States. A party of the patriots had made a rendezvous 
on Navy Island, in the Niagara river, opposite to which, on the 
American side, was the small village of Fort Schlosser. On the 
night of the 28th of December, a small steamboat called the Caroline 
was moored there; and Colonel McNabb, commander of the Canadian 
militia, suspecting her of carrying ammunition and supplies to the 
patriots, resolved to destroy her. This he effected, setting the boat 
on fire, and sending it down the Falls of Niagara. Several persons 
were killed in the preceding affray. This circumstance caused an 
angry correspondence between the secretary of state and Mr. Fox, 
the British minister. After a long debate, a bill for the preserva- 
tion of neutrality was passed by Congress, and the matter dropped. 

But few acts of general interest were passed during the third 
session of the twenty-fifth Congress. The most important were those 
relating to the Seminole difficulties in Florida. The desultory con- 
test with these Indians was continued during several years, and large 
sums were expended in maintaining it. Able generals were baffled, 
and many lives sacrificed in the harassing and exhausting service 
which the army had to perform. 

Generals Gaines, Scott, and Jessup were in turn intrusted with 
the conduct of the war, but none of them succeeded in bringing the 
enemy to a decisive engagement. The last-named commander re- 
sorted to a stratagem to gain possession of the master-spirit among 
the Seminoles. 

Osceola was known to be a brave and sagacious warrior, and was 
at this time the principal chief. He was viewed as the great director 
of all the hostile bands of Seminole warriors. It was deemed, there- 
fore, a great achievement by the American general to get him into 
his power. General Jessup found means to communicate to the In- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 443 

dians that it was his wish to have the chiefs come in and hold a talk, 
in order to come to some agreement. White flags were displayed on 
the fort. On the 20th of October, 1837, Osceola, accompanied by 
other chiefs and a few warriors, came in agreeably to the invitation ; 
he carrying a white flag in his hand, and, relying on the honour of 
the commanding general, put himself in his power; but instead of 
being received as was expected, they were immediately surrounded 
by bayonets, made prisoners, and confined in the fort. Whether 
General Jessup was alone accountable for this act of treachery, or 
whether he acted under orders from the president is not known ; but 
the government having afterward approved of the measure, it became 
a national act. 

Osceola was kept there a prisoner for some time, when he was, by 
order of the government, conveyed under a strong guard to Sullivan 
Island, in the harbour of Charleston, South Carolina, and confined 
in the fort. His proud and independent spirit could not bear the 
confinement, and he gradually pined away and died in prison. Thus 
fell another brave Indian chieftain, not in fair fight, but in a manner 
that will ever be a stigma upon our national honour. 

Other chiefs were kidnapped in the same treacherous manner ; but 
severe as the loss must have been to the Indians, it did not appear 
to discourage them. The war was still carried on by those who were 
left in a desultory manner. The ranks of the Indians are said to 
have been filled up by runaway slaves and some of the Creek In- 
dians who had not yet quitted Georgia. 

On the 24th of December, 1837, Colonel Taylor succeeded in 
bringing the Indians to a general engagement at Okeechobee. The 
action was a severe one, and continued from half-past twelve until 
after three p. m., a part of the time very close and severe. The 
troops suffered much, having twenty-six killed and one hundred and 
twelve wounded, among whom were some of the most valuable officers. 
The enemy probably suffered equally, they having left ten dead on 
the ground, besides, doubtless, carrying ofi" many more, as is cus- 
tomary with them when practicable. 

Taylor's column, in six weeks, penetrated one hundred and fifty 
miles into the enemy's country, opened roads, and constructed bridges 
and causeways when necessary, on the greater portion of the route, 
established two depots, and the necessary defences for the same, and 
finally overtook and beat the enemy in his strongest position. The 
results of which movement and battle were the capture of thirty of 
the enemy, the coming in, and surrendering of more than one hundred 
and fifty Indians and negroes, mostly the former, including the chiefs 



444 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEN'J^ AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Ou-la-too-chee, Tus-ta-nug-gee, and other principal men, the capturing 
and driving out of the country six hundred head of cattle, and upward 
of one hundred head of horses, besides obtaining a thorough know- 
ledge of the country through which the troops operated, a greater 
portion of which was entirely unknown, except to the enemy. 

Colonel Taylor's conduct in the battle of Okeechobee was duly 
appreciated by the government. The secretary of war, Mr. Poinsett, 
gave him the warmest commendation in his report to Congress; and 
he was immediately promoted to the brevet rank of Brigadier-gene- 
ral, with the chief command in Florida. His head-quarters were in 
the neighbourhood of Tampa Bay. From this point, he directed the 
"war of movements," so difficult and discouraging to an ardent officer, 
until 1840, when he was relieved by General Armistead, who was 
ordered to take the command in Florida. 

The Seminoles had eluded pursuit for a long time previous to May, 
1841, when the conduct of the war was intrusted to Colonel Worth. 
Sickness among the men impeded his operations, but he was soon 
able to compel the surrender of several considerable detachments of 
hostile Indians; and, on the 19th of April, 1842, he succeeded in 
compelling a large body of Indians to fight at a place called Palak- 
laklaha. The result, as might have been anticipated, was a com- 
plete defeat of the enemy, which was soon after followed by the sur- 
render of one of the leading chiefs of the Indians with his band. 

When the twenty-sixth Congress met, it was ascertained that the 
political parties were nearly balanced in the house. R. M. T. Hun- 
ter, a conservative opposition member, was elected speaker. On the 
4th of December, 1839, a national convention of the Whig party was 
held at Harriabqrg, Pennsylvania. General William H. Harrison, 
of Ohio, was nominated for the presidency, and John Tyler, of Vir- 
ginia, for the vice-presidency. The administration party renomi- 
nated Mr. Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson. The election re- 
sulted in the choice of Harrison and Tyler by a very large majority. 

In July, 1840, the sub-treasury bill passed Congress, after much 
debate. A uniform bankrupt law was discussed, but not definitely 
acted upon. During the latter part of the administration, a number 
of changes were made in the cabinet, viz. : — James K. Paulding, of 
New York, was appointed secretary of the navy, in place of Mahlon 
Dickerson, resigned ; Felix Grundy, of Tennessee, attorney-general ; 
in place of Benjamin F. Butler, resigned; and then, Henry D. Gilpin, 
of Pennsylvania, in place of Mr. Grundy, resigned. Amos Kendall, 
the postmaster-general, was succeeded by John M. Niles, of Con- 
necticut. The latter officer was now admitted to cabinet councils. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 445 

The public expenditure during this administration greatly exceeded 
that of any preceding four years since the war with Great Britain, 
exclusive of the public debt and the Florida war. The friends of 
Mr. Van Buren contend, however, that the administration was en- 
tirely successful, and say that it was a fit sequel to that of General 
Jackson, completing the divorce of bank and state. 

In 1844, when the national Democratic convention assembled at 
Baltimore, Mr. Van Buren was a prominent candidate for the party 
nomination for the presidency; but, as he had declared himself op- 
posed to the annexation of Texas, the convention, of which a majority 
favoured that measure, nominated James K. Polk of Tennessee. Mr. 
Van Buren gave the nominees of the convention a cordial support, 
and greatly contributed to their election. 

In 1848, Mr. Van Buren was again nominated for the presidency 
by a Northern " free-soil" party, opposed to the extension of slavery. 
Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, was nominated on the 
same ticket for the vice-presidency. These candidates did not secure 
the electoral vote of a single State, but they aided in defeating the 
regular Democratic candidates. Generals Cass and Butler. Since 
that period, Mr. Van Buren has remained in private life, enjoying 
the comforts secured by an ample fortune and a large circle of ad- 
miring friends. 

In person, Mr. Van Buren is of the middle height, and rather 
robust. His head is finely developed, and his countenance is ex- 
pressive of quickness of apprehension as well as cheerfulness of 
temper. His manners are cordial, and he has the reputation of 
being a very entertaining companion. He is no orator, although a 
formidable debater. His state papers prove that he wields a pow- 
erful pen. 



RICHARD M. JOHNSON. 

Colonel Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, was vice-president 
of the United States during the administration of Mr. Van Buren. 
He was born in Kentucky, in the autumn of 1781. The literary in- 
stitutions of Kentucky were then in their infancy, and the facilities 
for thorough education exceedingly limited. Richard remained with 
his father until the age of fifteen, receiving only such instruction as 
the nature of circumstances would allow. At this age he left his 
father's house, intent upon advantages superior to those afi'orded in 



446 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

that vicinity, and entered a country school, where he acquired a 
knowledge of grammar, and the rudiments of the Latin language. 
Afterward he entered Transylvania University, where, by unremitted 
industry, he made rapid progress in the acquisition of classic and 
scientific knowledge. 

Upon quitting the university, he entered upon the study of the 
law, under the guidance and instruction of that celebrated jurist and 
statesman, Colonel George Nicholas. On the decease of this gen- 
tleman, which took place a few weeks after his young student had 
entered his office, the subject of this biography placed himself under 
the instruction of the Hon. James Brown, a senator in Congress from 
Louisiana, and subsequently a minister from the United States to 
the court of France, but then a distinguished member of the Kentucky 
bar. With this eminent citizen he finished his preparatory studies, 
and at the early age of nineteen entered upon the arduous duties of 
his profession. In his vocation as a lawyer, he was eminently suc- 
cessful. 

Scarcely had he been fairly installed in the duties of his profession, 
before an opportunity was afforded for the development of that high 
and chivalrous patriotism which has since identified him with some 
of the noblest feats of American valour. In 1802, the port of New 
Orleans, in violation of an existing treaty, was closed against the 
United States by the Spanish intendant. The occurrence gave rise 
to immense excitement throughout America, especially in the valley 
of the Ohio and Mississippi, and a rupture between Spain and the 
United States, likely to end in war, was the consequence. Richard 
M. Johnson, then only in his twentieth year, with many other young 
men of his neighbourhood, promptly volunteered his services to pass 
down the Western waters and make a descent on New Orleans, in the 
event of war. In a few days, chiefly through his exertions, a large 
company was enrolled, and he was chosen to the command. The 
speedy adjustment of the dispute with Spain deprived him and the 
brave youths under his command of the opportunity of signalizing 
themselves and the State upon the field of battle. 

Before he had attained the age of twenty-one, at which period the 
constitution of Kentucky fixes the eligibility of the citizen to a seat 
in the legislature, the citizens of Scott county elected him, by acclama- 
tion, to a seat in that body. As a member of the legislature, he 
acquitted himself with great credit, and to the entire satisfaction of 
hi^ constituents. Having served two years in that station, at the age 
of twenty-four he was elected a representative in the Congress of 
the United States, and, in October, 1807, being then just twenty- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 447 

five, took his seat in that body. He entered upon the theatre of 
national politics, at a period when party excitement ran high, and 
attached himself to the republican party, more from a uniform and 
fixed devotion to the principles of democracy, than from any purely 
selfish policy. He was immediately placed upon some of the most 
important committees, and, at the second session of the term for which 
he was elected, was appointed chairman of the committee of claims, 
at that time among the most important of the house committees. His 
zealous and faithful devotion to business, and the distinction which 
he had acquired in Congress and throughout the Union, as a genuine 
friend of the liberty and happiness of his country, increased his 
popularity at home, and insured his re-election by his constituents. 

In 1811, our relations with Great Britain were such as, in the 
opinion of many, to render an appeal to arms inevitable. Richard 
M. Johnson was among those who were convinced that no other 
alternative remained to the people of the United States ; and accord- 
ingly, after supporting, with great energy, all the preparatory mea- 
sures which the crisis demanded, in June, 1812, gave his vote for the 
declaration of war. This important measure was shortly afterward 
followed by an adjournment of Congress, when he hastened home, 
raised the standard of his country, and called around him many of 
the best citizens of his neighbourhood, some of whom, schooled in the 
stormy period of the early settlement of the State, were veteran war- 
riors, well suited for the service for which they were intended. With 
this battalion, composed of three companies, he hastened to the 
frontier, and when arrived at St. Mary's, on the 13th of September, 
his force, by general order, was augmented by a battalion of mounted 
volunteers, and he elected to the command of the regiment thus 
formed. A portion of the regiment only, during that season, had 
any opportunity of an engagement ; and this was a party of the 
mounted battalion, under Major Suggett, which, in communicating 
with Fort Wayne, besieged by a superior force, encountered an equal 
number of the enemy, whom it routed, killing an Indian chief of 
some distinction. After an active campaign of about ten months, 
Colonel Johnson returned home for the purpose of proceeding to 
Washington to re-enter Congress, having added to his reputation as 
a statesman, that of an energetic and patriotic soldier. 

In the winter following while in attendance upon Congress, he 
rendered material aid to the president, in arranging the plan of 
campaign for the ensuing summer, and his views being adopted, were 
subsequently carried out, and contributed essentially to the successes 
which followed upon the frontier. Colonel Johnson was authorized 



448 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEN'BS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

by the secretary of war to raise, organize, and hold in readiness, a 
regiment of mounted volunteers, to consist of one thousand men. 
Accordingly, upon the adjournment of Congress in March, he hast- 
ened home, and in a few weeks secured from among the most respect- 
able and patriotic citizens of the State the full complement of 
volunteers, to the organization and discipline of whom he gave his 
most sedulous attention. In this important part of his military duty, 
he had the valuable aid of his skilful and intrepid brother. Lieutenant- 
colonel James Johnson, whose military talents, decision, and courage 
in the hour of battle, entitled him to a full share of the glory acquired 
by the regiment. Colonel Johnson, with his accustomed energy, lost 
no time in repairing with his command to the frontier of Ohio, then 
the. theatre of operations. His regiment soon acquired a name that 
attracted the admiration of the country. Never did soldiers perform 
their arduous duties with more alacrity and cheerfulness, nor were 
the services of any more useful and extensive. 

In October, 1813, the decisive crisis in the operations of the North- 
western array arrived — the battle of the Thames, which led to a ter- 
mination of hostilities in that quarter, was fought and won. The 
distinguished services of Colonel Johnson, and his brave regiment, in 
that sanguinary engagement, have scarcely a parallel in the heroic 
annals of our country. The British and Indians, the former under 
the command of General Proctor, and the latter under that of 
Tecumseh, the celebrated Indian warrior, had taken an advantageous 
position, the British in line between the river Thames and a narrow 
swamp, and the Indians in ambush on their right, and west of the 
swamp, ready to fall upon the rear of Colonel Johnson, should he 
force a retreat of the British. Colonel Johnson, under the orders 
of the commander-in-chief, divided his regiment into two battalions, 
one under the command of his gallant brother James, and the other 
to be led by himself. Colonel Johnson with his battalion passed the 
swamp and attacked the Indians, at the same moment that his brother 
James fell upon and routed the British regulars. The contest for a 
while between Colonel Johnson's battalion and the Indians was ob- 
stinate and bloody, the slaughter great, but success complete. The 
gallant colonel was in the very midst and thickest of the fight, in- 
spiring by his presence and courage the utmost confidence of his brave 
followers, and though perforated with balls, his bridle-arm shattered, 
and bleeding profusely, he continued to fight until he encountered 
and slew an Indian chief who formed the rallying-point of the savages. 
This chief was supposed to be the famous Tecumseh himself, upon 
whose fall the Indians raised a yell and retreated. The heroic colonel, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 449 

covered with wounds, twenty-five balls having been shot into him, his 
clothes, and his horse, was borne from the battle ground, faint from 
exertion and loss of blood, and almost lifeless. Never was victory so 
complete or its achievement so glorious. Fifteen hundred Indians 
were engaged against the battalion of Colonel Johnson, and eight 
hundred British regulars against that of his brother. Both forces 
were completely routed, and an eifectual end put to the war upon the 
Northern frontier, distinguished as it had been by so many murderous 
cruelties upon the part of the savage allies of the British. 

The war in that quarter being now ended, in a short time the army 
took up its march homeward; but Colonel Johnson, being unable to 
continue with his regiment, was carried to Detroit, from whence, 
after a short confinement, he departed for home. After a distressing 
journey, during which he endured the most painful sufi"ering, he 
reached his home in Kentucky early in November. In February, 
1814, still unable to walk, he reached Washington City, and resumed 
his seat in Congress. Everywhere upon the route, and at the me- 
tropolis, he was met with the most enthusiastic and cordial greetings 
of a grateful people. Even his political opponents, deeply sensible 
of his sincerity, his patriotism, and his valour, cordially united in 
doing honour to the man who had at so much sacrifice rendered such 
glorious service to the country. Congress, by joint resolution, made 
appropriate acknowledgment of his gallant deeds, and directed him 
to be presented with a suitable testimonial of his services. 

He continued to serve his constituents in Congress until the year 
1819, when he voluntarily retired, carrying with him the esteem of 
the whole nation. But his native State, of which he was justly the 
idol, would not suffer him to remain in retirement. The people of 
Scott county immediately returned him to the State legislature, and 
that body elected him to the United States senate — an honour he 
could not resist ; and accordingly in December, 1819, he took his 
seat in the United States senate, and after serving his term, was 
unanimously re-elected, a circumstance which serves to show how 
well he preserved the confidence of the people of his native State, 
and how deeply he was enshrined in their aifections. 

His career as a legislator was scarcely less brilliant and useful, 
than that in which he distinguished himself as a warrior. His 
speeches and reports indicate liberality as a statesman. The whole 
nation will bear evidence to his zeal and industry in support of 
all measures calculated to promote the end of government — the 
happiness of the people. No man laboured more indefatigably in 
behalf of private claimants than did Colonel Johnson ; and so scru- 

•29 



450 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEI^S AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

pulously faithful was he in the discharge of his duty toward all who 
applied for his services, that he never failed while in Congress to 
attend to a single application that was made to him. The old soldiers 
of the Revolution, the invalids of the last war, and thousands of 
other persons, all over the Union, who had claims to urge upon the 
government, had no truer or surer friend in Congress than Colonel 
Johnson, as many of them, now enjoying the bounty of the govern- 
ment through his instrumentality, can bear most grateful testimony. 

In 1836 he was made vice-president of the United States, and pre- 
sided over the senate with great dignity for the term of four years, 
at the expiration of which he retired to his farm in Scott county, 
Kentucky. 

He now devoted himself to repairing a private fortune much injured 
by a too liberal hospitality. His pursuits were only interrupted by 
a service of one term in the legislature. Colonel Johnson died in 
1845, at the age of sixty-four years. 



JOEL R. POINSETT. 



The secretary of war during Mr. Van Buren's administration was 
Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina. He was born in that State, 
in 1779 : of delicate health in youth, and the sole survivor of a large 
family, he went abroad for his health, and passed his early life in 
England and on the continent. He travelled extensively in Europe, 
and penetrated far into the interior of Asia. He passed a portion 
of his life in the Spanish- American States, and with Clay and Web- 
ster espoused their cause and that of Greece in the house of repre- 
sentatives, where he served from 1821 to 1825. In 1825 he was 
appointed by President Adams, though of different politics, minister 
to Mexico. His return was in the midst of the nullification excite- 
ment, in which he was a devoted and active Union man. He was 
secretary of war during Mr. Van Buren's administration. From 
1840 he continued in retirement, occasionally, however, writing upon 
the topics of the day. He censured the war with Mexico, though 
declared by the politicians with whom he had always acted. His 
latest labours were devoted to the preservation of the Union, and to 

* Collins's Kentucky. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 451 

save from the defilement of secession or revolution the honour of his 
native State. 

This distinguished statesman and friend of the Union died at 
Statesburg, South Carolina, on the 14th of December, 1851, at the 
age of seventy-two years. 



JAMES KIRKE PAULDING. 

James K. Paulding is a distinguished name in both literature and 
politics. He was born on the 22d of August, 1779, at Pleasant 
Valley, Dutchess county, New York. On the conclusion of the Revo- 
lutionary war, the family returned to their former residence in the 
county of Westchester, whence they had been driven by that event, 
and where he received his education at a country school. At early 
manhood he took up his abode at the city of New York, where he 
resided with occasional intervals until some eight years past, when 
he retired to a country-seat on the banks of the Hudson, in his 
native county. Having been previously acquainted with Washington 
Irving, in consequence of a family alliance, an intimacy took place 
which resulted in the publication of a periodical called "Salma- 
gundi," the principal object of which was to satirize the follies and 
foibles of fashionable life. This youthful production became very 
popular, obtained a wide circulation, and awakened a spirit of emula- 
tion throughout the whole country. It would have been continued 
indefinitely, had it not been brought to an abrupt conclusion by the 
refusal of the publisher to allow the authors any compensation. The 
success of this work probably decided the future course of the authors, 
who, however, in future pursued their avocations separately. 

In 1813, Mr. Paulding published "The Diverting History of John 
Bull and Brother Jonathan," the most popular of all his satires. 
The next year a poetical work called " The Lay of the Scottish Pid- 
dle," which was shortly followed by a prose pamphlet, entitled "The 
United States and England," which was called forth by a criticism 
in the "London Quarterly," on "Inchiguin's Letters," written by 
Mr. Charles J. Ingersoll, of Philadelphia. Having passed part of the 
summer of 1815 in a tour through Virginia, he wrote his "Letters 
from the South," containing interesting sketches of scenery, man- 
ners, and personal character. In 1818 he published a poem called 
the "Backwoodsman," sketching the progress of an emigrant and 



452 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

his family from the old to the new States; in 1819, a second series 
of "Salmagundi;" in 1823, "Konigsmarke," a novel founded on the 
history of the Swedish settlements on the Delaware, the title of which 
he changed in a subsequent edition, to that of <<01d Times in the 
New World;" in 1824, "John Bull in America, or the New Mun- 
chausen;" and, in 1826, "Merry Tales of the Three Wise Men of 
Gotham," a satire levelled principally at Mr. Owen's system of so- 
cialism, the science of craniology, and the great legal maxim of caveat 
empter. After this appeared "The Traveller's Guide," or "The 
New Pilgrim's Progress," as he afterward called it, finding it was 
mistaken for a real itineracy; "Tales of the Good Woman, by a 
Doubtful Gentleman," and "The Dutchman's Fireside," which has 
ever been regarded as the best of his novels. It is a domestic story 
of the old French war. This was followed by "Westward Ho!" a 
novel of forest life and Kentucky characters. In 1835 he published 
"A Life of Washington," for the use of schools. More recently, 
"Slavery in the United States," and two novels, one called "The 
Old Continental," the other, "The Puritan and his Daughter," which 
is his latest production. At the close of the war of 1814, he resided 
some time at Washington as secretary to the board of navy com- 
missioners, and was subsequently many years navy agent at New 
York. From 1837 to 1841 he was at the head of the navy depart- 
ment of the United States under the Van Buren administration, since 
which he has retired from public life.* 



MAIILON DICKERSON. 

Mr. Dickerson was born in Morris county, New Jersey, in 1780. 
He received a liberal education, graduated at Princeton College, and 
then studied law. After being admitted to the bar in 1793, he re- 
moved to Philadelphia where he soon rose to distinction as a lawyer 
and politician. In 1810 he again returned to New Jersey. After 
serving in the legislature, he was in 1815 chosen governor of the 
State. In 1817 he was elected to the United States senate, where 
he served sixteen successive years. In 1834 he was appointed secre- 
tary of the navy. Mr. Dickerson died in 1851, at the age of eighty- 
one years. 



* Men of the Time. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 453 



FELIX GRUNDY. 

Felix Grundy, who succeeded Benjamin F. Butler as attorney- 
general, was one of the most distinguished statesmen of the West. 
He was born September 11, 1777, in Berkeley county, Virginia, His 
father, who was a native of England, emigrated to Virginia at an 
early period of his life, whence he removed with his family, first, in 
1779, to the neighbourhood of Brownsville, in Pennsylvania, and 
then, in the following year, to Kentucky. The childhood of the son 
was thus surrounded by scenes of savage warfare and devastation. 
The dangers which he inciu-red may be judged of from the fact that 
three of his brothers, older than himself, fell under the tomahawk 
and scalping-knife of the Indians. 

Mr. Grundy was educated in the academy at Bardstown in Ken- 
tucky, which had been recently established in that place by Dr. 
James Priestley, who was subsequently president of the Nashville 
University, in the adjacent State of Tennessee. After distinguish- 
ing himself among his fellow-students, he prosecuted the study of the 
law, under the direction of Mr. George Nicholas, the leader at the 
time of the Kentucky bar. In the practice of his profession he was 
very successful — in a short time acquiring an extensive reputation as 
an advocate, especially in criminal cases. 

Mr. Grundy, in 1799, when only twenty-two years of age, was 
elected a member of the convention which was then convened to re- 
vise the constitution of the state. He took a conspicuous part in the 
discussions of this body, and urged upon it with great ability, but 
without attaining his object, an alteration, by a constitutional pro- 
vision, of the existing system of judicature. He was a member of 
the Kentucky legislature from 1799 till the autumn of the year 1806, 
when he was appointed to be one of the judges of the supreme court 
of errors and appeals. During his legislative career, he succeeded 
in obtaining the change in the organization of the courts in despite 
of the resistance to its introduction made by most of the older mem- 
bers of the bar. 

Shortly after Mr. Grundy's appointment to a seat on the bench of 
the supreme court, he was promoted to be the chief-justice of the 
State of Kentucky; which office he administered with great ability, 
impartiality, and diligence. Finding, however, the salary annexed 
to it wholly inadequate to meet the expenses of his family, he re- 



454 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

signed it, and removed to Nashville, resuming there the practice of 
his profession. His success was now even greater than it had been 
in Kentucky, and his reputation as an advocate in the defence of 
persons charged with criminal offences became so extensive, that he 
was repeatedly sent for on this account from several of the neigh- 
bouring States. 

Mr. Grundy was elected a representative in Congress from Ten- 
nessee in 1811, and was one of the most prominent and efficient sup- 
porters of the administration of the General Government, in the 
measures adopted by it immediately before, and during the war of 
1812 with Great Britain. He had been re-elected in 1813, but de- 
clined another re-election in 1815. From this period, until 1819, 
he devoted himself exclusively to his professional avocations. In the 
last-mentioned year, he became a member of the legislature of his 
State, and continued such for six years. 

In 1829, Mr. Grundy was elected one of the senators in Congress 
from the State of Tennessee, and was re-elected as such in 1833. 
He was one of the most zealous supporters in the senate of the 
measures adopted by President Jackson ; and was appointed by Mr. 
Van Buren to the office of attorney-general of the United States. 
But this he did not long continue to hold, i-esigning it to resume his 
seat in the United States senate. He died on the 19th day of De- 
cember, 1840. 

The character of Mr. Grundy was estimable in every respect. His 
mind was comprehensive and penetrating, and his eloquence copious 
and striking. 



HENRY D. GILPIN. 



Henry D. Gilpin was born in Philadelphia in 1801. Having re- 
,ceived a careful elementary education, he entered the University of 
Pennsylvania when but fifteen years old, and graduated with high 
honours in 1819. He then studied law under Mr. Joseph R. Ingersoll, 
and in 1822 was admitted to the bar. From this time he was very 
active both as a lawyer and a politician. After having held several 
offices of trust, and discharged their duties with general satisfaction, 
he was appointed attorney-general of the United States by Mr. Van 
Buren, and served in that honourable capacity until the close of Mr. 
Van Buren's administration. Since that time, Mr. Gilpin has devoted 
his attention entirely to the profession of which he is an ornament. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 455 



AMOS KENDALL. 

Amos Kendall succeeded Mr. Barry as postmaster-general. He 
was born in New England, and, when a young man, went to Ken- 
tucky, where he taught school. He was also employed for some 
time as a private tutor in the family of Henry Clay. He then 
became an active politician, and was a warm supporter of General 
Jackson for the presidency, employing his pen with great effect at 
Washington. He was appointed postmaster-general by President 
Jackson in 1835, and continued in that office under Mr. Van Buren 
until May 25, 1840. After retiring from office, he returned to his 
home in the West, and became largely interested in the magnetic 
telegraph lines. 



Jibs of il^t "^xmknh of tlje itititA States, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



Siogra^lrits at \\t iia-|miknts anb % Umbas at % Cabiiuts. 



WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 

"William Henry Harrison, ninth president of the United States, 
was born at Berkeley, on the James Rivqr, twenty-five miles from 
Richmond, Virginia, in 1773. He was the youngest of three sons 
of Benjamin Harrison, a descendant of the celebrated leader of the 
same name in the wars of Cromwell. Benjamin Harrison occupied a 
conspicuous part in our own Revolutionary struggle, and was one of 
the most active of that daring band who set the ball in motion. He 
represented Virginia in Congress, in 1774, '75, and '76. He was 
chairman of the committee of the whole house when the declaration 
of independence was agreed to, and was one of its signers. He was 
elected governor of Virginia, and was one of the most popular officers 
that ever filled the executive chair. He died in 1791. 

William Henry Harrison was early placed at Hampden Sydney 
College, which he left at seventeen years of age, his mind well imbued 
with classical literature, and deeply impressed with admiration of the 
principles of republican Greece and Rome. In obedience to the 
wishes of his father, whose hospitable and liberal conduct through 
life prevented him from promising wealth to his son, he entered on 
the study of medicine ; and after a short preparatory course, he re- 
paired, in the spring of 1791, to Philadelphia, to prosecute his studies 
with greater advantage. The death of his father immediately after 
his arrival, checked his professional aspirations; and the "note of 
preparation" which was sounding through the country, for a cam- 
paign against the Indians of the West, decided his destiny. He 
resolved to enter into the service of his government, and to create a 
name for himself worthy of his father. His guardian, the celebrated 
Robert Morris, opposed his wishes with all the eloquence of his great 
mind ; but it was in vain that he placed the enterprise before the 
456 



LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 457 

enthusiastic youth in all its hardships and privations. In order to 
deter him from his project, he painted an Indian war in a remote 
and untried wilderness in the darkest colours ; he spoke of victory, 
against such foes, as not involving glory ; but of defeat, as insuring 
disgrace. The remonstrances of his friend and guardian were fruit- 
less, and General Washington at length yielded to the importunities 
of the youth ; he presented him with an ensign's commission. With 
characteristic ardour he departed for Fort Washington, now Cincin- 
nati ; where, however, he arrived too late to participate in the un- 
fortunate campaign. The fatal 4th of November had passed, and he 
was only in time to learn the earliest intelligence of the death of 
Butler, and of Oldham, and of the unparalleled massacre of the army 
of St. Clair. 

The return of the broken troops had no effect in damping the zeal 
of young Harrison. He devoted himself ardently to the study of the 
theory of the higher tactics ; his education gave him advantages pos- 
sessed by few young soldiers of that day ; and when, in the succeed- 
ing year, the gallant Wayne assumed the command. Ensign Harrison 
was immediately noticed by this experienced commander, and selected 
by him for one of his aids. The judicious movements of the new 
army, and the success which crowned the campaign under Wayne, 
are a brilliant portion of our history. Harrison distinguished him- 
self handsomely in Wayne's victory, and his chief did him the justice 
to name him specially in the official report of the engagement. 

After the treaty of Greenville, 1795, Captain Harrison was left in 
command of Fort Washington ; and shortly after the departure of 
General Wayne for the Atlantic States, he married the daughter of 
Judge Symmes, the proprietor of the Miami purchase. The writer 
of this brief sketch cannot let the opportunity slip, without offering 
a passing tribute to the virtues of this estimable woman. She is 
distinguished for her benevolence and her piety ; all who knew her, 
view her with esteem and affection ; and her whole course through 
life, in all its relations, has been characterized by those qualifications 
that complete the character of an accomplished matron. 

The idleness and dissipation of a garrison life comported neither 
with the taste nor active temper of Captain Harrison. He resigned 
his commission, and commenced his civil career, at the age of twenty- 
four years, as secretary of the North-western Territory. His capacity 
was soon noticed by the leaders in the new territory, and he was 
elected, in 1799, the first delegate in Congress for that extensive 
region, now comprising the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and 
Michigan. The first and general object of his attention as a repre^ 



458 LITES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-rRESIDENTS, 

sentative was an alteration of the land system of the territory. 
The law, as it then existed, ordained that not less than four thousand 
acres (except in particular cases of fractions on the banks of rivers) 
could be sold at once. The operation of such an ordinance must 
have been fatal to that class of population whose industry and 
labour have since caused the country to advance with such rapid 
strides to wealth and greatness; it was alone calculated to benefit 
the speculator and rich monopolist. He was appointed chairman of 
the committee on lands, (the only instance, it is believed, in the his- 
tory of our legislation, in which a delegate was so distinguished,) and 
•with the aid of the able men who co-operated with him, he presented 
the celebrated land report, based on his own previous motion. A bill 
■was framed, and after undergoing some amendments in the senate, 
"was passed into a law, by which one-half of the public lands were 
divided into sections of six hundred and forty acres, and the other 
into half sections of three hundred and twenty acres. The old sys- 
tem of forfeiture for non-payment was abolished, and payment ordered 
to be made, one-fourth in hand, and the balance at the end of two, 
three, and four years, allowing still one year, after the expiration 
of the fourth year, to enable the purchaser to extricate himself, if 
necessary. This was a point gained, although it was not all the 
delegate contended for. To this measure is to be imputed the rapid 
settlement of the country ; and if Mr. Harrison had then been called 
from this world, without rendering any other service to his country, 
he would richly have merited the title of benefactor of the territory 
north-west of the Ohio. 

The reputation acquired by the young delegate from his legislative 
success, created a party in his favour, who intimated a desire that he 
should supersede the venerable governor of the territory. But Mr. 
Harrison checked the development of this feeling as soon as it was 
made known to him. He cherished too high a veneration for the 
pure and patriotic St. Clair ; he had too just an estimate of the 
splendid talents of the governor, and too much sympathy for the war- 
worn, though sometimes unfortunate hero, to sanction an attempt, 
which, whether successful or not, would have inflicted one more pang 
in the bosom of the veteran. A soldier can best feel for a soldier; 
he declined the interference of his friends, and the subject was 
dropped. But when, shortly after, Indiana was erected into a sepa- 
rate territory, he was appointed by Mr. Adams the first governor. 
Previously, however, to quitting Congress, he was present at the dis- 
cussion of the bill for the settlement of Judge Symmes' purchase ; 
and although this gentleman was his father-in-law, he took an active 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 459 

part in favour of those individuals who had purchased from him 
before he had obtained his patent. It was viewed as a matter of 
doubt, whether those who had sued the judge in the courts of com- 
mon law, would be entitled to the remedy in equity against him. He 
went before the committee in person, and urged them to insert a 
provision in their favour. Nor did he desist until assured by the 
attorney-general and Mr. Harper that these persons came fully 
under the provisions of the act as it then stood. This was the im- 
pulse of stern duty ; for at the moment he was thus engaged, he 
considered himself as jeoparding a large pecuniary interest of his 
father-in-law. 

In 1801, Governor Harrison entered upon the duties of his new 
office, at the old military post of Vincennes. The powers with which 
he was vested by law have never, since the organization of our go- 
vernment, been conferred upon any other officer, civil or military ; 
and the arduous character of the duties he had to perform can only 
be appreciated by those who are acquainted with the savage and 
cunning temper of the North-western Indians, with the genius of 
the early pioneers, and the nature of a frontier settlement. The 
dangers of such actions as the battle of Tippecanoe, the defence of 
Fort Meigs, and the battle of the Thames, are appreciated and felt 
by all ; and the victories which were consequent upon them have 
crowned the victors with a never-fading wreath : but these acts, 
brilliant as they were, fade when put in comparison with the unre- 
mitting labour and exposure to which, for many years after the 
organization of the first grade of territorial government, the new 
executive was exposed. The whole territory consisted of three set- 
tlements, so widely separated that it was impossible for them to con- 
tribute to their mutual defence or encouragement. The first was 
Clarke's grant at the falls of Ohio ; the second, the old French esta- 
blishment at Vincennes ; and the third extended from Kaskaskia to 
Kahokia, on the Mississippi ; the whole comprising a population of 
about five thousand souls. The territory thus defenceless, presented 
a frontier, assailable almost at every point, on the north-east, north, 
and north-west boundaries. Numerous tribes of warlike Indians were 
thickly scattered throughout the northern portion of the territory, 
and far beyond its limits, whose hostile feelings were constantly 
inflamed by the intrigues of British agents and traders, if not by 
the immediate influence of the English government, and not un- 
frequently by the uncontrollable outrages of the American hunters 
themselves ; a circumstance which it always has been found impos- 
sible to prevent, in the early settlement of the West. Governor 



460 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Harrison applied himself with characteristic energy and skill. It 
seems truly miraculous to us, when we look back into the early 
history of his government, that he should have been able to keep 
down Indian invasion in the infant state of the territory, seeing the 
great capacity the savages displayed for harassing him at a period 
when his resources and means had so much increased. The fact 
proclaims loudly the talents of the chief. Justice tempered by mild- 
ness ; conciliation and firmness, accompanied by a never-slumbering 
watchfulness, were the means he used. These enabled him to sur- 
mount difficulties, under which an ordinary capacity must have been 
prostrated. The voluminous correspondence of Governor Harrison 
with Mr. Jefferson, from 1802 till 1809, is a recorded testimony of 
the ability and success of his administration. 

During the year 1811, the intrigues of British agents operating 
on the passions of the Indians, brought affairs to a crisis which ren- 
dered hostilities unavoidable. Tecumseh, and his prophet brother, 
had been labouring unceasingly, since 1805, to bring about this result. 
Harrison called upon Colonel Boyd, of the fourth United *States 
regiment, then at Pittsburg, (who immediately joined him,) and em- 
bodied a militia force as strong as the emergency would permit. To 
these were added a small but gallant band of chivalrous volunteers 
from Kentucky, consisting of about sixty-five individuals. With 
these he commenced his march toward the prophet's town at Tippe- 
canoe. On the 6th of November he arrived in sight of the Indian 
village, and, in obedience to his orders, made several fruitless attempts 
to negotiate with the savages. Finding it impossible to bring them 
to any discussion, he resolved to encamp for the night, under a pro- 
mise from the chiefs to hold a conference next day. He sent for- 
ward Brigade-major Clarke and Major Waller Taylor, to select a 
proper position for the encampment. These officers shortly after 
returned, and reported that they had found a situation well calculated 
for the purpose, and, on examination, the commander approved of it. 
Subsequent examination has proved that the ground was admirably 
adapted to baffle the success of a sudden attack, the only kind which 
the great experience of Hari'ison assured him would be attempted. 
The men reposed upon the spot which each, individually, should 
occupy, in case of attack. The event justified the anticipations of 
the chief. On the morning of the 7th, before daylight, the onset was 
made with the usual yells and impetuosity. But the army was ready ; 
Harrison had risen some time before, and had roused the officers 
near him. Our limits do not permit us to enter into a detail of the 
action ; the arrangement of the troops was masterly, and spoke the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 461 

well-educated and experienced soldier. The Indians fought with 
their usual desperation, and maintained their ground for some time 
with extraordinary courage. Victory declared in favour of disci- 
pline, at the expense, however, of some of the most gallant spirits 
of the age. Among the slain were Colonels Davciss and Owen, of 
Kentucky, and Captain Spencer, of Indiana. Governor Harrison 
received a bullet through his stock, without touching his neck. The 
legislature of Kentucky, at its next session, while in mourning for 
her gallant dead, passed the following resolution, viz. : — 

<■<- Resolved, That Governor William H. Harrison has behaved like 
a hero, a patriot and general ; and that for his cool, deliberate, 
skilful and gallant conduct, in the battle of Tippecanoe, he well 
deserves the thanks of the nation." 

From this period, until after the declaration of war against Eng- 
land, Governor Harrison was unremittingly engaged in negotiating 
with the Indians, and preparing to resist a more extended attack 
from them. In August, 1812, he received the brevet of major-ge- 
neral in the Kentucky militia, to enable him to command the forces 
marching to relieve Detroit. He immediately applied himself to the 
proper organization of his army on the North-western frontier. The 
surrender of Hull changed the face of affairs ; he was appointed a 
major-general in the army of the United States, and his duties em- 
braced a larger sphere. Every thing was in confusion, and every 
thing was to be done ; money, arms, and men were to be raised. It 
is under circumstances like these that the talents of a great general 
are developed more powerfully than in conducting a battle. To do 
justice to this part of the biography of Harrison, requires a volume 
of itself. Becoming stronger from reverses, collecting munitions of 
war, and defending Fort Meigs, were the prominent features of his 
operations, until we find him in pursuit of Proctor, on the Canadian 
shore. On the 5th of October, 1813, he brought the British army 
and their Indian allies, under Proctor and Tecumseh, to action near 
the River Thames. The victory achieved by militia over the disci- 
plined troops of England, on this brilliant day, was decisive; and, like 
the battle of the Cowpens, in the war of the Revolution, spread joy 
and animation over the whole Union. For this important action, 
Congress presented General Harrison with a gold medal. The suc- 
cess of the day is mainly attributable to the novel expedient of 
charging through the British lines with mounted infantry. The 
glory of originating this manoeuvre belongs exclusively to General 
Harrison. 

The North-western frontier being relieved, and important aid given 



462 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

to that of Niagara, General Harrison left his troops at Sackett's 
Harbour, under the command of Colonel Smith, and departed for 
Washington bj the way of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. 
On the whole route he was received with enthusiasm, and honoured 
with the highest marks of distinction that can be offered to a citizen 
by a republican people. 

Owing to a misunderstanding between Mr. Secretary Armstrong 
and himself. General Harrison resigned his commission in the spring 
of 1814. Mr. Madison sincerely deplored this step, and assured 
Governor Shelby, in a letter written immediately after the resigna- 
tion, "that it would not have been accepted had he been in Wash- 
ington." It was received and accepted by Secretary Armstrong, 
while the president was absent at the Springs. 

Genera] Harrison retired to his farm at North Bend, in Ohio, from 
which he was successively called by the people to represent them in 
the Congress of the United States, and in the legislature of the 
State. In 1824-5 he was elected to the senate of the United States; 
and in 1828 he was appointed minister to Colombia, which station 
he held until he was recalled by President Jackson, not for any 
alledged fault, but in consequence of some difference of views on the 
Panama question. General Harrison again returned to the pursuits 
of agriculture at North Bend. In 1834, on the almost unanimous 
petition of the citizens of the county, he was appointed prothonotary 
of the court of Hamilton county. 

In 1840, General Harrison was called by the people of the United 
States to preside over the country as its chief-magistrate. His 
election was a triumphant one ; of two hundred and ninety-four 
electoral votes for president, he received two hundred and thirty- 
four. From the time when he was first nominated for the office until 
his death, he had been rising in public esteem and confidence ; he 
entered upon the duties of his office with an uncommon degree of 
popularity, and a high expectation was cherished that his administra- 
tion would be honourable to himself and advantageous to the country. 
His death, which took place April 4th, 1841, just a month after his 
inauguration, caused a deep sensation throughout the country. He 
was the first president of the United States who had died in office. 
The members of his cabinet, in their official notification of the event, 
said, "The people of the United States, overwhelmed like ourselves 
by an event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation 
from knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life had 
been patriotic, useful, and distinguished ; and that the last utterance 
of his lips expressed a fervent desire for the perpetuity of the con- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 463 

stituiion and tlie preservation of its true principles. In death, as 
in life, the happiness of his country was uppermost in his thoughts." 

President Harrison was distinguished by a generosity and liberality 
of feeling which was exercised beyond what strict justice to himself 
and family should have permitted. With ample opportunity for 
amassing immense wealth, he ever disdained to profit by his public 
situation for private emolument. His theory was too rigidly honest 
to permit him to engage in speculation, and his chivalry was too 
sensitive to permit him to use the time belonging to his country, for 
private benefit. After nearly fifty years devotion to his duties in the 
highest stations, he left at his death but little more to his family 
than the inheritance of an unsullied reputation. 

The only important act of President Harrison's administration 
was the calling of an extra session of Congress, to adopt measures 
to revive credit and relieve the commercial embarrassments of the 
country. His cabinet was composed as follows : — Daniel Webster, 
of Massachusetts, secretary of state ; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, secre- 
tary of the treasury ; John Bell, of Tennessee, secretary of war ; 
George E. Badger, of North Carolina, secretary of the navy. John 
J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-general ; and Francis Granger, 
of New York, postmaster-general. This cabinet included much 
ability, and much was expected from its labours. 



DANIEL WEBSTER. 



The secretary of state under President Harrison's administration 
ranks among the greatest orators and statesmen whom America has 
produced. He was born at Salisbury, New Hampshire, on the 18th 
of January, 1782. He was the son of Ebenezer and Abigail Webster. 
His father had served in the French and in the Revolutionary wars, 
and had particularly distinguished himself as the captain of a volun- 
teer company under Stark, at Bennington. Young Webster re- 
ceived an ordinary school education, the merits of which at that day 
and in his region were little enough. Such as his advantages were, 
he improved them to the utmost, and early impressed upon his in- 
structors and other friends the conviction of rare mental qualities. 
In his fourteenth year, he was placed in Phillips Academy at Exeter, 
New Hampshire, at that time under the care of Dr. Benjamin Abbot. 
It is remarked as a curious circumstance, that at this time the future 



4M LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

orator displayed the most marked aversion to declamation, and the 
thought of it was to him a bugbear. After a few months' stay in 
Exeter, he was placed with the Rev. Samuel Wood, for tuition and 
preparation for college. The prospect of a collegiate education was 
then first opened to him by his father, and kindled in his breast the 
warmest hopes, stimulating him to unremitted exertions. Six months 
sufficed to put the ambitious student in a condition to enter Dart- 
mouth College, which he did in August, 1797. The four years here 
spent were characterized by earnest study, and his subsequent honours 
were even then divined by the more sagacious of his associates. In 
August, 1801, he commenced his legal education in his native town, 
under the supervision of Mr. Thompson, a respectable practitioner, 
and completed his preparatory training for the bar, in March, 1805, 
in Boston, when he was admitted to practise in the Suffolk court of 
common pleas. Hon. Christopher Gore made the motion for his 
admission, and took the pains to prophesy his future celebrity. Mr. 
Webster began practice in the village of Boscawen, whence he re- 
moved to Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in September, 1807, having 
by a fortunate decision declined the off'ered clerkship of the county 
court of common pleas in Hillsborough, New Hampshire, which, 
had he accepted it, would probably have entirely changed the current 
of his life. Mr. Webster resided in Portsmouth nine yeo'F^ enjoying 
the friendship and profiting by the rivalry of such men uo Samuel 
Dexter, Joseph Story, Jeremiah Smith, and Jeremiah Mason. 

It was in the thirteenth Congress, which first met in extra session 
in May, 1813, that Daniel Webster commenced his political career, 
having been chosen representative from New Hampshire in the pre- 
vious November. Of the house, Henry Clay was speaker, who ap- 
pointed the new member on the committee of foreign affairs, a respon- 
sible post in the existing situation of the nation. Mr. Webster 
delivered his maiden speech on the 10th of June, 1813, and almost 
immediately assumed a front rank among debaters. His speeches, 
chiefly on topics connected with the war then raging between Eng- 
land and the United States, were characterized by masterly vigour, 
and by uncommon acquaintance with constitutional learning and the 
history and traditions of the government. He advocated the im- 
provement and increase of the navy ; and in 1816, when at the close 
of the war, commerce and manufactures attained a sudden develop- 
ment, entered prominently into the discussion of the tariff". In this, 
he considered a moderate degree of protection as the established 
policy of the United States. He opposed the passage of the na- 
tional bank bill of April, 1816. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 465 

Mr. Webster having now found the arena of Portsmouth too 
limited, removed to Boston in August, 1816, and took the ph\ce 
which belonged to his commanding talent and legal eminence. The 
trial of the famous Dartmouth College case, in March, 1818, involv- 
ing constitutional questions, was one of high importance, and brought 
into requisition Mr. Webster's peculiar abilities. Mr. Webster re- 
tired from Congress in 1817, but was re-elected from Boston in 
1822. On the 19th of January, 1823, he made his great speech in 
behalf of the Greeks, and one on the Panama Mission in April, 
1826. Beside these, his Plymouth Oration of the 22d of December, 
1820, that at Bunker Hill in 1825, and his Eulogy upon Adams and 
Jefferson in 1826, are well known. In January, 1828, Mr. Webster 
took his seat in the United States senate. The great encounter with 
Colonel Ilayne, of South Carolina, took place in January, 1830, and 
was one of the most interesting, and, perhaps, one of the most im- 
portant epochs in his life. Mr. Webster supported the bill of 1832, 
for the recharter of the bank; in the Nullification movement of that 
year he powerfully co-operated with President Jackson, and made a 
memorable speech in reply to Mr. Calhoun in February, 1833. The 
fiscal policy of Jackson and Van Buren found a steady opponent in 
Mr. Webster, as well in its original form of an unlimited expansion 
of the papcd f the State banks, as in the substitute of an exclusively 
metallic ».arrency for the government, which was brought forward 
after the league of the deposit banks had exploded. General Jack- 
son's memorable protest of April 17, 1834, against the action of the 
senate, drew forth a powerful speech on the 7th of May. On the 
independent treasury bill of 1838, Mr. Webster also made several 
able and elaborate speeches. 

In the spring of 1839, Mr. Webster visited Europe for the first and 
only time in his life, making a hasty tour through England, Scotland, 
and France. In the political revolution of 1840, Mr. Webster acted 
a leading part, and on the accession of General Harrison to the pre- 
sidency, in 1841, he was named secretary of state. In 1842 he 
negotiated with Lord Ashburton the settlement of the north-eastern 
boundary question with Great Britain, and the treaty made by these 
diplomatists was ratified August 20th of that year. In May, 1843, 
Mr. Webster resigned his station, and returned for a short time to 
private life, but was re-elected to the senate in 1845. He opposed 
the war with Mexico in 1846, but sustained the administration by 
voting for liberal supplies, and facilitated every approach to an 
honourable peace. Foreseeing the evils arising from a great acquisi- 
tion of territory, he opposed those portions of the treaty of Guada- 

30 



466 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

lupe Hidalgo which related to that subject. In the settlement of 
questions arising from these accessions, Mr. Webster took a great 
part, and brought the whole weight of his talents and influence to the 
accomplishment of the compromise of 1850. His speech of March 
7th had great effect to this end. On the decease of General Taylor, 
Mr. Webster was called by President Fillmore to the department of 
state, and remained to the last days of his eventful life in the labori- 
ous discharge of the duties of that important and responsible office. 
A few weeks after Mr. Webster's accession to this office, Chevalier 
HUlsemann, the Austrian minister, addressed a complaint to the 
American government in relation to its alleged interference in the 
internal aff"airs of Austria. This was answered by Mr. Webster in 
one of the finest state papers in the archives of diplomacy. Mr. 
Webster died on the 24th of October, 1852, at the age of seventy 
years. 

As a jurist, Mr. Webster, if exceeded by some of his contempora- 
ries in range and depth of professional reading, was still master of 
all the learning required for the discussion of every question, how- 
ever abstruse. No detail, however technical, resisted the grasp of 
his memory. The prominent features in his argumentation were 
extraordinary clearness, skill, and compactness of statement, and rare 
condensation, together with surpassing logic. His forcible eloquence 
appears remarkably in his speech at Salem, on the trial of John 
Francis Knapp for murder, in July, 1830. As a statesman in the 
most complete meaning of the term, few Americans have ever equalled, 
and none surpassed him. He studied and judged every thing in all 
its relations and in all its details, and brought to bear a liberal com- 
prehensiveness. In range of political knowledge, in soundness of 
constitutional interpretation, and in the ability to produce an over- 
whelming effect on a given question within the walls of a deliberative 
assembly, Mr. Webster was far superior to any of his day. In addi- 
tion to the jurist and statesman, he united the character of an ac- 
complished scholar. He was familiar with many of the great writers 
of antiquity, and master of the entire range of English literature. 
His memory was stored with choice passages from the poets, and the 
entire range of the history of Great Britain, civil and parliamentary, 
was at his command. With no work, ancient or modern, was he more 
familiar than with the Bible, whose merit in every capacity he ap- 
preciated. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 467 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 

John J. Crittenden, attorney-general of the United States, 
under General Harrison's administration, was born in Woodford 
county, Kentucky, in 1782. He was educated for the bar under the 
best auspices. He soon rose to distinction as a lawyer and advocate, 
possessing a commanding presence and great oratorial power. After 
serving in the legislature, Mr. Crittenden was elected a member of 
the Senate of the United States, as the colleague of Isham Talbot, 
in 1817. He continued in that body but two years. From 1819 
to 1835, he continued to practice his profession, as one of the first 
lawyers in Kentucky, residing principally at Frankfort, and occa- 
sionally representing his county m the State legislature. In 1835, 
Mr. Crittenden was again elected to the United States Senate, and 
he continued to be one of the most distinguished members of that 
body until March, 1841, when he was appointed attorney-general by 
President Harrison. On the dissolution of the connection of the 
Whigs with John Tyler, Mr. Crittenden resigned his office and retired 
to private life, from which, however, he was soon called by the legis- 
lature, to resume his seat in the United States Senate, (1842.) He 
was also elected senator for another term of six years, from March, 
1843 ; but in 1848, having received the Whig nomination for go- 
vernor of Kentucky, he retired from the senate. He was elected 
governor by a large majority, and he continued in that office until 
1850, when President Fillmore appointed him attorney-general of 
the United States, which office he held until the close of the admi- 
nistration, when he retired to his home in Kentucky. Mr. Crittenden 
is in the maturity of his powers, and evidently has a long career of 
public service yet before him. He has long been conspicuous among 
the leaders of the Whig party, and is justly considered one of the 
ablest and most patriotic men of which that party can boast. His 
personal friendship for Mr. Clay, and his unanimity in counsel and 
action with him, has, on innumerable occasions, led to the association 
of their names together in the advocacy of public measures. Such a 
friendship was alike honourable to both parties. Colonel Crittenden, 
who accompanied Lopez in his ill-fated expedition to Cuba, and lost 
his life in the affair, was a relative of the statesman. 



468 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



THOMAS EWING, 

The secretary of the treasury under President Harrison, was the 
son of Major George Ewing, a soldier of the Revolution, and one of 
the first settlers of Ohio. His boyhood was passed in Hocking county, 
then almost a wilderness. He was employed at a salt-works. At 
an early age Thomas was left to his own resources, and they happily 
proved adequate to the circumstances. Having resolved to obtain 
an education, he succeeded in entering a seminary — one of the first 
founded in Ohio — and, it is said, while there, supported himself by 
mechanical labour. Having secured a tolerable knowledge of the 
classics, he began the study of the law, supporting himself in the 
mean time by teaching school. OA being admitted to the bar, Mr. 
Ewing commenced the practice of his profession in Fairfield county, 
where he soon rose to distinction both as a lawyer and a politician. 
He became successively a member of the legislature, and a repre- 
sentative, and then senator in Congress. He was then ranked as one 
of the leading men of the West. On the accession of General Har- 
rison to the presidency, Mr. Ewing was appointed secretary of the 
treasury. He continued in that post until the rupture of the cabinet 
under Mr. Tyler's administration, when he resumed the practice of 
the law at Lancaster, Ohio. Upon the accession of General Taylor 
to the presidency, he was appointed secretary of the interior, being 
the first head of that department. He discharged the duties of the 
office ably until the death of General Taylor, in July, 1850, when 
he resigned and returned to Ohio. At the next session of Congress, 
he took his seat in the senate, having been appointed to fill an unex- 
pired term. Upon the expiration of the term, Mr. Ewing again 
resumed the practice of his profession, in which he has an extensive 
and lucrative practice. In politics, he acts with the Whig party, 
leaning to the Free-soil wing. He has displayed great natural ability, 
and is a noble example of what a determined self-reliance may ac- 
complish. 

The precise dates of Mr. Ewing's cabinet appointments are as fol- 
lows : — He was appointed secretary of the treasury, and confirmed 
by the senate, on the 5th of March, 1841. His term of service was 
closed by his resignation, and his successor, Walter Forward of Penn- 
sylvania, was confirmed on the 13th of September of the same year. 

He was appointed secretary of the interior on the 7th of March, 
1849, and remained in office till July, 1850. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 469 



JOHN BELL. 

John Bell, secretary of war under President Harrison, was born 
in 1796, and is a native of Tennessee. He received an excellent 
education, and then turned his attention to the study of the law. He 
entered the political arena early in life, and after serving in the 
State legislature, was elected to the national house of representa- 
tives. There he became distinguished for energy, ability, and elo- 
quence. He was one of the earliest supporters of General Jackson 
for the presidency ; but upon the removal of the deposites, he joined 
the opposition, and by that party was elected speaker of the house 
of representatives. At the next Congress he was again a candidate 
for that post, but was defeated by James K. Polk. He was soon 
afterward elected governor of Tennessee — was appointed secretary 
of war under President Harrison — resigned, and was then elected to 
the United States senate, of which he continues an active member. 
Mr. Bell is one of the most distinguished statesmen of the conserva- 
tive school. 



GEORGE E. BADGER. 



George E. Badger, of North Carolina, was secretary of the navy 
under President Harrison. He was born in North Carolina about 
1795. Having received a classical education, he turned his attention 
to the study of law, and being admitted to practice, soon acquired 
reputation for legal learning and ability in debate. He entered the 
political arena in early life, as a conservative, and after taking an 
active part in local affairs, was elected to Congress. There he dis- 
tinguished himself as a vigorous opponent of the measures of Martin 
Van Buren's administration. In 18-10, he supported General Harri- 
son for the presidency, and upon the accession of that illustrious 
man on the 4th of March, 1841, was appointed secretary of the navy. 
He continued in that office until the rupture of the cabinet under 
President Tyler, when he resigned. Mr. Badger was soon afterward 
elected to a seat in the senate of the United States, where he has 
continued to take an active and influential part in debate until the 
present day. 



470 LIVES OF THE PRESIDElfTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



FRANCIS GRANGER. 

This gentleman was, for a considerable period, one of the most 
active and influential politicians in the Empire State. During the 
administrations of Presidents Jackson and Van Buren, his name 
figured in all the grand political movements of the times. It will 
be recollected by the reader, that the nomination of General Har- 
rison for the office of president, called forth a great and unusual 
amount of enthusiasm, and that the political campaign of that period 
was carried on with a degree of earnestness and activity which has 
hardly been witnessed on any other similar occasion. Every man, 
woman, and child in the country participated in the patriotic feeling 
of the time, and the question of the presidency was the great ques- 
tion of the day. In this canvass Mr. Granger took a very active 
part in advocating the claims of the war-worn veteran, and none felt 
a sincerer gratification at his success. 

When President Harrison formed his cabinet, Mr. Granger was 
selected from among the prominent men of the time as postmaster- 
general, and his nomination was confirmed on the 6th of March, 1841. 
The sudden decease of President Harrison, it will be remembered, 
occasioned a total change of policy in the administration ; and when 
that change became clearly apparent, the whole cabinet, with the 
exception of Mr. Webster, resigned office. This took place in Sep- 
tember, 1841. Since that period, Mr. Granger appears to have 
taken less interest in politics, until very recently, he has come 
forward with a proposition for reorganizing the Whig party. 

For the realization of this scheme, the present time does not ap- 
pear to be particularly propitious. A new party, called the Ame- 
rican Party, has recently sprung up, which, for the present time at 
least, appears to have deranged all the pre-existing party organiza- 
tions. It has, of course, been dependant on the old parties for 
recruits ; and it has drawn so largely upon them, that the sceptre of 
power is rapidly departing from both the two great parties who have 
alternately swayed the destinies of this great nation. Whether it 
is from the circumstance that the Whigs are now in opposition to the 
administration of the general government, or from any particular 
partiality to the views of the new party, we are unable to sa^ ; but 
it is quite apparent that the American party are chiefly indebted to 
the Whigs for their overwhelming success at the polls. This renders 
it improbable that the old Whig party will be speedily reorganized. 




J(rn/yi Ml 



Jibxs of i\t ^rtsihuis of i\t MwM State, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



^mgra^M^s at i^t f ia-|rtsiknts an^ i\t ITtmbtrs 0f tl]^ (itabhtts^ 



JOHN TYLER. 

The successor of President Harrison was John Tyler, of Vir- 
ginia. He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, on the 29th 
of March, 1790. He was descended from a family distinguished in 
the history of Virginia. After receiving the usual elementary in- 
structions, he entered William and Mary College. He graduated at 
the age of seventeen, with almost unrivalled honours. He then 
commenced the study of the law under his father and Edmund Rad- 
dolph, and at nineteen years of age he was admitted to practise his 
profession. This was certainly a precocious display of ability. 

At twenty years of age, Mr. Tyler was offered a seat in the legis- 
lature ; but he declined the honour until the following year, (1811,) 
when he was elected to the house of delegates. Soon after taking 
his seat he came forward as an advocate of the war policy of Madi- 
son's administration, and delivered speeches which were certainly 
remarkable as coming from so young a man. He was elected to the 
legislature for five successive years. In the mean time, while the 
British forces were in the Chesapeake, he raised a volunteer com- 
pany, and effected an organization of the militia in his neighbour- 
hood. But he never had an opportunity to serve his country in the 
field. 

In 1815, Mr. Tyler was elected a member of the executive council 
of Virginia; and he served in that position until November, 1816, 
when he was chosen over the popular Andrew Stevenson to repre- 
sent the Richmond district in Congress. This was to fill a vacancy. 
But in the spring of the next year he was re-elected by a large ma- 
jority over the same distinguished opponent. 

In the house of representatives, Mr. Tyler's speeches were numerous 
and effective. In 1819 he was re-elected without opposition. Before 

471 



472 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the end of the term, however, ill health compelled him to resign his 
seat, and he retired to his estate in Charles City county. In 1823, 
he consented to become a candidate for the legislature, and was 
elected. As a State legislator he was active and influential. Many 
of the finest public works in Virginia were the result of his foresight 
and energy. The people of the State appreciated his services ; and 
in December, 1825, he was elected governor by a large majority. 
His administration was energetic and beneficial to the State in every 
respect. He was re-elected at the expiration of his term of office. 

Not long after his re-election to the gubernatorial chair, John 
Randolph's term of ofiice, as senator of the United States, expired. 
A large portion of the Democratic party were opposed to his re- 
election, as no reliance could be placed upon him. Governor Tyler 
consented to stand as the opposition candidate, and was chosen to 
the United States Senate by a majority of five votes. 

A few days afterward, Mr. Tyler resigned the oflSce of governor. 
On the 3d of December, 1827, Mr. Tyler took his seat in the senate 
of the United States, and immediately Avas ranked among the most 
energetic members of the opposition to the Adams' administration. 
On the accession of General Jackson to the presidency, Mr. Tyler 
supported his administration with zeal and ability. 

In February, 1836, the legislature of Virginia adopted resolutions 
instructing the senators from that State to vote for expunging from 
the journal of the senate a resolution censuring the conduct of Ge- 
neral Jackson. Both senators considered such a course unconstitu- 
tional and inexpedient. Mr. Leigh refused to obey the instructions. 
Mr. Tyler agreed with Mr. Leigh in opinion, but thought proper to 
adopt a different course of action : he resigned his seat, and returned 
to the practice of his profession, with a greatly increased reputation. 

In 1830, Mr. Tyler had removed from Charles City county to 
Gloucester, where his family resided until 1835. He then returned 
to Williamsburg, and devoted himself to his private affairs. But his 
name was kept before the people. For in the same year, he was 
nominated by the State Rights' party for the vice-presidency. At 
the election in 1836, he received forty-seven electoral votes. In the 
spring of 1838, he was elected from James City county to the Vir- 
ginia house of delegates, where, during the subsequent session of the 
legislature, he acted with the Whig party. 

In 1839, Mr. Tyler was chosen a delegate from Virginia to the 
Whig national convention, which met at Harrisburg, to nominate 
candidates for the two great national offices. He there exerted him- 
self to procure the nomination of Mr. Clay ; but General Harrison 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 473 

obtained a majority of votes. To conciliate the friends of Mr. Claj, 
Mr. Tyler was then nominated for the vice-presidency. The party 
was triumphant — Harrison and Tyler were elected by a large ma- 
jority. On the 4th of March, 1841, Mr. Tyler was inaugm'ated vice- 
president of the United States. 

Upon the death of President Harrison, Mr. Tyler succeeded to the 
chief-magistracy. He immediately took the oath of office, and, after 
the funeral ceremonies of the lamented Harrison had been performed, 
issued an inaugural address which was deemed satisfactory by the 
party which had elected him to office. The cabinet appointed by 
President Harrison was retained, and this tended to inspire the 
dominant party with confidence. Mr. Tyler removed many Democrats 
from office and appointed Whigs and conservatives to fill their 
places. 

The twenty-seventh Congress met in extra session on the 31st day 
of May, 1841. There was a decided administration majority in each 
house. The first proceeding of importance was the official recogni- 
tion of John Tyler, as "president of the United States," instead of 
as "vice-president, acting as president." The message of the pre- 
sident, though somewhat ambiguous in its expressions, was satisfactory 
to the majority. The plan of a national bank, reported by the secre- 
tary of the treasury, Mr. Ewing, was put in the form of a bill and 
passed finally by Congress, on the 6th of August. The president 
retained the bill until the 16th of August, and then returned it to 
the senate Avith a veto message. This completely bewildered the 
Whigs, and excited alarm and anxiety among the party throughout 
the country. But the majority in Congress still retained hope. The 
president, in his message, had suggested the plan of a bank which 
met his approbation. A new bill was prepared in conformity with 
this suggestion, the title of "fiscal corporation" being substituted 
for that of "bank," and this measure passed Congress. In the mean 
time, the president had signed bills repealing the sub-treasury and 
establishing a uniform bankrupt law. After some deliberation, the 
president returned the second bank bill to the senate with his ob- 
jections. An immense excitement followed. The Whigs denounced 
the president as treacherous to the party which had placed him in 
power, while the Democrats warmly applauded his course. On the 
11th of September, all the members of the cabinet, except Mr. Web- 
ster, resigned. The secretary of state remained in office, because 
he said he could see no sufficient reason for the dissolution of the 
cabinet by the voluntary act of its own members, and because he 
agreed with the president on the subjects of the foreign relations. 



474 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENIS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

At this time, a difficulty was pending between the United States and 
Great Britain, concerning the northern boundary of Maine, and it 
was believed that Mr. Webster could render valuable services to the 
country while he remained in office. Congress adjourned on the loth 
of September. Shortly previous to the adjournment, the Whig mem- 
bers adopted an address to the people of the United States, defending 
their course of action, and announcing that all political connection 
between them and the president had been dissolved. 

The new cabinet was composed of the following distinguished 
Whigs and conservatives : — Walter Forward, of Pennsylvania, secre- 
tary of the treasury ; John McLean, of Ohio, secretary of war ; Abel 
P. Upshur, of Virginia, secretary of the navy ; Charles A. WicklifFe, 
of Kentucky, postmaster-general ; Hugh S. Legare, of South Caro- 
lina, attorney-general. Judge McLean declining to resign his seat 
on the bench of the supreme court, John C. Spencer, of New York, 
was appointed secretary of war. 

On the 6th of December, 1841, the second session of the twenty- 
seventh Congress commenced. It continued until the 31st of August, 
1842. During this long period, a vast amount of business of vital 
importance to the country was transacted. The great measure of 
the session was a new tariff law, by which ample provision was made 
for the public revenue, and protection afforded to American manu- 
factures. 

In 1842, an important treaty was negotiated at Washington be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain, by which the north- 
eastern boundary was settled to the satisfaction of both parties. 
Secretary Webster acted on the part of the United States, and Lord 
Ashburton on the part of Great Britain. The treaty was ratified 
by the senate on the 20th of August. 

At the third session of the twenty-seventh Congress, which began 
on the 5th of December, 1842, and ended on the 3d of March, 1843, 
a number of important measures were adopted. The bankrupt law 
was repealed. When the twenty-eighth Congress assembled in De- 
cember, 1843, the Democrats had a large majority in the house of 
representatives. The Whigs retained a majority in the senate. 
Among the acts adopted, may be mentioned — one making appropria- 
tion for the improvements of rivers and harbours ; one for revolu- 
tionary and other pensioners ; and one to refund the fine imposed 
on General Andrew Jackson, at New Orleans. 

An almost unprecedented number of changes were made in the 
cabinet during this administration. 

In March, 1843, Mr. Forward resigned, as secretary of the trea- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 475 

sury, and John C. Spencer was transferred from the war department 
to that of the treasury. Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts, was pre- 
viously nominated by the president for secretary of the treasury, and 
rejected by the senate. Mr. Webster resigned the office of secretary 
of state in May, 1843, and Hugh S. Legare, attorney-general, was 
appointed acting secretary of state, but was soon after taken ill, and 
died, while on a visit to Boston, on the 20th of June, 1843. 

In July, 1843, President Tyler reorganized his cabinet as follows: 
— Abel P. Upshur, of Virginia, secretary of state ; John C. Spencer, 
of New York, secretary of the treasury ; James M. Porter, of Penn- 
sylvania, secretary of war ; David Henshaw, of Massachusetts, secre- 
tary of the navy ; Charles A. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, postmaster- 
general ; John Nelson, of Maryland, attorney-general. Messrs. 
Porter, Henshaw, and Nelson, were attached to the Democratic 
party; the other members of the cabinet had been known as Whigs 
or conservatives. At the next session of the senate, the nominations 
of Mr. Porter, as secretary of war, and of Mr. Henshaw, as secretary 
of the navy, were rejected. Thereupon the president nominated 
William Wilkins, of Pennsylvania, for secretary of war, and Thomas 
W. Gilmer, of Virginia, for secretary of the navy ; and they were 
confirmed by the senate, on the 15th of February, 1844. In conse- 
quence of a melancholy catastrophe which occurred on board the 
United States steamship-of-war Princeton, on the river Potomac, on 
the 28th of February, 1844, by the explosion of one of the large 
guns of that ship, the secretary of state, Mr. Upshur, and the secre- 
tary of war, Mr. Gilmer, lost their lives. For a short period, Mr. 
Nelson, attorney-general of the United States, discharged the duties 
of secretary of state ad interim. Commodore Lewis Warrington 
officiated as secretary of the navy, until the vacancy occasioned by 
the death of Mr. Gilmer was supplied. The president appointed John 
C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, secretary of state, and John Y. Mason, 
of Virginia, secretary of the navy — both of which nominations were 
promptly confirmed by the senate. Mr. Spencer resigned the office 
of secretary of the treasury, in May, 1844, and George M. Bibb, of 
Kentucky, was appointed in his place. 

Two important treaties signalized the remainder of this administra- 
tion : one, concluded between the United States and China, and a 
treaty of annexation, concluded between the United States and 
Texas. The latter was negotiated at Washington on the 12th of 
April, 1844, by Mr. Calhoun on the part of the United States, and 
Messrs. Van Zandt and Henderson, on the part of Texas. But this 
treaty was rejected by the senate. It was evident, however, that 



476 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the question of annexation would be introduced into the political 
contest of 1844. 

In May, the two great parties held their national conventions in 
Baltimore, Maryland. The Whigs nominated Henry Clay, of Ken- 
tucky, for president, and Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New Jersey, 
for the vice-presidency. ' When the Democratic national convention 
met, it was ascertained that Mr. Van Buren had a majority^of votes. 
But that distinguished statesman had expressed himself averse to the 
annexation of Texas, and there was a determination shown to prevent 
his being nominated as the candidate of the party. A rule was 
adopted, making a vote of two-thirds necessary to a choice. On the 
ninth ballot, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was unanimously nomi- 
nated for the presidency, and subsequently, George M. Dallas, of 
Pennsylvania, was nominated as the Democratic candidate for vice- 
president, Mr. Tyler threw his influence in favour of the Democratic 
candidates, and, after an exciting canvass, they were elected by a 
majority of sixty-five electoral votes. 

The second session of the twenty-eighth Congress commenced on 
the 2d of December, 1844, and closed on the expiration of their term, 
the 3d of March, 1845. Amid much important business that was 
transacted, the passage of joint resolutions providing for the annexa- 
tion of Texas to the Union, assumed the first place. The resolutions 
passed the house of representatives on the 25th of January, 1845, 
and the senate, on the succeeding 1st of March. They were immedi- 
ately approved by President Tyler, and thus this exciting measure was 
consummated on the part of the United States. Among the public acts 
of interest passed at this session, were the following : To establish a 
uniform time for holding elections for electors of president and vice- 
president, in all the States in the Union ; to provide for the esta- 
blishment of the mail between the United States and foreign coun- 
tries ; granting lands to the State of Indiana, to enable the State to 
extend and complete the Wabash and Erie canal; to reduce the 
rates of postage, and to limit the use, and correct the abuse, of the 
franking privilege ; allowing drawback upon foreign merchandise 
exported by the interior to Mexico and the British North American 
provinces ; for the construction and improvement of roads in Wis- 
consin ; making appropriations for fortifications ; and an act for the 
admission of the States of Iowa and Florida into the Union. Florida 
complied with the terms of the last act, and was, consequently, 
admitted into the Union ; but the people of Iowa rejected the terms, 
principally on account of the boundary defined by Congress, and, 
therefore, Iowa remained a territory. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 477 

Mr. Tyler retired from office without the regret of either of the 
great political parties. But it cannot be denied that the administra- 
tion was decided and vigorous, and that the foreign relations of the 
republic had been ably managed during its continuance. 

On retiring from office in March, 1845, Mr. Tyler fixed his resi- 
dence in Virginia, on the James River, nine miles below Berkeley, 
where, in the enjoyment of health and competency, he looked to 
passing the remainder of his days. The first wife of Mr. Tyler died 
in September, 1842 ; and while he was in office, he married Miss 
Julia Gardiner, of New York city. 

In person, Mr. Tyler is tall and thin, with prominent features, and 
light blue eyes. In domestic life, he is an amiable companion. There 
is a wide difference of opinion as to the merits of his political course ; 
but it cannot be doubted that in many high stations he has displayed 
remarkable powers of mind. 



ABEL P. UPSHUR. 



The Hon. Abel Parker Upshur was the son of Littleton Up- 
shur, and was born in Northampton, county Virginia, June 17th, 
1790. " He received his classical education at Yale and Princeton 
colleges, and studied law under the instruction of his friend, the 
Hon. William Wirt, at Richmond, where he practised his profession 
from 1810 until 1824, when he removed to Vaucluse, his patrimonial 
residence, in this county. In the courts of the Eastern Shore, he con- 
tinued the practice of his profession until December 15th, 1826, 
when he was appointed by the legislature to fill the vacancy on the 
bench of the general court, caused by the death of his maternal 
uncle. Judge George Parker. He had previously represented his 
native county in the State legislature. On the 5th of October, 1829, 
he was elected a member of the general convention of Virginia. He 
published a pamphlet containing a review of Judge Story's work on 
the Constitution of the United States, and contributed many articles 
to the newspapers on the topics of the day. On the reorganization 
of the judicial system of Virginia, under the new constitution, he was 
reappointed, April 18, 1831, to a seat on the bench of the general 
court, and was assigned to the third judicial circuit. This office he 
continued to fill until the 13th of September, 1841, when he was ap- 
pointed by President Tyler secretary of the navy. On the 24th of 



478 LIVES OF THE TRESIDESTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

July, 1843, he was transferred, tinder the same administration, to 
the oiEce of secretary of state, which he held until the time of his 
death, February 28th, 1844, which was occasioned by the explosion 
of a large gun on board the United States steamer Princeton." 

The Southern Literary Messenger says, that the ancestors of Mr. 
Upshur settled upon the eastern shore of Virginia more than two 
centuries since. His family is one of the oldest in Virginia, and 
has been remarkable for staid habits and sterling worth. Genera- 
tion after generation they remained upon the Eastern Shore, cultiva- 
ting the soil, and ornamenting society. From the same source we 
learn that Mr. Upshur was considered one of the most graceful and 
accomplished orators. His style was unexceptionably good, his 
arguments forcible, and set forth in sentences remarkable for terse 
and vigorous language. His speech in the Virginia convention of 
1829-30, is said to have been one of the ablest and best delivered 
during the sitting. He never took a leading position in politics until 
called to the presidential cabinet. Mr. Upshur was an able writer, 
and one of the most polished contributors to the periodical literature 
of the country. 



WALTER FORWARD. 



Walter Forward, secretary of the treasury under President 
Tyler, was born in Connecticut in 1786. Mr. Forward was a native 
of Connecticut, where he received a liberal education. He removed 
to Pittsburg in 1803, and studied law with the late Henry Baldwin. 
In December, 1805, he became editor of the Democratic paper called 
the Tree of Liberty. From 1806 to 1822 he was engaged in the 
practice of law, and as a pleader had few equals. In 1822, he was 
elected to Congress as representative, where he continued till March, 
1825. In the great contest between Adams and Jackson, he sup- 
ported the former, and was ever thereafter numbered among the 
most distinguished members of the Whig party. In 1837, he bore a 
prominent part in the Pennsylvania convention to reform the State 
constitution. In March, 1841, General Harrison named him first 
comptroller of the treasury, which post he held until he was appointed 
by Mr. Tyler secretary of the treasury. To the enactment of the 
tariff of 1842, his able report on that subject much contributed. On 
retiring from Mr. Tyler's cabinet, he resumed and continued his 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 479 

practice at the bar, until appointed by General Taylor charge d'af- 
faires to Denmark, where he spent several years, resigning his 
situation to return home in order to accept the office of president- 
judge of the district court of Allegheny county, to which he had 
been called by popular election. While in court, employed in his 
judicial duties, he was suddenly taken ill, and died in forty-eight 
hours, November 24, 1852. 

Mr. Forward was a man of uncommon private worth, of incor- 
ruptible honesty, of kindly sympathies, and great benevolence. He 
struggled long and heroically with comparative poverty, but it was 
his good fortune to achieve success, with the good wishes and the good 
opinion of all. 



JOHN C. SPENCER. 

Mr. Spencer, we believe, is a native of the State of New York. 
At any rate, that state has been the great theatre of his active and 
distinguished political life. He was, for many years, secretary of 
state of New York ; and in this capacity had the superintendence 
of the public schools. It was under his auspices that the admirable 
system of school libraries, which has been found so eminently useful 
in that State, was matured and brought into successful operation. 
Perhaps, among all the public services of Mr. Spencer, this will be 
the most lasting in its effects. 

Under the presidency of Mr. Tyler, Mr. Spencer was appointed 
secretary of war, on the 12th of October, 1841. This appointment 
took place in the recess of the senate ; and it was confirmed by that 
body on the 20th of December of the same year. On the resigna- 
tion of the office of secretary of the treasury by the Hon. Walter 
Forward of Pennsylvania, Mr. Spencer resigned his place in the 
war department, and was appointed to succeed Mr. Forward as 
secretary of the treasury, on the 3d of March, 1843, in which office 
he continued to serve until the 15th of June, 1844, when he resigned. 
It was the singular and painful lot of Mr. Spencer, while he was a 
member of Mr. Tyler's cabinet, to suffer a domestic loss of the most 
unparalleled kind. His son was put to death for an alleged mutiny, 
while serving as an officer on board of one of the national vessels. 



480 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



GEORGE M. BIBB. 

George M. Bibb, who succeeded John C. Spencer as secretary of 
the treasury, was born in Virginia. He emigrated to Kentucky when 
young, studied law, and soon distinguished himself at the bar for his 
legal acquirements, solid judgment, and cogent reasoning. He rose 
rapidly in his profession, and it was not long before he was numbered 
among the ablest and soundest lawyers in the country. He became 
well known in a short time, was in politics a republican, acquired the 
esteem and confidence of his countrymen, to which his honest, con- 
sistent, and undeviating advocacy of the rights of the occupying 
claimants contributed not a" little. He was appointed by the legisla- 
ture of Kentucky to defend the occupying claimant-laws before the 
supreme court of the United States, and against the State of Vir- 
ginia, — a trust which he discharged with great ability and in a very 
satisfactory manner to his countrymen. 

Judge Bibb has been three times chief-justice of the State of 
Kentucky — the second time upon the reorganization of the court of 
appeals at the session of 1824-5 — consequently he belonged to the new 
court side of the old and new court question, by which the State was 
so long and so fearfully agitated about that time, and of course 
believed in the competency of the legislature to enact what were 
called relief laws — including laws for the stay of execution, replevin 
laws, and laws for the valuation of property taken in execution — 
without which power, the legislative branch of the government would 
seem to be imperfect. 

Judge Bibb has been twice elected to the Senate of the United 
States — the last time when General Jackson was first elected Presi- 
dent of the United States, to whom he gave his cordial support, 
both when the general was first a candidate in 1824, and when he 
was elected in 1828 — which support was in a short time withdrawn, 
however. 

Upon the judge's retirement from the senate, he was appointed 
chancellor of the chancery court of the city of Louisville, in which 
tribunal he fully sustained his high character as an able and impar- 
tial administrator of justice. And in that ofiice he continued until 
invited, in 1844, by President Tyler, to take charge of the treasury 
department of the United States. From this he retired in 1845, 
upon the inauguration of President Polk ; and since then he has 
resided at Washington city, practicing law in the supreme court of 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 481 

the United States, and in the courts of the district of Columbia; and 
has the rare good fortune of enjoying, in the evening of his life, much 
of the activity, with all the mental vigour and vivacity of his younger 
days. 



JAMES M. PORTER. 



James M. Porter was the son of a gallant and patriotic father — 
General Andrew Porter of Montgomery county, Pennsylvania. Ge- 
neral Porter served with distinction in the Revolution, and President 
Madison offered him a commission of brigadier-general in the regular 
army, and also the post of secretary of war, both of which he de- 
clined. James M. Porter was born near Norristown, in Montgomery 
county. Having received an excellent education, he studied law, 
and soon became distinguished. He had his father's inclination for 
military affairs, and became a general of militia. He also held a 
number of civil offices, and became an influential politician. He was 
appointed secretary of war by President Tyler, and, during his short 
service in that position, gave evidence of much ability and energy. 



WILLIAM WILKINS. 



"William Wilkins was born in Alleghany county, Pennsylvania. 
He was educated for the bar. As an advocate, Judge Hall speaks 
of him as "being distinguished for his graceful, easy style of speak- 
ing, and his acuteness in the development of testimony." He suc- 
ceeded Judge Roberts upon the bench of the Alleghany circuit, and 
his great capacity for business, and decided political action, secured 
for him a large number of public offices. He was appointed minister 
to Russia under Martin Van Buren's administration, and secretary 
of war under the administration of John Tyler. Since his retirement 
from that position, Mr. Wilkins has been an active member of the 
Democratic party. He resides at his splendid mansion, near Pitts- 
burg, Pennsylvania. His character is estimable in every respect. 

31 



482 LIVES OF THE PRESID^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

DAVID HENSHAW. 

David Henshaw, -who succeeded Mr. Upshur as secretary of the 
navy, was born in Massachusetts, in 1792. He was a man of marked 
energy of character. Engaged for many years in successful com- 
merce, he likewise took an active part in politics, espousing the 
Democratic side. By General Jackson he was made, in April, 1830, 
collector of the port of Boston, and for eight years discharged his 
duties with fidelity and discretion. In 1843, he was appointed secre- 
tary of the navy by President Tyler, though the nomination was not 
confirmed by the Senate. He ardently aided the cause of internal 
improvements in Massachusetts, and was one of the original directors 
of the Boston and Worcester railroad. The numerous contributions 
of Mr. Henshaw to the public journals, especially to the Boston Post, 
commanded much attention. During his last years he suffered 
severely from an hereditary malady, the gout, which necessarily 
diminished his activity in public matters, though without impairing 
his interest in them, or diverting him from many purposes of private 
benevolence. 

Mr. Henshaw died on the 11th of November, 1852. 



THOMAS W. GILMER. 

This gentleman was a native of Virginia. He studied and prac- 
ticed law in that state, and early in life rose to eminence as a poli- 
tician. He was elected a member of the House of Representatives 
in the national legislature, and served for several terms. Under the 
administration of President Tyler, Mr. Gilmer received the appoint- 
ment of secretary of the navy in the place of David Henshaw, of 
Massachusetts, whose nomination had been rejected by the senate. 
Mr. Gilmer's nomination was confirmed by the Senate of the United 
States on the 15th of February, 1844. 

Unfortunately, Mr. Gilmer's term of service in this important 
office was cut short by one of those terrible catastrophes which, 
at rare intervals, startle and astonish the country by their dis- 
astrous effects. On the occasion of the president, his cabinet, and 
other distinguished persons being invited to visit the national steam- 
ship Princeton, then in the waters of the Potomac, (February 25th, 
1844,) an explosion of the large gun of the steamship took place, 
killing and wounding a number of persons. Among the unfortunate 
victims of this disastrous accident, was Mr. Gilmer. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 483 



JOHN Y. MASON. 

John Y. Mason is a native of Southampton county, Virginia. 
He was educated for the bar, and was so able and successful a law- 
yer as to be elevated early in life to the bench of one of the dis- 
trict courts of the State. His first appearance in Congress was 
during the administration of General Jackson. His congressional 
career exhibited marked ability, and his agreeable and conciliating 
address rendered him a popular member of Congress. 

Mr. Mason was first advanced to the cabinet by Mr. Tyler, who 
appointed him to the office of secretary of the navy. On Mr. 
Polk's accession to the presidency, Mr. Mason accepted the office 
of attorney-general, which he retained till Mr. Bancroft's appoint- 
ment to the office of minister to the court of St. James, when he 
was a second time appointed as secretary of the navy, which office 
he held through the period of the Mexican war, and till the close 
of Mr. Polk's administration. Soon after Mr. Pierce's accession to 
office, Mr. Mason was appointed minister near the imperial court of 
Napoleon III., in which station he is still serving his country, (1855.) 

In the latter part of the year 1854, Mr. Mason assisted at the 
famous diplomatic conference at Ostend, which has furnished so pro- 
lific a source of discussion in our political circles and in the news- 
papers. The diplomatists assembled on that memorable occasion, 
were Mr. Mason, Mr. Buchanan, the American ambassador at the 
Court of St. James, Mr. Soule, our ambassador to Spain, and, if we 
recollect rightly, Mr. Belmont, the American chargd d'affaires at the 
Hague. It appears, by the correspondence between Mr, Soul^ and 
Mr. Marcy, then secretary of state, that the chief subject of their 
conference was the proposed acquisition of Cuba by the United 
States. But a change in the policy of the administration, appears to 
have occasioned their abandonment of that object for the present. 

In attempting to pass through to France, on his return from the 
Ostend conference to Madrid, Mr. Soul^ Avas refused permission to 
land, and went over to London. Mr. Mason's spirited remonstrance 
against this inhospitality of the French government, was instantly 
followed by a free passage through France being accorded to Mr. SouM. 

Soon after this transaction, Mr. Mason was suddenly affected by a 
paralytic attack, which occasioned much alarm to his friends. The 
most recent advices, however, report him as decidedly convalescent. 



484 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJTTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



AMOS KENDALL. 

We are unable to find any record of the birthplace of this gentle- 
man, except that, in the notice of his accession to office, he is spoken 
of as from Kentucky. In early life he was a tutor in the family of 
Henry Clay. He first became conspicuous as a politician during the 
administration of John Quincy Adams. He was one of the most 
earnest advocates for the election of General Jackson to the office 
of president. When that illustrious patriot was elected, his measures 
found no abler or more eloquent supporter than Mr. Kendall. As 
a political writer, he displayed the most signal ability. President 
Jackson soon learned to appreciate his talents, and honoured him 
with his confidence to such an extent as to attract the attention of 
all parties at the seat of government. 

During his second administration, President Jackson appointed 
Mr. Kendall to the important office of postmaster-general. He was 
appointed on the 1st of May, 1835, in the recess of the senate. His 
nomination was confirmed on the 9th of March, 1836. He is said 
to have been one of the ablest postmasters-general the country has 
ever had. After President Jackson's decease, Mr. Kendall com- 
menced a life of him, which was issued in numbers by the Messrs. 
Harper, of New York. From the pressure of other affairs, it appears 
that Mr. Kendall has never found time to complete this interesting 
and able work. 

Recently, Mr. Kendall has become interested in the electric tele- 
graph, and devotes the whole of his time to that concern. He 
resides in New York. 



HUGH S. LEGARE. 



Hugh Swinton Legare, for a short time attorney-general of the 
United States under President Tyler, was born in Charleston, South 
Carolina, on the 2d of Januar}'-, 1797. After receiving his early 
education in that city, he was sent to the school in the Abbeville 
district of the State, on the Savannah River, which was conducted by 
the Rev. Dr. Moses Waddell. When fourteen years of age, he was 
transferred to the college at Columbia. While there, his chief atten- 
tion was given to the study of the Greek and Latin classics ; although 



. AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 485 

his recitations in every department of the course of instruction were 
equal to those of any of his fellow-students. He graduated in De- 
cember, 1841, with the highest honours of the institution ; and on 
his return to Charleston, where his mother continued to reside, (his 
father died Avhen he was quite young,) he entered upon the study of 
the law. He did not, however, like most young men who intend to 
practice the law as a profession, place himself formally in a lawyer's 
office, but was directed in his course of reading at home, on legal 
subjects, by an eminent member of the bar, Mr. Mitchell King, 
afterward Judge King. Three years were employed in this 
manner, relieved by the perusal of works of ancient and modern 
literature. 

At the expiration of this term Mr. Legare went to Europe, with a 
fixed resolution to make his journey essentially one for improvement 
in knowledge, rather than for the mere gratification of an idle curio- 
sity. During his stay at Paris, he applied himself particularly to 
the acquisition of a critical acquaintance with the French language, 
and with so much success as to be subsequently remarked for the 
correctness and elegance with which he spoke it. He also rendered 
himself familiar with the French writers of most reputation ; and a 
portion of every day was devoted to the language and literature of 
modern Italy. From Paris he went by the way of London to Edin- 
burgh, where, besides attending the classes of Playfair, Leslie, and 
Murray, on natural philosophy, mathematics, and chemistry, he de- 
voted many hours each day to the study of the civil law, and, as a 
relaxation from severer occupations, prosecuted an extensive course 
of Italian reading. The spring of 1819 was employed by him in 
visiting different parts of England and Scotland ; the summer was 
spent in London ; and in the following autumn he travelled through 
Holland, Belgium, and France. He returned to his own country in 
the beginning of the year 1820, when he took up his residence, with 
his mother and a younger sister, on a plantation on John's Island, 
not very remote from Charleston. After two years occupied in agri- 
cultural pursuits, rendered necessary for retrieving his mother's 
affairs, which had become embarrassed during his absence, he suc- 
ceeded in making an advantageous sale of this property. The family, 
in consequence, went back to Charleston, and then it was that Mr. 
Legare commenced the practice of his profession. 

In 1820, he was elected to the State legislature from the parish 
of which John's Island was a part, and continued to represent it for 
four years : he represented the city of Charleston in that body from 
1824 down to the time of his election to be attorney-general of the 



486 LIVES OF THE PRESIDElgTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

State, in 1830. In the division of parties on general politics, he 
sided with that which held the doctrine of a strict construction of 
the constitution and limited powers of the government of the Union, 
but was, notwithstanding, one of those who, when it was proposed to 
enforce the doctrine by State interposition, dissented from the con- 
stitutionality and expediency of the measure proposed. 

On the establishment of the "Southern Review," in 1827, Mr. 
Legare was selected, jointly with Mr. Stephen Elliott, as the editors 
of it. A principal object of this work was to serve as an organ for 
the political doctrines which prevailed in the southern section of the 
United States. Mr. Legare, we are told, consented to engage in 
this undertaking from a wish to gratify his friends who were anxious 
that he should do so, and from his State feeling, — " for he was then 
sensible, that a reputation of being occupied in the pursuits of litera- 
ture was detrimental to his standing at the bar." He contributed a 
greater number of articles to the Review than any other individual; 
and it ceased to exist when, on his appointment to the office of attor- 
ney-general of South Carolina, he became so actively employed in 
the labours of his profession as to withdraw from it altogether his 
co-operation. 

The merits of an argument pronounced by Mr. Legare before the 
supreme court of the United States at Washington, and especially 
the unusual display of civil law erudition which he made on that oc- 
casion, produced an intimacy between him and Mr. Edward Livingston, 
who was then secretary of state, that, in its turn, led to his appoint- 
ment, in 1832, to be charg^ d'affaires of the United States in Belgium. 
His residence at Brussels was continued till the autumn of 1836, 
when, after a tour through Northern Germany, he once more returned 
to his own country ; and as a considerable portion of his time while 
abroad had been devoted to serious study, he returned to it with a 
very enlarged knowledge of the civil law, as well as an acquaintance 
with the German language and literature. It had been his intention 
to resume the practice of his profession on reaching America, but 
was for a short time diverted from his purpose by the wishes of his 
friends, who had, in expectation of his arrival, already put him in 
nomination for Congress. He went into this body as a supporter 
of the administration of Mr. Van Buren ; and on taking ground 
against it, on account of his disapprobation of the financial policy 
which it proposed, he lost the favour of his constituents, and failed 
of a re-election. He at length felt himself at perfect liberty to fol- 
low his own predilections, and to recommence the practice of his 
profession in South Carolina. Cases of great importance were con- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 487 

fided to him, and he speedily occupied a conspicuous position in the 
foremost ranks of the bar. 

In the mean time, however, Mr. Legare did not entirely abstract 
himself from the political contentions of the day, or allow his profes- 
sional avocations to prevent him from taking an active part, by 
addresses delivered at New York, Richmond, and elsewhere, in pro- 
moting the election of General Harrison to the presidency. In 1841, 
he w^as selected by Mr. Tyler to fill the office of attorney-general of 
the United States, for which he was eminently qualified, and in per- 
forming the duties of which he commanded the respect of all par- 
ties. Besides performing those duties, he was, for a long ad interim 
period, the acting secretary of state during Mr. Tyler's administra- 
tion of the government. His death occurred on the 16th of June, 
1843, at Boston, whither he had accompanied the president to assist 
in the approaching Bunker Hill celebration. 

In addition to his articles in the "Southern Review," Mr. Legare 
is the author of those in the "Noav York Review" on "Demosthenes, 
the Man, the Orator, and the Statesman," on the "Athenian Demo- 
cracy," and on the "Origin, History, and Influence of the Roman 
Law," all of which are composed in an elaborate and copious style, 
9.nd are replete with learning and keen and subtle disquisition. 



JOHN NELSON. 



On examining the list of the men who have filled the office of 
attorney-general since Washington's time, we find some of the most 
illustrious names in American history. Edmund Randolph of Vii'- 
ginia, was the first. He was one of the able men who formed our 
Constitution, and was also distinguished as Governor of Virginia. 
His successor, William Bradford, was one of the ablest lawyers of 
Pennsylvania. Next comes Charles Lee, a Virginian of distinguished 
ability, who held various offices requiring talents of a high order. 
His successor, Theophilis Parsons of Massachusetts, has always 
been considered the greatest of all the New England jurists. Hardly 
less eminent as a lawyer was Levi Lincoln of Massachusetts, who 
acted at one time as governor of that state. Among the successors 
of these remarkable men, we recognise the not less remarkable names 
of Robert Smith of Maryland, John Breckenridge of Kentucky, 



488 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEMTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Caesar A. Rodney of Pennsylvania, William Pinckney of Maryland, 
Richard Rush of Pennsylvania, William Wirt of Virginia, John 
Macpherson Berrien of Georgia, Roger Brooke Taney of Maryland, 
Benjamin F. Butler of New York, Felix Grundy of Tennessee, Henry 
D. Gilpin of Pennsylvania, John F. Crittenden of Kentucky, and 
Hugh S. Legare of South Carolina. This brings us up to the admi- 
nistration of Mr. Tyler, during which Mr. Nelson was appointed. 
He is a native of Maryland, and was appointed attorney-general in 
the recess of the senate, on the 1st of July, 1843. His nomination 
was confirmed on the 2d of January, 1844. He resigned, and was 
succeeded by John G. Mason on the 5th of March, 1845. 



CHARLES A. WICKLIFFE. 

Charles A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general under President Tyler, 
was born in Nelson county, Kentucky, about 1790. He remained at 
home until his seventeenth year, when manifesting a desire for an 
education, he was sent to a grammar school in Bardstown, where he 
remained one year. He afterward enjoyed the benefit of Dr. Blythe's 
instructions for about nine months. 

Expressing a desire to study law, he was placed under the tuition 
of his relative. General Martin D. Hardin. He was forced to enter 
upon the practice of his profession after a shorter term of prepara- 
tion than was usual at that day, — for his father's property was little 
more than adequate to the support of his family ; and young Wick- 
liffe found himself almost wholly dependent upon his own exertions 
for the means of subsistence. His appearance at the bar was greeted 
by many warm friends of his youth, to whose kindness he was much, 
indebted for his subsequent success, and for whom he has ever ex- 
pressed the most grateful regard. Yet he had to struggle against a 
tremendous competition. 

When the popular mind began to be deeply moved in reference to 
the vindication of our national rights and honour against the mari- 
time tyranny of England, Mr. Wickliffe took an active part, by 
public addresses, in preparing the people of that part of Kentucky 
in which he was then known, to support a declaration of war, and to 
take a share in the struggle worthy of her renown for courage and 
patriotism. After war had been declared in 1812, he entered the 
service as a volunteer, but was soon after appointed aid to General 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 489 

Winlock. He had been chosen to represent Nelson county in the 
legislature, which met in December, 1812. This was an important 
session. Kentucky had responded, with her usual alacrity, to the 
call of the country. During the preceding summer, great numbers 
of volunteers had left their homes for the hardships and perils of the 
northwestern campaign. The general government having failed, in 
a great measure, to provide for their wants, the legislature threw 
open the treasury of the State, and, at the same time that they 
devoted her revenues to the public service, pledged the lives of her 
sons to the cause of the nation. 

While this legislature was in session, came the news of that dread- 
ful disaster at the Raisin, which covered the State with mourning. 
The two houses requested the venerable Governor Shelby, then in 
the executive chair, to take command of the Kentuckians, and lead 
them to victory and vengeance. Of all these measures for the vigor- 
ous prosecution of the war, Mr. Wickliffe was the zealous and efficient 
advocate. His re-election in 1813, was the best proof that his con- 
stituents approved his legislative conduct. 

When Governor Shelby issued his proclamation, inviting his fel- 
low-citizens to meet him at Newport, Mr. Wickliffe again volunteered, 
and was appointed aid to General Caldwell, of the Kentucky troops, 
in which capacity he was present, and rendered valuable service, at 
the battle of the Thames. After that battle he returned to Ken- 
•tucky, and served in the ensuing session of the legislature. He then 
withdrew from public life, being under the necessity of providing for 
a family, by undivided attention to his professional business. In 
1820, he was again elected to the legislature. In the session of that 
year the commonwealth bank was chartered. Mr. Wickliffe made an 
able speech against that measure, basing his opposition to it not only 
upon constitutional ground, but also upon the evils and dangers of 
the paper system. He continued a member of the legislature until 
his election to Congress in 1822. In 1825, when the choice of a 
president devolved upon the house of representatives, Mr. Wickliffe, 
in opposition to most of his colleagues, voted for General Jackson, 
in accordance with the wishes of a large majority of the people whom 
he represented. He preferred General Jackson to Mr. Adams, from 
his personal knowledge of their characters, as well as of their views 
in relation to the fundamental principles of the federal government. 
His re-election to Congress, by the unusually large majority of two 
thousand votes, was a decisive proof of the approbation of his con- 
stituents. He continued to represent the same district in Congress 
until 1833, when the pressure of domestic cares and professional 



490 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

business compelled him once more to retire from public life. During 
his ten years' service in the councils of the nation, his reputation 
steadily rose as a debater and a man of business. He was for several 
years chairman of the important committee of public lands, and was 
chosen by the house one of the managers of the impeachment of 
Judge Peck, in which capacity he appeared before the senate and 
made one of the ablest speeches reported in the proceedings of that 
celebrated trial. 

Mr. Wickliffe was not long permitted to remain in retirement. The 
same year in which he left Congress, he was called upon by the people 
of Nelson county to represent them in the legislature. In the ses- 
sion of 1834, he was chosen speaker of the house of representatives. 
At a subsequent session Mr. Wickliffe drafted, supported, and carried 
through the legislature, in the face of violent opposition, the bill 
establishing the present jury system of Kentucky. 

Scarcely had he left the legislature, when, in 1836, he was chosen 
lieutenant-governor of Kentucky, by which he became president of 
the senate. His commanding person, dignified manners, and prompt 
decision, well qualify him to preside over a deliberative body. In 
1839, by the death of Governor Clarke, he became the acting go- 
vernor of the commonwealth, and discharged the duties of that high 
ofiice with ability, integrity, and to the general satisfaction of the 
public. 

In 1841, he was called by Mr. Tyler to a seat in his cabinet, as 
postmaster-general of the United States. 

Since his retirement from that ofiice, he has been an active politi- 
cian, and his infiuence is vast in his native district. Mr. Wickliffe 
is an able lawyer, and a fluent, though not a brilliant orator. 

It is not often that the same man is known to achieve vei-y high 
distinction both in the field and in the cabinet. The qualifications 
of an able and daring soldier are so diverse from those which we 
generally attribute to the statesman, that when, as in the instances 
of Washington and Jackson, we recognise the very highest kind of 
ability in both departments, it occasions a sort of surprise. In Ge- 
neral Jackson's case, we remember distinctly, that his success as a 
military commander, and that energy and decision which he exhi- 
bited in extraordinary emergencies, were urged against his election 
by his political opponents as positive disqualifications ; and the 
people were warned of the danger of electing a "military chieftain" 
to the presidency. But the result showed that he was not less 
efficient in the cabinet than in the field. Mr. Wickliffe's talents 
were of the same order. 



Jiks of tjji: ^rtsknts of i\t HiiM State, 

AND SKETCHES OE THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



ii0gra,pl]ks at Hit Wm-^§xmknU m^ % Hmkris 0f tl]^ Cabiiuts. 



JAMES KNOX POLK. 

James Knox Polk, the eleventh president of the United States, 
was born in Mecklenburg county, North Carolina, on the 2d of No- 
vember, 1795. His father, Samuel Polk, was a plain, hard-working 
farmer. 

Immediately after the close of the Revolution, a strong tide of 
emigration set out from Mecklenburg and the adjoining counties, and 
flowing over the mountains, rolled down upon the ranges of grassy 
hills, the undulating plains, the extensive reaches of grazing land, 
and the fertile valleys of Tennessee. Attracted by the glowing ac- 
counts, given by the first settlers and adventurers, of the beautiful 
daughter of his native State, Samuel Polk formed a determination to 
remove thither with his family ; and if honesty of purpose, enterprise, 
and industry could accomplish that end, to achieve a competence 
for himself, and those who looked up to him for support and pro- 
tection. 

From one cause or another the fulfilment of his design was post- 
poned till the autumn of the year 1806, when, accompanied by his 
wife and children, he followed the path of emigration to the rich 
valley of the Duck river, one of the principal tributaries of the Ten- 
nessee. Here, in the midst of the wilderness, in a tract of country 
erected in the following year into the county of Maury, he esta- 
blished his new home. 

Having purchased a quantity of land, Samuel Polk employed him- 
self in its cultivation; following, at intervals, the occupation of a 
surveyor. By dint of patient industry and economy, and by his 
untiring and energetic perseverance, he acquired a fortune equal to 
his wishes and his wants. Respected as one of the first pioneers of 
Maury, and esteemed as a useful citizen and an estimable man, he 

491 



402 LIVES OF THE PRESIDBNTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

finally closed his life at Columbia, in 1827. His wife, a most ex- 
cellent and pious woman, afterward married a gentleman by the 
name of Eden. 

Her son James passed his boyhood m the humble position in life 
which his parents occupied. He was by no means a stranger to 
what — unless, as in his case, accompanied by a happy and contented 
heart — is the drudgery of daily toil. He assisted his father in the 
management of his farm, and was his almost constant companion in 
his surveying excursions. Frequently absent for weeks together, 
treading the dense forests and traversing the rough canebrakes 
which then covered the face of the country, they were exposed to 
all the changes of the weather, and the dangers and vicissitudes of a 
life in the woods. On these occasions, it was the duty of James to 
take care of the pack-horses and camp equipage, and to prepare the 
scanty and frugal meals of the surveying party. When a lad, he 
was strongly inclined to study, and often busied himself with the 
mathematical calculations of his father. He was very fond of read- 
ing, and was of a reflective turn of mind. 

In the infancy of the State of Tennessee, as is always the case in 
new settlements, the opportunities of instruction were quite limited. 
The father of young Polk was not in affluent circumstances, though 
able to give all his children a good education. He regarded with 
favour the natural bent of his son's mind toward study, and kept him 
pretty constantly at school. Though afflicted for many years by a 
painful affection, from which he was only relieved by a surgical 
operation, James had been completely successful in mastering the 
English studies usually taught, when his health began to give way. 
Fearing that his constitution had become so much weakened as to 
unfit him altogether for a sedentary life, his father, not without 
many an earnest remonstrance from his son, placed him with a mer- 
chant, with the view of fitting him for commercial pursuits. This 
was a severe blow to James. All his dearest hopes seemed about to 
be prostrated for ever. He had no taste for the new duties that de- 
volved on him, and their performance was irksome to him in the 
extreme. He had an antipathy, of which he could not divest him- 
self, to the mercantile profession. After remaining a few weeks with 
the merchant, James obtained the permission of his father, by much 
entreaty and persuasion, to return home ; and, in the month of July, 
1813, he was placed under the tuition of the Rev. Dr. Henderson. 
Subsequently he was sent to Murfreesborough Academy, then under 
the superintendence of Mr. Samuel P. Black, one of the most cele- 
brated classical teachers in Middle Tennessee. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 493 

Henceforward there were no obstacles in the way of his obtaining 
the education he so ardently desired. In less than two years and a 
half he prepared himself thoroughly for an advanced class in college ; 
and in the autumn of 1815, being then in his twentieth year, he 
entered the University of North Carolina, at Chapel Hill, at the 
beginning of the sophomore year. This venerable institution, at 
which so many of the most distinguished statesmen, and the most 
eminent divines, in the southern part of the Union, have been edu- 
cated, was then under the charge of the Rev. Dr. Joseph Caldwell. 

At the university, Mr. Polk was most exemplary in the performance 
of all his duties, not only as a member of college, but also of the 
literary society to which he belonged. He was punctual and prompt 
in every exercise, and never absent from recitation or any of the 
religious services of the institution. Of the exact sciences he was 
fond, and he was an excellent linguist. At each semi-annual examina- 
tion he bore away the highest honours, and at the close of the junior 
year the first distinction was awarded to him and Ex-Governor 
William D. Moseley, of Florida. He graduated in June, 1818, with 
the highest distinction, which was assigned to him alone, as the best 
scholar in both the mathematics and classics, and delivered the Latin 
salutatory oration. 

Mr. Polk did not forget his Alma Mater amid the busy scenes, the 
turmoil and confusion of his active life ; nor did she lose sight of 
one who reflected so much credit upon her, in every station that he 
filled. At the annual commencement in June, 1847, the honorary 
degree of doctor of laws was conferred upon him, together with John 
Y. Mason, late secretary of the navy, of the class of 1816, and Willie 
P. Mangum, of the senate of the United States, and a member of 
the class of 1815. 

When Mr. Polk left the university, his health was considerably 
impaired by his constant and unremitting application to his studies. 
But a few months of relaxation and respite from study were sufficient 
to fully restore him ; and the choice of a profession was then to be 
considered and decided. This was not at all difiicult. His thoughts 
had long been directed toward the law, and each succeeding year 
had served to confirm and strengthen the desire which he had half 
formed ere the time came for serious reflection. At the beginning 
of the year 1819, he entered the ofiice of Felix Grundy, at Nash- 
ville. Mr. Grundy was then in the zenith of his fame — at the head 
of the Tennessee bar — enjoying the professional honours and rewards 
which continued to flow liberally upon him — and with the laurels he 
had won on the floor of the house of representatives of the United 



494 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

States in defence of the war measures of President Madisou, bloom- 
ing freshly on his brow. In him, Mr. Polk found a legal preceptor 
whose rich stores of learning were freely opened for his profit and 
instruction. 

Beside being the favourite student of Mr. Grundy, it was the good 
fortune of Mr. Polk, during his residence at Nashville, to attract the 
attention and to win the esteem of one who bound his friends to him 
with hooks of steel, and whose favour could not be too highly prized; 
of one whose influence over him, powerful though it was, was at all 
times voluntarily and cheerfully acknowledged — of Andrew Jackson, 
the gallant defender of New Orleans, who was always warmly attached 
to Mr. Polk, and who, looking upon him as in some sort a proteg^, 
and took a deep interest in his political advancement. 

Within two years from the time he entered the office of Mr. 
Grundy, Mr. Polk had made sufficient progress in his legal studies to 
entitle him to an examination; and, near the close of 1820, he was 
regularly admitted to the bar. He now returned to Maury county, 
and established himself in practice at Columbia, among the com- 
panions of his boyhood, who had grown up with him to man's estate, 
— amonw those who had known and esteemed him from his earliest 
years. His advantages were great, in consequence of the connection 
of his family, by the ties of blood or of friendship, with most of the 
old inhabitants and their descendants. His success, therefore, was 
equal to his fondest hopes. 

Mr. Polk remained at the bar, it may be said, up to the time of 
his election as governor of Tennessee, but for several years he de- 
voted himself exclusively to the laborious duties of his calling, con- 
stantly adding to his practice and his reputation, and annually reaping 
a rich harvest of professional emoluments. Among his law partners 
were Aaron V. Brown, of Pulaski, for some years a representative in 
Congress from the sixth district, (Tennessee,) and governor of the 
State from 1845 to 1847, and Gideon J. Pillow, a major-general in 
the army during the war with Mexico. 

The father of Mr. Polk belonged to the Jeffersonian school of po- 
litics : he supported its founder in the great contest of 1800, and 
up to the close of his life was the firm and consistent advocate 
of Republican principles. The associations of the son, in early 
life, and while he was reading law, naturally inclined him to adopt 
the same opinions. 

It is rarely the case, in this country, that the politician and the 
lawyer are not united in one and the same person ; and Mr. Polk 
was not an exception to this general rule. As soon as he became a 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 495 

voter lie attached himself to the Republican party, and, after his ad- 
mission to the bar, was an active participant in the political contests 
of that day. His style and manner as a public speaker were calcu- 
lated to win the favour of a popular assembly, and he was often sent 
for many miles from his home to address the meetings of his party 
friends. His reputation in this respect was extensive. 

Possessing all the advantages of mind and disposition so necessary 
to success in an aspirant for political honours ; rooted in the affections 
of a large circle of admiring friends ; the hope of the party to which 
he belonged, he entered public life at an early age. His first em- 
ployment in this character was that of chief clerk to the house of 
representatives of the Tennessee legislature ; and, in the summer of 
1823, in accordance not more with his own desire than with the 
wishes of his friends, he took the stump against the former member 
of that body from Maury. A most formidable opposition was en- 
countered, but after an animated canvass he secured his election by 
a heavy majority. 

He remained in the legislature for two successive years, being 
regarded as one of the most talented and promising members. 

On the 1st day of January, 1824, Mr. Polk was married to Sarah 
Childress, the daughter of Joel Childress, a wealthy and enterprising 
merchant of Rutherford county, Tennessee. 

Mrs. Polk was well fitted to adorn any station. To the charms 
of a fine person she united intellectual accomplishments of a high 
order. Sweetness of disposition, gracefulness and ease of manner, 
and beauty of mind, were happily blended in her character. Her 
unfailing courtesy and her winning deportment were remarked by 
every one who saw her presiding at the White House. 

In the spring of 1825, Mr. Polk offered himself to the electors of 
the sixth or Duck river district, in which he resided, as their candi- 
date for Congress. At this time the subject of internal improve- 
ments was attracting unusual attention in Tennessee, owing, pro- 
bably, to the examinations recently made by the board of engineers, 
under the act of 1824, of the country between the Potomac and Ohio 
rivers. Indeed, it was the only political question of importance — 
except the manner in which General Jackson, whom Mr. Polk had 
ardently supported, had been defrauded, as was alleged by his 
friends, of the presidency — that was then agitated or discussed ; 
for, although there had been several candidates voted for at the late 
presidential election, they all claimed to belong to the same party. 

Although Mr. Polk, like many other young men belonging to the 
Republican party, was disposed, in 1825, to adopt the impression 



496 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

that the authority to construct works of internal improvement was 
comprehended in the money-power conferred by the constitution, 
further reflection and experience caused him to change his opinion. 

At the August election in 1825, he was chosen a member of Con- 
gress, by a flattering vote. That he discharged his duties to the 
entire satisfaction of those whom he represented, is evidenced by the 
fact, that he was repeatedly returned by the same constituency, for 
fourteen years in succession, from 1825 to 1839. In the latter year 
he voluntarily withdrew from another contest, in which his success 
was not even questionable, in order to become a candidate for the 
office of governor of his adopted State. Mr. Polk first took his seat 
in the house of representatives, as a member of the nineteenth Con- 
gress, in December, 1825 ; being, with one or two exceptions, the 
youngest member of that body. The same habits of laborious appli- 
cation which had previously characterized him, were now displayed 
on the floor of the house and in the committee-room. He was 
punctual and prompt in the performance of every duty. 

Immediately after the organization of the two hotses of Congress, 
in December, 1825, the peculiar circumstances attending the election 
of Mr. Adams, through the influence and aid of Mr. Clay, were 
brought up in review. Amendments to the constitution were pro- 
posed in the senate by Mr. Benton, of Missouri, providing for a 
direct vote by the people, in districts, for president, and dispensing 
with the electoral colleges ; and by Mr. Dufiie, of South Carolina, in 
the house, authorizing the electors to be chosen by districts, and 
containing provisions which would prevent the choice of president, 
in future, from devolving on the house of representatives. Mr. Polk 
made his debut as a speaker on this question, and advocated the 
amendment of the constitution, in such a manner as to give the 
choice of president and vice-president directly to the people. As 
one of the friends of General Jackson, he entered warmly into the 
subject, and his speech was characterized by what was with him an 
unusual degree of animation in addressing a deliberative body. 

During the whole period of General Jackson's administration, as 
long as he retained a seat on the floor, he was one of its leading sup- 
porters, and at times, and on certain questions of paramount im- 
portance, its chief reliance. In the hour of trial he was never found 
wanting, or from his post. 

The same cordial and unhesitating support which Mr. Polk gave 
to the administration of General Jackson, he also yielded to that of 
Mr. Van Buren. Although, on account of his position as the speaker 
of the house, he took no part in the discussions, he approved of all 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 497 

tlie prominent measures recommended by Mr. Van Buren, inckuling 
the cession of the public lands to the States, the pre-emption law, 
and the independent treasury, and exerted his influence to secure 
their adoption. 

In regard to the tariff question, and the kindred measure of dis- 
tribution for many years inseparably connected with it, his views 
were repeatedly expressed. In his report as chairman of the select 
committee on the surplus in the treasury, made at the session of 
1827-8, he declared his preferences for a revenue tariff. 

Although the vote of Tennessee, given at the presidential election 
in 1828, was almost unanimous in favour of General Jackson, indica- 
tions of dissatisfaction were manifested by some of the most prominent 
members of the Republican party in that State, at an early period of 
his administration. 

, As the time approached for the selection of his successor, the ele- 
m mts of discord and disaffection were plainly visible. His prefer- 
ences for Mr. Van Buren were well known, as they were never dis- 
guised. But in Tennessee, a large portion of the Republican party 
were in favour of Hugh L. White, an estimable and talented citizen 
of that State, then one of its senators in Congress. 

In the house of representatives, the White interest was represented 
by John Bell, one of the colleagues of Mr. Polk, and between whom 
there had long existed a sort of rivalship. Both claimed to be the 
sincere friends of General Jackson, and both approved of the veto 
of the United States Bank, and the removal of the deposits. But 
Mr. Bell was in favour of the incorporation of another bank, while 
Mr. Polk, in accordance with what had now become one of the cardi- 
nal doctrines of the party to which he belonged, avowed uncompro- 
mising hostility to any such institution. In June, 1834, the speaker 
of the house, Andrew Stevenson, of Virginia, resigned his seat in 
Congress, in consequence of his nomination as minister to Great 
Britain. Mr. Polk was instantly selected by the majority of the 
Democratic members, as the administration candidate for the vacant 
position. But the friends of Judge White refused to support him, 
and voted for Mr. Bell, who, with the aid of the Whig members, was 
elected over Mr. Polk on the tenth ballot. 

Shortly after the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Van Buren was 
regularly put in nomination as the Republican candidate for presi- 
dent, by the unanimous voice of the national convention assembled 
at Baltimore in May, 1835. Mr. Polk took no part in calling or 
recommending this convention. It was entirely a new movement, 
and originated mainly in a desire to organize the Republican party 

32 



498 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEI^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

in a most efficient manner, in anticipation of a powerful eifort on the 
part of the opponents of the administration to defeat their candi- 
dates. After the nominations were made, and received with an 
almost imiversal expression of approbation in everj State in the 
Union, Tennessee alone excepted, Mr. Polk announced his determi- 
nation not to separate himself from the Democratic party of the 
nation. Messrs. Carroll, Blount, Grundy, and Johnson agreed with 
him in sentiment, and active preparations were immediately made to 
carry the State at the gubernatorial and congressional elections, in 
August, 1835. But the time proved too short to counteract the 
impressions which had been formed, and to change the direction of 
the popular current. The Whigs united with the friends of Judge 
White, and succeeded in defeating Governor Carroll, who was nomi- 
nated for re-election, and all the administration candidates for Con- 
gress, save Mr. Polk and Mr. Johnson. 

When the members of the twenty-fourth Congress assembled at 
the capitol for their first regular session, in December, 1835, it was 
found that the friends of the administration were largely in the 
majority. Mr. Polk was selected by general consent as their candi- 
date for speaker, as an act of justice on account of the circumstances 
under which he was defeated the previous year. Mr. Bell was once 
more the opposing candidate, but he received eighty-four votes, while 
one hundred and thirty-two were given for Mr. Polk. At the first, 
or extra session of the twenty-fifth Congress, held in September, 
1837, the same candidates were pitted against each other — Mr. Bell 
being at that time thoroughly identified with the opposition. Parties 
were more equally divided in this Congress, but Mr. Polk was again 
chosen over his opponent by thirteen majority. 

As the speaker of the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth Congress, 
Mr. Polk occupied the chair of the house during five sessions. It 
was his fortune to fill this distinguished position when party feelings 
were excited to an unusual degree. During the first session, more 
appeals were taken from his decisions than were ever before known ; 
but he was uniformly sustained by the house, and frequently by the 
most prominent members of the opposition. He was courteous and 
affable toward all who approached him, and in his manner, as the 
presiding officer, dignity and urbanity were appropriately blended. 

At the close of the twenty-fourth Congress, in March, 1837, 
a unanimous vote of thanks to the speaker was passed by the 
house. 

In adjourning the house on the 4th of March, 1839, and termi- 
nating for ever his connection with the body, of which he had been 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 499 

SO long a member, Mr. Polk delivered a farewell address of more 
than ordinary length, but characterized by deep feeling. 

Still higher honours awaited Mr. Polk, His long and arduous 
service in the national representation, and more especially the cir- 
cumstances attending the presidential canvass of 1836, had fami- 
liarized the people of Tennessee with his name and character. 

At the earnest request of his friends, Mr. Polk consented to be- 
come the candidate of the Democrats of Tennessee, at the Auo-ust 
election in 1839, for the office of governor. It was very evident 
that none but the strongest man in the party could enter into the 
canvass with any thing like a fair prospect before him ; and it was 
exceedingly doubtful whether he could be successful. 

Mr. Polk accepted the nomination, which was tendered to him by 
the unanimous consent of his Republican friends, in the fall of 1838, 
and at a barbecue in Murfreesborough publicly declared himself a 
candidate. He immediately took the stump, but was only able to 
make a few speeches that fall, as it was necessary for him to repair 
to Washington in time for the opening of the session of Conoress. 
At the close of the session, in the spring of 1839, he hastened home 
without delay, and his voice was soon heard uttering its appeals. 
The canvass Avas warm and spirited. The State had for years been 
in the hands of the opposition, and they now rallied with enthusiasm 
and alacrity in support of Governor Cannon, the incumbent of the 
office, who was a candidate for re-election. 

The exertions of Mr. Polk during this canvass were rewarded with 
marked and complete success. He was elected over Governor 
Cannon by upward of twenty-five hundred majority, and on the 14th 
of October took the oath of office at Nashville, and entered upon the 
discharge of the executive duties. On this occasion, he delivered an 
address, which is considered to be one of the ablest documents that 
ever came from his pen. 

The administration of the State government by Mr. Polk was satis- 
factory to the public, and his course as chief-magistrate was well 
calculated to harmonize the party of which, by the death of his old 
friend and preceptor, Mr. Grundy, in 1840, he had become the ac- 
knowledged head. 

The term of office of Mr. Polk expired in October, 1841, but at 
the August election of that year, he was again a candidate. His 
prospects were dark. In 1840 the Harrison electoral ticket had suc- 
ceeded in the State by more than twelve thousand majority. To 
overcome this heavy vote was impossible; but Mr. Polk entered upon 
the canvass with his accustomed spirit and ability. His competitor 



500 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

was James C. Jones, a most effective speaker, and decidefUy the 
most popular man at that time in the Whig party of the State. 

Personal good feeling on the part of the opposing candidates cha- 
racterized this contest, as it had that of 1839. Mr. Polk frankly and 
cordially met Mr. Jones on the stump and travelled in company with 
him. All the efforts of Mr. Polk proved unavailing. The politics 
of the State were for the time fii-mly fixed in opposition to his own. 
He was defeated by the reduction of the Whig majority to about 
three thousand. In 1843 he was once more a candidate opposed to 
Governor Jones, but the latter was re-elected by nearly four thou- 
sand majority. 

On leaving the executive chair of Tennessee, Mr. Polk returned 
to private life. He possessed a competence — all that he needed or 
desired — which enabled him to be liberal in the bestowment of his 
charities, and to dispense a generous hospitality to his numerous 
friends. 

From the time of the defeat of Mr. Van Buren, in 1840, up to 
within a few weeks previous to the assembling of the national Demo- 
cratic convention at Baltimore, in May, 1844, public opinion in the 
Republican party seemed to be firmly fixed upon him as their candi- 
date for re-election to the station which he had once filled. But in 
the month of April, 1844, a treaty was concluded under the auspices 
of President Tyler, between the representatives of the government 
of the United States and of the republic of Texas, providing for the 
annexation of the latter to the American confederacy. This mea- 
sure, though long in contemplation, was fruitful in strife and dissen- 
sion. Hitherto it had been conceded on every hand, that Mr. Van 
Buren and Mr. Clay ought to be, and would be, the rival candidates 
for the presidency in 1844 ; but now the political elements were 
thrown into complete confusion. The opinions of almost every 
public man in the United States were sought ; and among others, 
Mr. Polk was addressed. He replied, arguing in favour of annexa- 
tion. 

Mr. Polk had previously been spoken of as a candidate for the 
vice-presidency of the United States. But few apprehended that 
his nomination for the presidency was so near at hand. In the 
midst of the agitation upon the subject of the annexation of Texas, 
the national Democratic convention assembled at Baltimore, (May, 
1844.) On the ninth ballot, Mr. Polk was unanimously nominated 
for the presidency of the United States. George M. Dallas was placed 
upon the same ticket as a candidate for vice-president. Both candi- 
dates were in favour of the immediate annexation of Texas. At the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 501 

election in the fall of the same year, these candidates were elected by 
a decisive majority. 

On the 4th of March, 1845, Mr. Polk was inaugurated president 
of the United States, The sentiments of the inaugural address 
were such as were expected by the Democratic party. The cabinet 
was organized as follows : — Secretary of state, James Buchanan, of 
Pennsylvania ; secretary of the treasury, Robert J. Walker, of Mis- 
sissippi ; secretary of war, William L. Marcy, of New York ; secre- 
tary of the navy, George Bancroft, of Massachusetts; attorney- 
general, John Y. Mason, of Virginia ; postmaster-general. Cave 
Johnson, of Tennessee. 

On the 15th of June, 1846, Mr. Buchanan succeeded in negotiating 
a treaty with the British minister, settling the difficulty in regard to 
the limits of Oregon Territory by fixing upon the forty-ninth parallel 
of north latitude as the northern boundary. The settlement of this 
vexatious disj^ute was a matter of congratulation on both sides of the 
Atlantic, 

But in the mean time, events of more thrilling interest had oc- 
curred. The annexation of Texas had given great offence to Mexico, 
and she refused to recognise the independence of that State. The 
Mexican people clamoured for war, and President Herrera, who was 
in favour of a pacific policy, was compelled to resign. General 
Paredes was elected in his stead. 

President Polk authorized an inquiry of the Mexican government 
if it would be willing to receive a minister extraordinary, invested 
with ample powers for a termination of difficulties. To this request 
the Mexican Congress acceded, asking, meanwhile, that during the 
proposed negotiations, the American Gulf squadron should be with- 
drawn from Vera Cruz. This being done, Mr. Slidell, the American 
envoy, proceeded to Mexico. Unfortunately, this was about the 
time that General Paredes assumed command, and the unsettled con- 
dition of the country, together with other events, caused that func- 
tionary to withdraw assent for the intended negotiations, on the 
pretence that as Mr. Slidell had been.authorized to attend to the 
settlement of former difficulties concerning Mexican outrages, his 
mission was not specially confined to the Texas question. On the 
1st of March, 1846, Mr, Slidell requested of the Mexican govern- 
ment an acknowledgment of his official character. This was refused, 
and he returned to the United States. 

Meanwhile President Polk determined on sending an armed force 
into the territory of Texas, in order to protect it from an anticipated 
invasion. 



502 LIVES OF THE PRESIDE5rTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

On the 21st of March, 1845, General Zachary Taylor was ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief of the " Corps of Observation," with 
orders to hold the forces under his command, ready to enter Texas 
whenever directed. On the 15th of June he was apprized of the 
probable speedy acceptance of the terms of annexation by the Texan 
Congress, and received orders of a confidential nature to enter the 
annexed territory. 

In August, General Taylor marched with all his forces to Corpus 
Christi, where he remained until March 11th of the next year, when, 
under instructions from the war department, he broke up his camp 
and pushed forward for the Rio Grande. At the Arroyo Colorado 
he was met by a party of stragglers, who appeared disposed to op- 
pose his crossing ; but no opposition was actually offered. On the 
24th, he took undisputed possession of Point Isabel. Previous to 
this he had been met by a deputation, protesting against his march, 
and threatening war if it were persisted in. Some buildings at the 
point were fired by the Mexicans, but the conflagration was arrested 
by Colonel Twiggs. Leaving at this place four hundred and fifty 
men, with ten cannon and ample supplies of powder and ball, under 
Major John Munroe, General Taylor continued his advance. On 
the 28th he erected the national flag on the banks of the Rio Grande, 
opposite Matamoras. On the following day, Brigadier-general Worth, 
with his staff, crossed the river, with despatches to the municipal 
authorities. He was met by a Mexican delegation, the reception of 
the papers declined, and his request of an interview with the Ame- 
rican consul refused. 

This unpropitious affair was but the commencement of difficulties. 
Immediately after, all communication with General Taylor was closed, 
and symptoms of approaching war daily multiplied. In order to 
prepare for it. General Taylor commenced the erection of a fort, to 
be defended by extensive works. More than one thousand men were 
employed upon it night and day. This redoubt, under the name of 
Fort Brown, subsequently became famous for its successful defence 
against the bombardment ot the enemy, and for the death of its 
defender. Major Jacob Brown. 

The death of Colonel Truman Cross, the first victim of the Mexican 
war, occurred on the 10th of April. This ofiicer was in the habit 
of riding out every morning for the purpose of exercise, and on this 
occasion was observed to remain from camp longer than usual. This 
circumstance occasioned many fears in camp, especially as the 
country was known to abound in numbers of lawless rancheros, who 
respected neither friend nor foe. Small parties were despatched in 



, AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 503 

every direction, but without being able to obtain any information of 
him. General Taylor wrote to the authorities of Matamoras, but they 
avowed their entire ignorance of the colonel's fate. Eleven days 
passed in a state of suspense, mingled with the faint hope that, not- 
withstanding the protestations of the Mexicans, he was a prisoner 
in Matamoras. On the 21st, the melancholy truth was ascertained. 
A straggler entered camp, and stated that the body of an American 
officer lay at some distance off. He guided a party to a thicket, in 
which lay the colonel's remains. The spot was at a short distance 
from a road leading near the river. The body had been stripped, 
and the flesh torn from it by vultures. The remains were recognised 
principally by the teeth, scalp, the stock, and one shoulder-strap. 

When news of this event reached the United States it caused much 
excitement. All felt it to be but the prelude to that wholesale 
slaughter inseparable from the fearful policy of a national appeal 
to arms. 

Previous to this (April 11th) General Ampudia entered Mata- 
moras with large reinforcements, and assumed supreme command. 
The occasion was one of exultation to the inhabitants. On the 
following day he addressed a note to General Taylor, requesting 
him to break up his camp and march for the Rio Neuces within 
twenty-four hours. 

In his answer to the above, General Taylor replied, " The instruc- 
tions under which I am acting, will not permit me to retrograde 
from the position I now occupy. In view of the relations between 
our respective governments, and the individual suffering which may 
result, I regret the alternative which you offer; but at the same 
time wish it understood, that I shall by no means avoid such alterna- 
tive, leaving the responsibility with those who rashly commence 
hostilities." 

Ampudia did not attempt the enforcement of his threat, and 
General Taylor continued the strengthening of his fortifications. 

The death of Lieutenant Porter, who was killed (April ITtli) by 
some Mexicans while searching for the body of Colonel Cross, 
tended to exasperate the Americans still further against the enemy. 

On the same day, (April 17th,) two American schooners bound 
for Matamoras were warned off the coast by General Taylor, and 
the mouth of the Rio Grande declared to be in a state of blockade. 
This proceeding drew forth an angry letter from Ampudia, who 
threatened serious results in case of its being persisted in. The 
reply of the general was firm but temperate. He entered at length 
into all the circumstances of mutual importance which had transpired 



504 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

since his march from Corpus Christi, asserting the blockade to be 
but a necessary consequence of the state of war declared to exist 
by Ampudia himself. 

Immediately after the blockade of the Rio Grande, parties of 
Mexicans commenced crossing the river, spreading themselves so as 
to occupy various positions along its eastern bank. These crossings 
took place both above and below General Taylor's camp; and, appre- 
hensive of being surrounded by an overwhelming force, he despatched 
a reconnoitring party in each direction. One of these, conducted 
by Captain Thornton, was captured by the Mexican forces. 

From this time the enemy threw off the reserve which had hitherto 
characterized their movements, and crossing the river in large num- 
bers, spread themselves between Fort Brown and Point Isabel. J-To 
the American army, this was the most gloomy period of the war; 
and when intelligence of its position reached the United States it 
created a sensation, and deep anxiety which showed how intimately 
the feelings of the people were twined round that distant band. But 
still General Taylor maintained his position, employing his whole 
army in the strengthening of his works ; and at Point Isabel not 
only did Major Munroe employ all the means which had been left 
with him, but also landed the crews of the vessels in the harbour, 
and armed them as soldiers. 

At this juncture. Captain Walker reached Point Isabel with some 
Texas rangers. As his merit was well known to the major, he was 
ordered to advance some distance beyond the works, and, if possible, 
open a communication with Fort Brown. With seventy-five men he 
rode to a position about fourteen miles distant; and soon after, 
(28th,) on learning that General Taylor was surrounded, he de- 
termined to open a communication. After riding some miles, he 
came suddenly upon a large Mexican force, which he estimated at 
fifteen hundred, drawn up across the road. They were nearly all 
mounted. The captain ordered his men into some neighbouring 
chaparral; but before this could be effected, the enemy charged, 
and as most of the Americans were but raw recruits they fled in 
confusion. A running fight ensued; the captain was pursued to 
within cannon-shot of Point Isabel and his men dispersed. The loss 
of the Mexicans was about thirty. 

On arriving at camp, Captain Walker oflFered to renew his effort 
to open a communication, provided four men would accompany him, 
alleging that the smaller the number on such an expedition the more 
chance of escape in case of an attack. Such a proposition was re- 
garded as desperate ; but on six men volunteering, the major granted 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 505 

the request, and tlie intrepid ranger set out. By his intimate know- 
ledge of the road, he was enabled to elude the enemy and reach 
Fort Brown in safety. 

As soon as General Taylor had received information of the con- 
dition of Point Isabel, he determined to march with his army to its 
relief, leaving Major Jacob Brown with six hundred men and a few 
cannon to defend the river fort. He marched on the 1st, and reached 
the main depot on the following day. The general's march was a 
source of unbounded exultation to the Mexicans. It was reported 
in their military orders as a retreat, and the ruin of the invading 
army began to be confidently expected. 

As a preliminary to this, the destruction of Fort Brown was to 
be accomplished. Accordingly, on the 3d, a battery stationed in 
Matamoras opened its fire upon the works, and continued a brisk 
cannonade all day. It was answered by two eighteen-pounders. At 
seven in the evening the firing stopped, but was renewed at nine, 
and continued until midnight. One American was killed, but very 
little injury done on either side. Long before night Major Brown 
ceased firing in consequence of the scarcity of ammunition. 

The cannonade had been heard at Point Isabel, and anxious to 
know the result, General Taylor despatched Captain May with about 
one hundred men, among whom was Walker and ten rangers, to Fort 
Brown. They set out in the evening, passed the enemy's camp 
under cover of the night and halted by some chaparral within seven 
miles of the fort. Captain Walker then proceeded with his party, 
arrived at the works, and on announcing his name was admitted. 
He was detained so long that May was obliged to return without 
him; but on the 5th, to the great joy of General Taylor and the 
army he arrived safely. Within some miles of the point, he had 
met a body of lancers, whom he charged and drove some miles ; his 
escape, however, from the Mexican army, whose scouts were in active 
watch for him, seems little less than miraculous. He reported to 
the general the gratifying intelligence that Major Brown was still 
confidently maintaining his position. 

At daylight on the 5th, the garrison at Fort Brown observed a 
battery in a field to the east, which soon opened its fire. The 
Americans were thus placed between two fires, which continued, with 
slight intermission, all day. They were renewed on the 6th, on the 
morning of which day Major Brown was mortally wounded by a 
bomb-shell, and the command devolved on Captain Hawkins. In 
the evening that ofiicer was summoned to surrender, and on refusing, 
the firing was commenced with greater vigour than ever, ceasing 



506 LIVES OF THE PRESIDE?ITS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

only when, on the 8th, another distant noise assured friend and foe 
that Generals Taylor and Arista had met in general battle. On the 
9th it recommenced, but was finally terminated by the defeat of 
Arista. 

Upon the 8th of May, General Taylor at the head of his small 
army, numbering twenty-three hundred, came in sight of six thousand 
Mexicans, at Palo Alto. He had left Point Isabel on the evening 
of the 7th, and after marching some miles encamped in battle array. 
The march was resumed next morning. He thus describes the battle. 

" About noon, w^ien our advance of cavalry had reached the water- 
hole of 'Palo Alto,' the Mexican troops were reported in our front, 
and were soon discovered occupying the road in force. I ordered a 
halt on reaching the water, with a view to rest and refresh the men 
and form deliberately our line of battle. The Mexican line was now 
plainly visible across the prairie, and about three-quarters of a mile 
distant. Their left, which was composed of a heavy force of cavalry, 
occupied the road, resting upon a thicket of chaparral, while masses 
of infantry were discovered in succession on the right, greatly out- 
numbering our own force. 

"Our line of battle was now formed in the following order, com- 
mencing on the extreme right: 5th infantry, commanded by Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Mcintosh ; Major Ringgold's artillery ; 3d infantry, 
commanded by L. M. Morris; two eighteen-pounders, commanded 
by Lieutenant Churchill, 3d artillery; 4th infantry, commanded by 
Major G. W. Allen; the 3d and 4th regiments, composed the 3d 
brigade, under command of Lieutenant-colonel Garland, and all the 
above corps, together with two squadrons of dragoons, under Captains 
Ker and May, composed the right wing, under the orders of Colonel 
Twiggs. The left was formed by the battalion of artillery, com- 
manded by Lieutenant-colonel Childs, Captain Duncan's light ar- 
tillery, and the 8th infantry, under Captain Montgomery, all form- 
ing the 1st brigade, under command of Lieutenant-colonel Belknap. 
The train was parked near the water, under directions of Captains 
Grossman and Myers, and protected by Captain Ker's squadron. 

"About two o'clock, we took up the march by heads of columns 
in the direction of the enemy, the eighteen-pounder battery following 
the road. While the other columns were advancing. Lieutenant 
Blake, topographical engineers, volunteered a reconnoissance of the 
enemy's line, which was handsomely performed, and resulted in the 
discovery of at least two batteries of artillery in the intervals of their 
cavalry and infantry. These batteries were soon opened upon us, 
when I ordered the columns halted and deployed into line, and the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 507 

fire to be returned by all our artillery. The 8tli infantry, on our 
extreme left, was tbrovvn back to secure that flank. The first fires 
of the enemy did little execution, while our eighteen-pounders and 
Major Ringgold's artillery soon dispersed the cavalry which formed 
his left. Captain Duncan's battery, thrown forward in advance of 
the line, was doing good execution at this time. Captain May's 
squadron was now detached to support that battery and the left of 
our position. The Mexican cavalry, with two pieces of artillery, 
were now reported to be moving through the chaparral to our right, 
to threaten that flank, or make a demonstration against the train. 
The 5th infantry was immediately detached to check this movement, 
and supported by Lieutenant Ridgely, with a section of Major Ring- 
gold's battery, and Captain Walker's company of volunteers, effec- 
tually repulsed the enemy — the 5th infantry repelling a charge of 
lancers, and the artillery doing great execution in their ranks. The 
3d infantry was now detached to the right, as a still further security 
to that flank, yet threatened by the enemy. Major Ringgold, with 
the remaining section, kept up his fire from an advanced position, 
and was supported by the left infantry. 

''The grass of the prairie had been accidentally fired by our 
artillery, and the volumes of smoke now partially concealed the 
armies from each other. As the enemy's left had evidently been 
driven back, and left the road free, and as the cannonade had been 
suspended, I ordered forward the eighteen-pounders on the road 
nearly to the position first occupied by the Mexican cavalry, and 
caused the 1st brigade to take up a new position, still on the left of 
the eighteen-p«under battery. The 5th was advanced from its former 
position, and occupied a point on the extreme right of the new line. 
The enemy made a change of position corresponding to our own, 
and after a suspension of nearly an hour, the action was resumed. 

"The fire of artillery was now most destructive; openings were 
constantly made through the enemy's ranks by our fire, and the 
constancy with which the Mexican infantry sustained this severe 
cannonade was a theme of universal remark and admiration. Cap- 
tain May's squadron was detached to make a demonstration on the 
left of the enemy's position, and sufi"ered severely from the fire of 
artillery, to which it was for some time exposed. 

" The 4th infantry, which had been ordered to support the eighteen- 
pounder battery, was exposed to a most galling fire of artillery, by 
which several men were killed, and Captain Page dangerously wounded. 
The enemy's fire was directed against our eighteen-pounder battery, 
and the guns under Major Ringgold in its vicinity. The Major him- 



508 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEI^S AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

self, while coolly directing the fire of his pieces, was struck by a 
cannon-ball and mortally wounded. 

"In the mean time, the battalion under Lieutenant-colonel Child's 
had been brought up to support the artillery on our right. A strong 
demonstration of cavalry was now made by the enemy against this 
part of our line, and the column continued to advance under a severe 
fire from the eighteen-pounders. The battalion was instantly formed 
in square, and held ready to receive the charge of cavalry, but when 
the advancing squadrons were within close range, a deadly fire of 
canister from the eighteen-pounders dispersed them. A brisk fire 
of small arms was now opened upon the square, by which one ofiicer 
CLieutenant Luther, 2d artillery) was slightly wounded ; but a well- 
directed volley from the front of the square silenced all further firing 
from the enemy in this quarter. It was now nearly dark, and the 
action was closed on the right of our line, the enemy having been 
completely driven back from his position, and foiled in every attempt 
against it. 

"While the above was going forward on our right, and under our 
own eye, the enemy had made a serious attempt against the left of 
our line. Captain Duncan instantly perceived the movement, and, 
by the bold and brilliant manoeuvring of his battery, completely 
repulsed several successive efibrts of the enemy to advance in force 
upon our left flank. Supported in succession by the 8th infantry, 
and by Captain Ker's squadron of dragoons, he gallantly held the 
enemy at bay, and finally drove him, with immense loss, from the 
field. The action here and along the whole line continued until 
dark, when the enemy retired into the chaparral in rear of his 
position. 

"Our loss this day was nine killed, forty-four wounded, and two 
missing. 

" Our own force engaged is shown to have been one hundred and 
seventy-seven officers, and two thousand one hundred and eleven 
men; aggregate, two thousand two hundred and eighty-eight. The 
Mexican force, according to the statements of their own officers, 
taken prisoners in the aifair of the 9th, was not less than six thousand 
regular troops, with ten pieces of artillery, and probably exceeding 
that number — the irregular force not known. Their loss was not 
less than two hundred killed, and four hundred wounded — probably 
greater. This estimate is very moderate, and formed upon the num- 
ber actually counted on the field, and upon the reports of their own 
officers." 

Early on the following morning, the enemy were observed moving 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 509 

toward the Rio Grande. The battle had by no means been decisive ; 
and they were evidently seeking a more advantageous position, in 
order to renew it. For this the American commander had carefully 
prepared. The wounded had been relieved on the previous night, 
the troops refreshed, and every thing put in readiness for battle ; in 
addition to which a council of officers had resolved to continue the 
march at all hazards. 

The battle of Resaca de la Palma is thus described by an Ameri- 
can officer : 

" At two o'clock p. M., we found the enemy drawn up in great 
force, occupying a ravine which our road crossed; with thick 
chaparral, or thorny bushes, on either side before it reached the 
ravine, and a pond of water on either side where it crossed the 
ravine, constituting a defile. They were seven thousand strong ; we 
fifty-four weaker than on the previous day. The general ordered an 
immediate attack by all the troops, except the first brigade, which 
was kept in reserve; and soon the rattling fire of musketry, mingled 
with the heavy sound of artillery, announced the commencement of 
the action. The enemy had chosen his position, which he considered 
impregnable — was vastly superior to us in numbers, and had ten 
pieces of artillery planted in the defile, which swept the road with 
grape, and which it was absolutely necessary for us to take before 
they could be beaten. These pieces were flanked on either side by 
a regiment of brave veteran troops from Tampico, and we were ob- 
liged to stand an awful shower of grape and bullet before a charge 
could reach them. The battle had lasted some two hours with great 
fury on both sides, and many heroic deeds had been done, but no 
serious impression made, when General Taylor sent for Captain May 
of the second dragoons, and told him he must take that battery with 
his squadron of dragoons, if he lost every man. May instantly placed 
himself at the head of his men, and setting off at full speed, with 
cheers and shouts, dashed into the defile, where he was greeted with 
an overwhelming discharge of grape and bullets, which nearly an- 
nihilated his first and second platoons, but he was seen, unhurt, 
darting like lightning through this murderous hailstorm, and, in a 
second, he. and his men drove away or cut to pieces the artillerists. 

" The speed of his horses was so great, however, that they passed 
through the battery and were halted in its rear. There, turning, 
he charged back, and was just in time to rescue a Mexican general 
officer, who would not leave his guns, and was parrying the strokes 
of one of his men. The officer handed his sword to May, announced 
himself as General La Vega, and gave his parole. May turned him 



510 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEIWS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

over to an officer, and galloping back to General Taylor, reported 
that he had captured the enemy's battery, and the gallant General 
La Vega, bravely defending it, whose sword he had the honour to 
present his commanding officer. The general was extremely gratified, 
and felt no doubt that a blow had been given, from which it would 

be difficult for the enemy to recover Colonel Belknap, 

leading his regiment into the thickest of the fight, seized a Mexican 
standard, and waving it over his head, dashed on in front of his men, 
until his horse stumbled over some dead bodies and threw him. 
Being a heavy man, he was helped on his horse by a soldier, who in 
the act received a ball through his lungs, and at the same moment a 
shot carried away the Mexican flag, leaving but the handle with the 
colonel. He dashed ahead with that, however, and his regiment 
carried every thing before it. At this moment the Mexicans gave 
way entirely, and, throwing down their arms, fled in every direction, 
leaving all their stores, munitions of war, arms, standaiMs, &c. The 
killed, wounded, and prisoners, including those who were droAvned in 
the Rio Grande, do not fall short of eighteen hundred — so that the 
enemy's loss in two days amounts to at least two thousand men, 
something more than the number we had in our army." 

May's charge was the most brilliant event of this hard-fought 
battle. It was an opportunity for which the captain had been 
anxiously hoping ; and riding in front of his horsemen, he called to 
them to follow. The next moment they were sweeping toward the 
enemy. Before being perceived by them. May was stopped by Lieu- 
tenant Ridgely, who was about firing in order to draw the shot of 
the enemy.- This being done. May again dashed forward, and in a 
few minutes was by the muzzles of the cannon. Suddenly a tre- 
mendous discharge poured forth along the ranks of the intrepid 
horsemen, rolling horses and men headlong on the ground. But 
nothing could stop the survivors. Leaping over the cannon they 
drove the artillerists from their positions at the point of the sword. 
The batteries Avere defended by the celebrated Tampico veterans, 
hitherto regarded as invincible. They threw themselves furiously 
between their guns, and with their swords and bayonets fought hand 
to hand with the cavalry. One by one they sank beneath the weapons 
of their adversaries; and even when the regiment was broken and 
crushed, one of them endeavoured to sustain its honour by wrapping 
the flag around him in order to bear it way. 

On the morning of this day, Lieutenant Blake, of the topographical 
engineers, was killed by the accidental discharge of one of his pistols. 
This officer was much beloved, and on the previous day had performed 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 511 

a reconnoissance of the most daring valour. One who accompanied 
him gives the subjoined account of this feat : 

"After the line of battle had been formed, General Taylor rode 
along it to survey his command. Every man was perfectly cool, 
and had they been about to take dinner, they could not have been 
more indifferent. At this time the general had not the slightest 
knowledge as to whether the enemy had any artillery or not. The 
long prairie grass prevented any one from distinguishing it, when 
masked by men in front of the pieces. What was to be done? It 
was an all-important point. Captain May was ordered to go forward 
with his squadron, reconnoitre the enemy, and, if possible, draw a 
fire from their artillery, but to no purpose ; they took no notice of 
him. Lieutenant Blake then proposed to go forward alone and re- 
connoitre. I was close to him, and volunteered to accompany him. 
He consented, and we dashed forward to within eighty yards of tlieir 
line, the whole army looking on us with astonishment. Here we 
had a full view. The lieutenant alighted from his horse, and, with 
his glass, surveyed the whole line, and handed it to me. After 
making a similar observation, I returned the glass. Just then two 
officers rode out toward us. I mentioned it to Blake, and requested 
him to mount. He quietly told me to draw a pistol on them. I did 
so, and they halted. Had they thought proper, they could have 
fired a volley from their main line and riddled us both. We then 
galloped along their line to its other end, there examined them again, 
and returned. Scarcely had Blake reported, when their batteries 
opened upon our line, and the work of destruction commenced. Our 
examination proved to be correct." 

"The strength of our marching force on this day," says General 
Taylor, "was one hundred and seventy-three officers, and two thou- 
sand and forty-nine men — aggregate two thousand two hundred and 
twenty-two. The actual number engaged with the enemy did not 
exceed seventeen hundred. Our loss was three officers killed, and 
twelve wounded. Thirty-six men killed, and seventy-one wounded. 
* * * I have no accurate data from which to estimate the ene- 
my's force on this day. He was known to have been reinforced 
after the action of the 8th, both by cavalry and infantry, and no 
doubt to an extent equal at least to his loss on that day. It is pro- 
bable that six thousand men were opposed to us, in a position chosen 
by themselves, and strongly defended by artillery. The enemy'-? 
loss was very great. Nearly two hundred of his dead were buried 
by us, on the day succeeding the battle. His loss in killed, wounded, 



512 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

and missing, in tlie two affairs of tlie 8th and 9th, is, I think, 
moderately estimated at one thousand men. 

" Our victory has been decisive. A small force has overcome im- 
mense odds of the best troops that Mexico can furnish — veteran 
regiments perfectly equipped and appointed. Eight pieces of ar- 
tillery, several colours and standards, a great number of prisoners, 
(including fourteen officers,) and a large amount of baggage and 
public property fell into our hands." 

On the 10th, prisoners were exchanged, and all the American 
captives, including Captain Thornton, set free. On the same day 
Major Brown expired. On the 15th, the Mexican town of Barita 
was captured without resistance. 

Meanwhile active preparations were going forward for crossing 
the Bio Grande and attacking Matamoras. Owing to the scarcity 
of means for transportation, this work went on but slowly ; and the 
arrangements necessary to meet the expected resistance, caused still 
further delay. On the 18th, however, the crossing was effected, 
though with the loss of Lieutenant Stephens, a deeply lamented 
officer. 

The different corps now encamped in the outskirts of the city. 
More than three hundred of the enemy's wounded were left in the 
hospitals. During the night of the 17th, General Arista, with the 
troops left together after the battle of the 9th, had evacuated the 
city, and commenced a rapid march for the interior. 

Colonel Twiggs was appointed military governor of Matamoras, 
and by a just and energetic exercise of his functions, soon cleared 
the city of the lawless banditti that infested it, and restored order 
and confidence. The rights of the citizens were respected, and the 
people encouraged to look upon the Americans rather as friends 
than invaders. These pacific measures were further strengthened 
by a proclamation of General Taylor, in which he exhibited the 
tyranny of the Mexican authorities, and a desire of his govern- 
ment for a speedy and honourable termination of all difficulties. 
Soon after the capture of this important station, small parties took 
possession of the towns of Mier, Beynosa, and Camargo; and thus 
the entire region of the Bio Grande was in possession of the 
Americans. 

For his ability in conducting the campaign on the Bio Grande, 
General Taylor received the thanks of Congress and a commission 
as brevet major-general, signed by the president. Soon after he was 
raised to a full major-general. The legislatures of several States 
voted him swords, and various demonstrations, both of popular meet- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF TilE CABINETS. 513 

ings and official bodies, exhibited the confidence and gratitude of the 
people toward him. 

Upon the 3d of August, 1846, a proclamation was issued from the 
city of Mexico, declaring the constitution of 1824 to be in force, and 
inviting all who had been banished from the country since its abo- 
lition to return, "especially his excellency Don Antonio Lopez de 
Santa Anna, well deserving of his country, acknowledging him as 
general-in-chief of all the forces pledged and determined to fight, in 
order that the nation may recover its rights, secure its liberty, and 
govern itself." In virtue of this proclamation, General Santa Anna 
sailed from Cuba, passed through the American fleet, under per- 
mission from President Polk, and reached Vera Cruz on the 16th of 
August. Here he was hailed as the deliverer of the nation, and 
commenced immediate preparations for a march to the capital. His 
entry into that city was a perfect triumph; and he was immediately 
appointed president of the republic under the constitution of 1824, 
and commander-in-chief of the army. 

On assuming the reins of government, Santa Anna adopted a 
system of measures as energetic as it was judicious. He re-esta- 
blished the federal government, united almost all opposition, pledged 
his private property for the general welfare, and began extensive 
preparations for the raising of a large army. He declined acting 
as civil governor, and placing himself at the head of the troops in 
the capital, marched toward the seat of war. 

Meanwhile General Taylor was hastening preparations for a march 
into the interior ; but so great were his embarrassments, that the 
advance divisions under Butler and Twiggs were not able to start 
before the commencement of September. The general followed on 
the 5th, leaving General Patterson in command on the Rio Grande. 

On the 19th he reached the Walnut Springs, three miles from 
Monterey. 

The operations against Monterey were conducted by two divisions, 
under Generals Taylor and Worth, each acting independent of the 
other. 

The former thus describes his own operations : 

"At two o'clock, P.M., on the 20th, the second division took up 
its march. It was soon discovered by officers who were recon- 
noitring the town, and communicated to General Worth, that its 
movement had been perceived and that the enemy was throwing re- 
inforcements toward the Bishop's Palace and the height which com- 
mands it. To divert his attention as far as practicable, the first 
division, under Brigadier-general Twiggs, and field division of volun- 

33 



514 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEN!t;S AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

teers, under Major-general Butler, were displayed in front of the 
town until dark. Arrangements were made at the same time to 
place in battery during the night, at a suitable distance from the 
enemy's main work, the citadel, two twenty-four-pounder howitzers, 
and a ten-inch mortar, with a view to open a fire on the following 
day, when I proposed to make a diversion in favour of General 
Worth's movement. The 4th infantry covered this battery during 
the night. General Worth had, in the mean time, reached and 
occupied for the night a defensive position just without range of a 
battery above the Bishop's Palace, having made a reconnoissance as 
far as the Saltillo road. 

"Early on the morning of the 21st, I received a note from Gene- 
ral Worth, written at half-past nine o'clock the night before, sug- 
gesting what I had already intended, a strong diversion against the 
centre and left of the town, to favour his enterprise against the 
heights in rear. The infantry and artillery of the first division, and 
the field division of volunteers, were ordered under arms, and took 
the direction of the city, leaving one company of each regiment as a 
camp guard. The 2d dragoons, under Lieutenant-colonel May, and 
Colonel Wood's regiment of Texas mounted volunteers, under the 
immediate direction of General Henderson, were directed to the 
right to support General Worth, if necessary, and to make an im- 
pression, if practicable, upon the upper quarter of the city. Upon 
approaching the mortar battery, the 1st and 3d regiments of infantry, 
and battalion of Baltimore and Washington volunteers, with Captain 
Bragg's field battery — the whole under the command of Lieutenant- 
colonel Garland — were directed toward the lower part of the town, 
with orders to make a strong demonstration, and carry one of the 
enemy's advanced works, if it could be done without too heavy loss. 
Major Mansfield, engineers, and Captain Williams, and Lieutenant 
Pope, topographical engineers, accompanied this column, Major 
Mansfield being charged with its direction, and the designation of 
points of attack. In the mean time the mortar, served by Captain 
Ramsay, of the ordnance, and the howitzer battery under Captain 
Webster, 1st artillery, had opened their fire upon the citadel, which 
was deliberately sustained, and answered from the works. General 
Butler's division had now taken up a position in rear of this battery, 
when the discharges of artillery, mingled finally with a rapid fire of 
small arms, showed that Lieutenant Garland's command had become 
warmly engaged. I now deemed it necessary to support this attack, 
and accordingly ordered the 4th infantry and three regiments of 
General Butler's division to march at once by the left flank in the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 515 

direction of the advanced work at the lower extremity of the town, 
leaving one regiment (1st Kentucky) to cover the mortar and howitzer 
battery. By some mistake two companies of the 4th infantry did 
not receive this order, and consequently did not join the advance 
companies until some time afterward. 

"Lieutenant-colonel Garland's command had approached the town 
in a direction to the right of the advanced work (No. 1) at the north- 
eastern angle of the city, and the engineer officer, covered by 
skirmishers, had succeeded in entering the suburbs and gaining 
cover. The remainder of this command now advanced and entered 
the town under a heavy fire of artillery from the citadel and the 
works on the left, and of musketry from the houses and small works 
in front. A movement to the right was attempted with a view to gain 
the rear of No. 1, and carry that work, but the troops were so much 
exposed to a fire which they could not effectually return, and had 
already sustained such severe loss, particularly in officers, that it was 
deemed best to withdraw them to a more secure position. Captain 
Backus, 1st infantry, however, with a portion of his own and other 
companies, had gained the roof of a tannery, which looked directly 
into the gorge of No. 1, and from which he poured a most destructive 
fire into that work and upon the strong building in its rear. This 
fire happily coincided in point of time with the advance of a portion 
of the volunteer division upon No. 1, and contributed largely to the 
fall of that strong and important work. 

"The three regiments of the volunteer division, under the im- 
mediate command of Major-general Butler, had in the mean time 
adv^anced in the direction of No. 1. The leading brigade, under 
Brigadier-general Quitman, continued its advance upon that work, 
preceded by three companies of the 4th infantry, while General But- 
ler, with the first Ohio regiment, entered the town to the right. The 
companies of the 4th infantry had advanced within a short range of 
the work, when they were received by a fire that in one moment, 
struck down almost one-third of the officers and men, and rendered 
it necessary to retire and effect a conjunction with the two other 
companies then advancing. General Quitman's brigade, though 
suffering most severely, particularly in the Tennessee regiment, con- 
tinued its advance, and finally carried the work in handsome style, 
as well as the strong building in its rear. Five pieces of artillery, a 
considerable supply of ammunition, and thirty prisoners, including 
three officers, fell into their hands. Major-general Butler, with the 
1st Ohio regiment, after entering the edge of the town, discovered 
that nothing was to be accomplished in his front, and at this point. 



516 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

yielding to the suggestion of several officers, I ordered a retrograde 
movement; but learning almost immediately, from one of my staff, 
that the battery No. 1 was in our possession, the order was countei'- 
manded ; and I determined to hold the battery and defences already 
gained. General Butler, with the 1st Ohio regiment, then entered 
the town at a point further to the left, and marched in the direction 
of the battery No. 2. While making an examination, with a view 
to ascertain the possibility of carrying this second work by storm, 
the general was wounded, and soon after compelled to quit the field. 
As the strength of No. 2, and the heavy musketry fire flanking thft 
approach, rendered it impossible to carry it without great loss, the 
1st Ohio regiment was withdrawn from the town. 

"Fragments of the various regiments engaged were now under 
cover of the captured battery, and some buildings in its front and 
on the right. The field batteries of Captains Bragg and Ridgely 
were also partially covered by the battery. An incessant fire was 
kept up on this position from battery No. 2, and other works on its 
right, and from the citadel, on all our approaches. General Twiggs, 
though quite unwell, joined me at this point, and was instrumental 
in causing the artillery captured from the enemy to be placed in 
battery, and served by Captain Ridgely against No. 2, until the 
arrival of Captain Webster's howitzer baltery, which took its place. 
In the mean time, I directed such men as could be collected of the 
1st, 3d, and 4th regiments, and Baltimore battalion, to enter the 
town, penetrating to the right, and carry the 2d battery if possible. 
This command, under Lieutenant-colonel Garland, advanced beyond 
the bridge "Purisima," when, finding it impracticable to gain the 
rear of the 2d battery, a portion of it sustained themselves for some 
time in that advanced position; but as no permanent impression 
could be made at that point, and the main object of the general 
operation had been effected, the command, including a section of 
Captain Ridgely's battery, which had joined it, was withdrawn to 
battery No. 1. During the absence of this column, a demonstration 
of cavalry was reported in the direction of the citadel. Captain 
Bragg, who was at hand, immediately galloped with his battery to a 
suitable position, from which a few discharges effectually dispersed 
the enemy. Captain Miller, 1st infantry, was despatched with a 
mixed command to support the battery on this service. The enemy's 
lancers had previously charged upon the Ohio and part of the Mis- 
sissippi regiment, near some fields at a distance from the edge of the 
town, and had been repulsed with a considerable loss. A demon- 
stration of cavalry on the opposite side of the river was also dis- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 517 

persed in the course of the afternoon by Captain Ridgelj's battery, 
and the squadrons returned to the city. At the approach of even- 
ing, all the troops that had been engaged were ordered back to 
camp, except Captain Ridgely's battery, and the regular infantry of 
the first division, who were detailed as a guard for the works during 
the night, under command of Lieutenant-colonel Garland. One bat- 
talion of the 1st Kentucky regiment was ordered to reinforce this 
command. Intrenching tools were procured, and additional strength 
was given to the works, and protection to the men, by working 
parties during the night, under the direction of Lieutenant Scarritt, 
engineers. 

"The main object proposed in the morning had been effected. A 
powerful diversion had been made to favour the operations of the 2d 
division, one of the enemy's advanced works had been carried, and 
we now had a strong foothold in the town. But this had not been 
accomplished without a heavy loss, embracing some of our gallant 
and promising officers. The number of killed and wounded incident 
to the operations in the lower part of the city on the 21st is three 
hundred and ninety-four. 

"Early in the morning of this day, (21st,) the advance of the 2d 
division had encountered the enemy in force, and after a brief but 
sharp conflict, repulsed him with heavy loss. General Worth then 
succeeded in gaining a position on the Saltillo road, thus cutting the 
enemy's line of communication. From this position the two heights 
south of the Saltillo road were carried in succession, and the gun 
taken in one of them turned upon the Bishop's Palace. These im- 
portant successes were fortunately obtained with comparatively small 
loss — Captain McCavett, 8th infantry, being the only officer killed. 

" The 22d day of September passed without any active operations 
in the lower part of the city. The citadel and other works continued 
to fire at parties exposed to their range, and at the work now occu- 
pied by our troops. The guard left in it the preceding night, except 
Captain Ridgely's company, was relieved at midday by General 
Quitman's brigade. Captain Bragg's battery was thrown under cover 
in front of the town to repel any demonstration of cavalry in that 
quarter. At dawn of day, the height above the Bishop's Palace was 
carried, and soon after meridian, the palace itself was taken and its 
guns turned upon the fugitive garrison. The object for which the 
2d division was detached had thus been completely accomplished, 
and I felt confident that with a strong force occupying the road and 
heights in his rear, and a good position below the city in our pos- 
session, the enemy could not possibly maintain the town. 



518 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

"During the night of the 22d, the enemy evacuated nearly all his 
defences in the lower part of the city. This was reported to me 
early in the morning of the 23d by General Quitman, who had 
already meditated an assault upon those works. I immediately sent 
instructions to that officer, leaving it to his discretion to enter the 
city, covering his men by the houses and walls, and advance care- 
fully as far as he might deem prudent. After ordering the remainder 
of the troops as a reserve, under the orders of Brigadier-general 
Twiggs, I repaired to the abandoned works, and discovered that a 
portion of General Quitman's brigade had entered the town, and 
were successfully forcing their way toward the principal plaza. I 
then ordered up the 2d regiment of Texas mounted volunteers, who 
entered the city, dismounted, and, under the immediate orders of 
General Henderson, co-operated with General Quitman's brigade. 
Captain Bragg's battery was also ordered up, supported by the 3d 
infantry ; and after firing for some time at the cathedral, a portion 
of it was likewise thrown into the city. Our troops advanced from 
house to house, and from square to square, until they reached a 
street but one square in rear of the principal plaza, in and near 
which the enemy's force was mainly concentrated. This advance 
was conducted vigorously, but with due caution, and although de- 
structive to the enemy, was attended with but small loss on our part. 
Captain Bidgely, in the mean time, had served a captured piece in 
battery No. 1, against the city, until the advance of our men ren- 
dered it imprudent to fire in the direction of the cathedral. I was 
now satisfied that we could operate successfully in the city, and that 
the enemy had retired from the lower portion of it to make a stand 
behind his barricades. As General Quitman's brigade had been on 
duty the previous night, I determined to withdraw the troops to the 
evacuated works, and concert with General Worth a combined attack 
upon the town. The troops accordingly fell back deliberately, in 
good order, and resumed their original positions. General Quitman's 
brigade being relieved after nightfall by that of General Hamer. 
On my return to camp, I met an officer with the intelligence that 
General Worth, induced by the firing in the lower part of the city, 
was about making an attack at the upper extremity, which had also 
been evacuated by the enemy to a considerable distance. I regretted 
that this information had not reached me before leaving the city, 
but still deemed it inexpedient to change my orders, and accordingly 
returned to the camp. A note from General Worth, written at 
eleven o'clock, p.m., informed me that he had advanced to within a 
short distance of the principal plaza, and that the mortar (which had 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 519 

been sent to his division in the morning) was doing good execution 
within effective range of the enemy's position. 

"Desiring to make no further attempt upon the city without com- 
plete concert as to the lines and mode of approach, I instructed that 
officer to suspend his advance until I could have an interview with 
him on the following morning at his head-quarters. 

"Early on the morning of the 24th, I received, through Colonel 
Moreno, a communication from General Ampudia, proposing to 
evacuate the town; which, with the answer, were forwarded with my 
first despatch. I arranged with Colonel Moreno a cessation of fire 
until twelve o'clock, at which hour I would receive the answer of the 
Mexican general at General Worth's head-quarters, to which I soon 
repaired. In the mean time, General Ampudia had signified to 
General Worth his desire for a personal interview with me, to which 
I acceded, and which finally resulted in a capitulation, placing the 
town and the materiel of war, with certain exceptions, in our pos- 
session. 

"Upon occupying the city, it was discovered to be of great 
strength in itself, and to have its approaches carefully and strongly 
fortified. The town and works were armed with forty-two pieces 
of cannon, well supplied with ammunition, and manned with a force 
of at least seven thousand troops of the line, and from two to 
three thousand irregulars. The force under my orders before Mon- 
terey, as exhibited by the accompanying return, was four hundred 
and twenty-five officers, and six thousand two hundred and twenty 
men. Our artillery consisted of one ten-inch mortar, two twenty- 
four-pounder howitzers, and four light field batteries of four guns 
each — the mortar being the only piece suitable to the operations of 
a siege. 

" Our loss is twelve officers and one hundred and eight men killed, 
thirty-one officers and three hundred and thirty-seven men wounded. 
That of the enemy is not known, but is believed considerably to 
exceed our own." 

By the terms of the capitulation, an armistice of six weeks was 
agreed upon, during which time, neither army was to pass a certain 
line. This the government of the United States refused to ratify. 

Monterey became the main depot of General Taylor. It is an 
excellent city for the head-quarters of an army, being provided with 
every kind of defence, vast magazines for supplies, hospitals, stores, 
and good water. Soon after. General Wool, with the central division 
of the army, arrived at Monclova, from his march against Chihuahua. 
He was ordered with twenty-four hundred men and six field-pieces 



5i0 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

to Parras; and General Worth with twenty-five hundred men and 
eight pieces to Saltillo. Both these places were occupied without 
opposition. 

A week before the capture of Monterey, Santa Anna had received 
the appointment of military dictator, and immediately proceeded to 
San Luis Potosi, to hasten the raising of an efiicient army. In 
November he found himself at the head of twenty thousand men, 
most of them raw recruits, and poorly equipped. It was his wish to 
clothe and discipline this force before marching against Taylor, but 
such was the popular clamour for immediate action, that faction 
began again to show itself. Some even denounced him as a traitor. 
Accordingly the general was obliged to sacrifice his superior judg- 
ment to the popular will, and in the same month we find him pro- 
ceeding slowly toward his opponent's camp. 

About this time, General Taylor received a letter from the war 
department, announcing that the terms of capitulation at Monterey 
had not met the approval of government, and directing him im- 
mediately to recommence hostilities. This he announced to Santa 
Anna, requesting at the same time the release of some prisoners 
detained at San Luis. The Mexican commander answered in a 
courteous manner, acknowledging the end of the truce, and liberated 
the prisoners, paying the expenses of their journey. 

On the 15th of December, Taylor marched to meet his enemy. 
Information had been received that General Urrea, with a large 
body of cavalry was threatening Victoria ; and that Santa Anna with 
the main army was rapidly approaching Saltillo. General Patterson 
was in command at this place; and anxious for his safety, the com- 
mander sent General Quitman to join him with a reinforcement, and 
with the main army fell back to Monterey. But at this time, Wool 
entered Saltillo with fresh troops, enabling General Taylor again to 
advance toward Victoria, which he reached on the 30th. At this 
place he received a letter from General Scott, requesting nearly all 
his regular troops for the campaign on the Gulf coast, thus again 
forcing him to retire to Monterey. Here he remained until Febru- 
ary, when the arrival of volunteers, swelling his force to five thou- 
sand men, enabled him again to press forward. 

On the 2d of this month. General Santa Anna left San Luis Potosi, 
at the head of twenty-three thousand men, and after a march in 
which his troops sustained difficulties of the most appalling nature, 
he approached General Taylor's position (February 20th) at Agua 
Nueva. On the same day the latter broke up his camp, and retired 
to a strong mountain pass, called Angostura, three miles from the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 521 

hacienda of Buena Vista. "While removing some stores, a small 
party of Americans was defeated by the Mexicans; and, at noon on 
the 2:2d, General Taylor was summoned to surrender. We give his 
own account of the subsequent operations: 

"Our troops were in position, occupying a line of remarkable 
strength. The road at its point becomes a narrow defile, the valley 
on its right being rendered quite impracticable for artillery by a 
system of deep and impassable gulleys, while on the left a succession 
of rugged ridges and precipitous ravines extends far back toward the 
mountain which bounds the valley. The features of the ground 
were such as nearly to paralyze the artillery and cavalry of the 
enemy, while his infantry could not derive all the advantage of its 
numerical superiority. In this position we prepared to receive him. 
Captain Washington's battery (4th artillery) was posted to command 
the road, while the 1st and 2d Illinois regiments, under Colonels 
Hardin and Bissell, each eight companies, (to the latter of which 
was attached Captain Conner's company of Texas volunteers,) and 
the 2d Kentucky, under Colonel McKee, occupied the crests of the 
ridges on the left and in rear. The Arkansas and Kentucky regi- 
ments of cavalry, commanded by Colonels Yell and H. Marshall, 
occupied the extreme left near the base of the mountain, while the 
Indiana brigade, under Brigadier-general Lane, (composed of the 2d 
and 3d regiments, under Colonels Bowles and Lane,) the Mississippi 
riflemen, under Colonel Davis, the squadrons of the 1st and 2d 
dragoons, under Captain Steen and Lieutenant-colonel May, and the 
light batteries of Captains Sherman and Bragg, 3d artillery, were 
held in reserve. 

" At eleven o'clock, I received from General Santa Anna a sum- 
mons to surrender at discretion, which, with a copy of my reply, I 
have already transmitted. The enemy still forbore his attack, 
evidently waiting for the arrival of his rear columns, which could be 
distinctly seen by our look-outs as they approached the field. A 
demonstration made on his left caused me to detach the 2d Kentucky 
regiment and a section of artillery to our right, in which position 
they bivouacked for the night. In the mean time the Mexican light 
troops had engaged ours on the extreme left, (composed of parts of 
the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry, dismounted, and a rifle bat- 
talion from the Indiana brigade, under Major Gorman, the whole 
commanded by Colonel Marshall,) and kept up a sharp fire, climbing 
the mountain side, and apparently endeavouring to gain our flank. 
Three pieces of Captain Washington's battery had been detached to 
the left, and were supported by the 2d Indiana regiment. An oc- 



522 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENffS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

casional shell was thrown by the enemy into this part of our line 
but without effect. The skirmishing of the light troops was kept up 
with trifling loss on our part until dark, when I became convinced 
that no serious attack would be made before the morning, and re- 
turned, with the Mississippi regiment and squadron of 2d dragoons 
to Saltillo. The troops bivouacked without fires, and laid upon their 
arms. A body of cavalry, some fifteen hundred strong, had been 
visible all day in rear of the town, having entered the valley through 
a narrow pass east of the city. This cavalry, commanded by Gene- 
ral Minon, had evidently been thrown in our rear to break up and 
harass our retreat, and perhaps make some attempt against the town 
if practicable. The city was occupied by four excellent companies 
of Illinois volunteers, under Major Warren of the 1st regiment. A 
field-work, which commanded most of the approaches, was garrisoned 
by Captain Webster's company, 1st artillery, and armed with two 
twenty-four-pound howitzers, while the train and head-quarter camp 
was guarded by two companies of Mississippi riflemen, under Captain 
Rogers, and a field-piece commanded by Captain Shover, 3d artillery. 
Having made these dispositions for the protection of the rear, I pro- 
ceeded on the morning of the 23d to Buena Vista, ordering forward 
all the other available troops. The action had commenced before 
my arrival on the field. 

"During the evening and night of the 22d, the enemy had thrown 
a body of light troops on the mountain side, with the purpose of out- 
flanking our left; and it was here that the action of the 23d com- 
menced at an early hour. Our riflemen, under Colonel Marshall, 
who had been reinforced by three companies under Major Trail, 2d 
Illinois volunteers, maintained their ground handsomely against a 
greatly superior force, holding themselves under cover, and using 
their weapons with deadly effect. About eight o'clock a strong 
demonstration was made against the centre of our position, a heavy 
column moving along the road. This force was soon dispersed by a 
few rapid and well-directed shots from Captain Washington's battery. 
In the mean time the enemy was concentrating a large force of in- 
fantry and cavalry under cover of the ridges, with the obvious inten- 
tion of forcing our left, which was posted on an extensive plateau. 
The 2d Indiana and 2d Illinois regiments formed this part of our 
line, the former covering three pieces of light artillery, under the 
orders of Captain O'Brien — Brigadier-general Lane being in the 
immediate command. In order to bring his men within effective 
range, General Lane ordered the artillery and 2d Indiana regiment 
forward. The artillery advanced within musket range of a heavy 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 523 

body of Mexican infantry, and was served against it with great effect, 
but without being able to check its advance. The infantry ordered 
to its support had fallen back in disorder, being exposed, as well as 
the battery, not only to a severe fire of small arms from the front, 
but also to a murderous cross-fire of grape and canister from a Mexi- 
can battery on the left. Captain O'Brien found it impossible to 
retain his position without support, but was only able to withdraw 
two of his pieces, all the horses and cannoneers of the third piece 
being killed or disabled. The 2d Indiana regiment, which had fallen 
back as stated, could not be rallied, and took no further part in the 
action, except a handful of men, who, under its gallant colonel, 
Bowles, joined the Mississippi regiment, and did good service, and 
those fugitives who, at a later period in the day, assisted in defend- 
ing the train and depot at Buena Vista. This portion of our line 
having given way, and the enemy appearing in overwhelming force 
against our left flank, the light troops which had rendered such good 
service on the mountain were compelled to withdraw, which they did, 
for the most part, in good order. Many, however, were not rallied 
until they reached the depot at Buena Vista, to the defence of which 
they afterward contributed. 

" Colonel Bissell's regiment, (2d Illinois,) which had been joined 
by a section of Captain Sherman's battery, had become completely 
outflanked, and was compelled to fall back, being entirely unsup- 
ported. The enemy was now pouring masses of infantry and cavalry 
along the base of the mountain on our left, and was gaining our rear 
in great force. At this moment I arrived upon the field. The Mis- 
sissippi regiment had been directed to the left before reaching the 
position, and immediately came into action against the Mexican in- 
fantry which had turned our flank. The 2d Kentucky regiment, 
and a section of artillery under Captain Bragg, had previously been 
ordered from the right to reinforce our left, and arrived at a most 
opportune moment. That regiment, and a portion of the 1st Illinois, 
under Colonel Hardin, gallantly drove the enemy, and recovered a 
portion of the ground we had lost. The batteries of Captains Sher- 
man and Bragg were in position on the plateau, and did much exe- 
cution, not only in front, but particularly upon the masses which had 
gained our rear. Discovering that the enemy was heavily pressing 
upon the Mississippi regiment, the 3d Indiana regiment, under Colo- 
nel Lane, was despatched to strengthen that part of our line, which 
formed a crotchet perpendicular to the first line of battle. At the 
same time, Lieutenant Kilburn, with a piece of Captain Bragg's 
battery, was directed to support the infantry there engaged. The 



524 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEMTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

action was, for a long time, warmly sustained at that point — the 
enemy making several efforts, both with infantry and cavalry, against 
our line, and being always repulsed with heavy loss. I had placed 
all the regular cavalry, and Captain Pike's squadron of Arkansas 
horse, under the orders of Brevet Lieutenant-colonel May, with di- 
rections to hold in check the enemy's column, still advancing to the 
rear along the base of the mountain, which was done in conjunction 
■with the Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry under Colonels Marshall 
and Yell. 

"In the mean time our left, which was still strongly threatened by a 
superior force, was further strengthened by the detachment of Cap- 
tain Bragg's and a portion of Captain Sherman's batteries to that 
quarter. The concentration of artillery fire upon the masses of the 
enemy along the base of the mountain, and the determined resistance 
offered by the two regiments opposed to them, had created confusion 
in their ranks, and some of the corps attempted to effect a retreat 
upon their main line of battle. The squadron of the 1st dragoons, 
under Lieutenant Rucker, was now ordered up the deep ravine which 
these retreating corps were endeavouring to cross, in order to charge 
and disperse them. The squadron proceeded to the point indicated, 
but could not accomplish the object, being exposed to a heavy fire 
from a battery established to cover the retreat of those corps. While 
the squadron was detached on this service, a large body of the enemy 
was observed to concentrate on our extreme left, apparently with a 
view of making a descent upon the hacienda of Buena Yista, where 
our train and baggage were deposited. Lieutenant-colonel May was 
ordered to the support of that point, with two pieces of Captain 
Sherman's battery under Lieutenant Reynolds. In the mean time, 
the scattered forces near the hacienda, composed in part of Majors 
Trail and Gorman's commands, had been, to some extent, organized 
under the advice of Major Munroe, chief of artillery, with the assist- 
ance of Major Morrison, volunteer staff, and were posted to defend 
the position. Before our cavalry had reached the hacienda, that of 
the enemy had made its attack — having been handsomely met by the 
Kentucky and Arkansas cavalry under Colonels Marshall and Yell. 
The Mexican column immediately divided, one portion sweeping by 
the depot, where it received a destructive fire from the force which 
had collected there, and then gaining the mountain opposite, under 
a fire from Lieutenant Reynolds's section, the remaining portion re- 
gaining the base of the mountain on our left. In the charge at 
Buena Yista, Colonel Yell fell gallantly at the head of his regiment ; 
we also lost Adjutant Yaughan, of the Kentucky cavalry — a young 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 525 

officer of mucli promise. Lieutenant-colonel May, who had been 
rejoined by the squadron of the 1st dragoons, and by portions of the 
Arkansas and Indiana troops, under Lieutenant-colonel Roane and 
Major Gorman, now approached the base of the mountain, holding 
in check the right flank of the enemy, upon whose masses, crowded 
in the narrow gorges and ravines, our artillery was doing fearful 
execution. 

"The position of that portion of the Mexican army which had 
gained our rear was now very critical, and it seemed doubtful 
whether it could regain the main body. At this moment I received 
from General Santa Anna a message by a staff officer, desiring to 
know what I wanted? I immediately despatched Brigadier-general 
Wool to the Mexican general-in-chief, and sent orders to cease firino-. 
Upon reaching the Mexican lines. General Wool could not cause the 
enemy to cease their fire, and accordingly returned without havino- 
an interview. The extreme right of the enemy continued its retreat 
along the base of the mountain, and finally, in spite of all our efforts, 
effected a junction with the remainder of the army. 

"During the day, the cavalry of General Minon had ascended the 
elevated plain above Saltillo, and occupied the road from the city to 
the field of battle, where they intercepted several of our men. Ap- 
proaching the town, they were fired upon by Captain Webster from 
the redoubt occupied by his company, and then moved ofi" toward the 
eastern side of the valley, and obliquely toward Buena Vista. At 
this time. Captain Shover moved rapidly forward with his piece, sup- 
ported by a miscellaneous command of mounted volunteers, and fired 
several shots at the cavalry with great effect. They were driven into 
the ravines which lead to the lower valley, closely pursued by Cap- 
tain Shover, who was further supported by a piece of Captain Web- 
ster's battery, under Lieutenant Donaldson, which had advanced 
from the redoubt, supported by Captain Wheeler's company of Illi- 
nois volunteers. The enemy made one or two efforts to charge the 
artillery, but was finally driven back in a confused mass, and did not 
again appear upon the plain. 

"In the mean time, the firing had partially ceased upon the princi- 
pal field. The enemy seemed to confine his efforts to the protection 
of his artillery, and I had left the plateau for a moment, when I was 
recalled thither by a very heavy musketry fire. On regaining that 
position, I discovered that our infantry (Illinois and 2d Kentucky) 
had engaged a greatly superior force of the enemy — evidently his 
reserve — and that they had been overwhelmed by numbers. The 
moment was most critical. Captain O'Brien, with two pieces, had 



526 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEIWS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

sustained this heavy charge to the last, and was finally obliged to 
leave his guns on the field — his infantry support being entirely 
routed. Captain Bragg, who had just arrived from the left, was 
ordered at once into battery. Without any infantry to support him, 
and at the imminent risk of losing his guns, this officer came 
rapidly into action, the Mexican line being but a few yards from 
the muzzle of his pieces. The first discharge of canister caused tbe 
enemy to hesitate, the second and third drove him back in disorder, 
and saved the day. The 2d Kentucky regiment, which had advanced 
beyond supporting distance in this affair, was driven back and closely 
pressed by the enemy's cavalry. Taking a ravine which led in the 
direction of Captain Washington's battery, their pursuers became 
exposed to his fire, which soon checked and drove them back with 
loss. In the mean time, the rest of our artillery had taken position 
on the plateau, covered by the Mississippi and 3d Indiana regiments, 
the former of which had reached the ground in time to pour a fire 
into the right flank of the enemy, and thus contribute to his repulse. 
In this last conflict we had the misfortune to sustain a very heavy 
loss. Colonel Hardin, 1st Illinois, and Colonel McKee and Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Clay, 2d Kentucky regiment, fell at this time while 
gallantly leading their commands. 

" No further attempt was made by the enemy to force our position, 
and the approach of night gave an opportunity to pay proper atten- 
tion to the wounded, and also to refresh the soldiers, who had been 
exhausted by incessant watchfulness and combat. Though the night 
was severely cold, the troops were compelled for the most to bivouac 
without fires, expecting that morning would renew the conflict. 
During the night the wounded were removed to Saltillo, and every 
preparation made to receive the enemy, should he again attack our 
position. Seven fresh companies were drawn from the town, and 
Brigadier-general Marshall, with a reinforcement of Kentucky 
cavalry and four heavy guns, under Captain Prentiss, 1st artillery, 
was near at hand, when it was discovered that the enemy had aban- 
doned his position during the night. Our scouts soon ascertained 
that he had fallen back upon Agua Nueva. The great disparity of 
numbers, and the exhaustion of our troops, rendered it inexpedient 
and hazardous to attempt pursuit. A staff officer was despatched to 
General Santa Anna to negotiate an exchange of prisoners, which 
was satisfactorily completed on the following day. Our own dead 
were collected and buried, and the Mexican wounded, of which a 
large number had been left upon the field, were removed to Saltillo, 
and rendered as comfortable as circumstances would permit. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 527 

<«0n the evening of the 26th, a close reconnoissance was made of 
the enemy's position, which was found to be occupied only by a small 
body of cavalry, the infantry and artillery having retreated in the 
direction of San Luis Potosi. On the 27th, our troops resumed their 
former camp at Agua Nueva, the enemy's rear-guard evacuating the 
place as we approached, leaving a considerable number of wounded. 
It was my purpose to beat up his quarters at Encarnacion early the 
next morning, but upon examination, the weak condition of the 
cavalry horses rendered it unadvisable to attempt so long a march 
without water. A command was finally despatched to Encarnacion, 
on the 1st of March, under Colonel Belknap. Some two hundred 
wounded, and about sixty Mexican soldiers were found there, the 
army having passed on in the direction of Matehuala, with greatly 
reduced numbers, and suffering much from hunger. The dead and 
dying were strewed upon the road and crowded the buildings of the 
hacienda. 

<'The American force engaged in the action of Buena Vista is 
shown, by the accompanying field report, to have been three hundred 
and forty-four officers, and four thousand four hundred and twenty- 
five men, exclusive of the small command left in and near Saltillo. 
Of this number, two squadrons of cavalry and three batteries of light 
artillery, making not more than four hundred and fifty-three men, 
composed the only force of regular troops. The strength of the 
Mexican army is stated by General Santa Anna, in his summons, to 
be twenty thousand ; and that estimate is confirmed by all the in- 
formation since obtained. Our loss is two hundred and sixty-seven 
killed, four hundred and fifty-six wounded, and twenty-three missing. 
Of the numerous wounded, many did not require removal to the 
hospital, and it is hoped that a comparatively small number will be 
permanently disabled. The Mexican loss in killed and wounded may 
be fairly estimated at fifteen hundred, and will probably reach two 
thousand. At least five hundred of their killed were left upon the 
field of battle. We have no means of ascertaining the number of 
deserters and dispersed men from their ranks, but it is known to be 
very great." 

The evening of the 23d found both armies in the same relative po- 
sition, and on the same ground they had occupied in the morning. 
During the night, however, Santa Anna withdrew his shattered forces 
toward Potosi. The Americans expected an attack before morning, 
and were prepared for it; but, under cover of the darkness, Santa 
Anna withdrew his starving followers to Agua Nueva. Soon after- 
ward General Taylor fell back toward Monterey. 



528 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

On the 2d of March an escort of two hundred men, and a train of 
one hundred and fifty wagons, under Major Giddings, was attacked 
by General Urrea, at the head of a large party of lancers. The 
attack was so sudden that the train and escort were divided into two 
parties, the smaller of which Urrea summoned to surrender. A de- 
sultory conflict ensued, in which the Americans succeeded in reuniting, 
and repelling their opponents with the loss of about forty. The 
major had two soldiers killed and fifteen teamsters. He proceeded 
"without further molestation to Seralvo, where Colonel Curtis arrived 
in a few days with reinforcements, and assumed command. The 
whole party then commenced a pursuit of Urrea, which was con- 
tinued until the 16th, when it met General Taylor with a portion of 
the main army also in pursuit. The whole force, consisting of May's 
dragoons, Bragg's artillery, and Colonel Curtis's men, led by Gene- 
ral Taylor, pushed after the Mexicans with renewed vigour; but, 
notwithstanding every exertion, Urrea succeeded in escaping beyond 
the mountains. 

After this pursuit. General Taylor retired to Walnut Springs, 
where, on account of the small number of his troops, he was obliged 
to remain inactive during the summer and fall of 18-47. 

In May, 1846, President Polk was authorized by Congress to 
accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers, to continue the war 
which had commenced on the Rio Grande. Of this number ten com- 
panies composed a force destined to act against Santa Fe. They 
were formed of five companies of United States dragoons, two of foot, 
two of light artillery, and one of volunteer horse. This army was 
placed under the direction of Colonel Stephen W. Kearny. 

The depot of Kearny's force was Fort Leavensworth. On the 
27th of June his advance commenced its march; and by the 1st of 
August more than sixteen hundred men were concentrated at Bent's 
Fort, having marched a distance of five hundred and sixty-four miles. 
The march was resumed on the 3d, and after a toilsome journey over 
frightful prairies, they arrived, August 12th, at the mountains near 
the Rio Grande. 

Signs of hostility now began to appear ; and messages arrived from 
General Armigo, governor of Santa Fe, requesting Kearny to ad- 
vance no further,, or at least to consent to negotiations for peace. 
The tone of these was dignified but earnest. The American com- 
mander replied that he came to take possession; that the peaceable 
inhabitants should be well treated, but that the vengeance of both 
army and government would be poured upon all others. On the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 529 

march the colonel received a despatch from government constituting 
him brigadier-general. 

On the 18th of August, General Kearny took possession of Santa 
Fe, in the name of the United States. The oath of allegiance was 
administered to the alcalde and inhabitants, and a military territorial 
government established. No opposition was experienced, Governor 
Armigo and his army having fled at the approach of the Americans. 
General Kearny was proclaimed governor, erected a fort, (called 
Fort Marcy,) and published a proclamation to the inhabitants. 

After seeing every thing in a state of tranquillity, General Kearny 
commenced his march, September 25th, for the distant region of 
California. 

Before the general had accomplished this arduous undertaking, 
Colonel Doniphan, with his citizen volunteers, commenced one of 
equal magnitude, and pregnant with events of paramount importance. 
When Kearny left Santa Fe, he ordered the colonel to proceed as 
soon as practicable into Chihuahua, and report to General Wool, 
who with the centre division had been intrusted with the conquering 
of that province. 

On the 17th of December, Doniphan, with nine hundred and 
twenty-four men, began his expedition. On the 24th they reached the 
Jornada Lake, into which runs the Brazito River, more than twenty 
miles from the Passo del Norte, of the eastern mountain range. 
Here they were informed that the Mexicans, to the number of one 
thousand, were collected at the Pass, ready for an attack. The 
Americans numbered about six hundred, the remainder being sick. 
On the afternoon of the following day, (Christmas,) the enemy were 
seen approaching, and, when within eight hundred yards, extended 
themselves so as to cover the American flank. An ofiicer ap- 
proached, carrying a black flag, and after proclaiming no quarters, 
rejoined his column, which immediately charged at a rapid gallop. 
The conflict was but short — the Mexicans being defeated with the 
loss of thirty killed, and driven into the mountains. Eight were 
captured, six of whom subsequently died ; and their single piece of 
cannon was also taken. The Americans had seven wounded. Ou 
the 27th, Doniphan entered the town of El Passo without resistance, 
where he was reinforced by Major Clark's artillery. 

On the 8th of February, 1847, the whole command left the Passo 
del Norte, and marched for Chihuahua. On the 28th, they fought 
the battle of Sacramento. 

Four thousand Mexican troops were strongly posted at the Pass 
of the Sacramento. Doniphan's force was but nine hundred and 

34 



530 LIVES OF THE PRESIDI^NTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

twenty-four effective. Yet within two hours, he drove the enemy 
from all their positions, killed or wounded several hundred of them, 
while he lost but a few of his own troops, and captured an immense 
quantity of stores and ammunition. This was a glorious triumph 
under the circumstances. 

On the 1st of March, Colonel Doniphan took possession of Chi- 
huahua, where he remained three weeks. At the end of this time, 
having received orders from General Wool, he marched, April 25th, 
for Saltillo. On the road. Captain Eeid defeated about fifty In- 
dians near El Passo, May 13th, capturing one thousand horses. On 
the 22d of May the command reached Wool's encampment, and on 
the 27th, that of General Taylor. 

As the term of service of these gallant men had expired, they now 
commenced their return. Early in June they marched through 
Matamoras, and on the 16th, arrived at New Orleans. 

Meanwhile a military and naval force under the direction, first, 
of Commodore Sloat, and afterward of Commodore Stockton, had 
taken possession of California, and published a proclamation to the 
inhabitants, claiming it as part of the United States. The head- 
quarters of his forces was the Ciudad de los Angelos. An elective 
government was established, officers elected, and a tariff on imports 
established. Stockton then proceeded to San Francisco. The fleet 
in the mean while blockaded the entire coast of California, and on 
the 19th of November, 1846, captured the town of Panuco. While 
the commodore was congratulating himself upon the favourable con- 
dition of affairs, the inhabitants of los Angelos suddenly arose in 
revolt, and compelled the surrender of Captain Gillespie, with thirty 
men. Immediately after, the whole region south of Monterey (Cali- 
fornia) were in arms. Stockton, accompanied by Colonel Fremont, 
hastened back, and commenced a desultory war with the insurrec- 
tionists, which lasted until January, 1847, when, in the battle of 
San Gabriel (8th and 9th) the Mexicans were defeated, and subordi- 
nation restored. Kearny, who had lately arrived in California, aided 
Stockton in this battle. 

A dispute now arose between Kearny and Stockton concerning 
the government of California. The former. produced his commission 
as governor from the president ; but for several reasons, Stockton 
declared it null. To this opinion Colonel Fremont assented. Kearny 
submitted until the arrival of reinforcements, when Stockton left the 
territory, and the general arrested Fremont, and sent him to the 
United States. After a most thorough investigation, which lasted 
more than two months, he was found guilty of mutiny, disobedience 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 531 

of orders, and unofficer-like conduct, and sentenced to be dismissed 
from the army. Being recommended, however, to the clemency of 
the president, the sentence was remitted, and the colonel immediately 
reported for duty. 

On receiving news of the actual commencement of hostilities, at 
the Rio Grande, General Scott, commander-in-chief of the American 
army, requested of government privilege to join the army of occupa- 
tion with a large force, and push forward rapidly for the Mexican 
capital. This was refused, and the commander obliged to remain 
inactive until November, when he received orders to repair imme- 
diately to the seat of war. Accordingly he reached the Rio Grande, 
January 1st, 1847. 

Scott's sphere of operations was different from that of Taylor. 
With his own troops, and those drawn from the army of occupation, 
(numbering altogether about twelve thousand,) he had been ordered 
to proceed against the city of Vera Cruz and its castle, as the first 
step in a grand scale of operations, the destination of which was the 
city of Mexico. 

After considerable delay in completing necessary arrangements, 
the fleet under Commodore Conner, having on board the commander 
and his army, arrived off Vera Cruz. 

On the 9th, the landing was effected below Vera Cruz. No oppo- 
sition was experienced. On the 22d of March, the city was com- 
pletely invested, and the strong castle of San Juan de Ulloa, in front, 
threatened by the vessels of the squadron. The governor declined 
a summons to surrender, and General Scott immediately opened his 
batteries. The bombardment and cannonade continued until the 
24th, when the city and castle capitulated. The loss of the Mexi- 
cans during this great siege was very heavy; but the besiegers had 
only twelve killed and sixty-five wounded. On the 29th, General 
Scott entered the city. 

After remaining more than two weeks with his army at Vera Cruz, 
General Scott commenced his advance, April 8th, for the capital. 
On the 11th, Twiggs's division reached the Plan del Rio, where, in 
a few days, it was joined by those of Quitman and Worth. 

At this time, Santa Anna was stationed at the strong mountain 
pass of Sierra Gordo, which he had fortified with the greatest pre- 
caution. Here he awaited the arrival of the Americans with firm- 
ness, calculating that the advantages of his position and his supe- 
riority of force would give him an easy victory over the army of 
General Scott. 

The road from Vera Cruz, as it passes the Plan del Rio, which is 



532 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

a wide, rocky bed of a once large stream, is commanded by a. series 
of higb cliffs, rising one above the other, and extending several miles, 
and all well fortified. The road then debouches to the right, and, 
curving around the ridge, passes over a high cliff, which is com- 
pletely enfiladed by forts and batteries. This ridge is the com- 
mencement of Terra Templada, the upper or mountainous country. 
The high and rocky ravine of the river protected the right flank of 
the position, and a series of most abrupt and apparently impassable 
mountains and ridges covered their left. Between these points, 
running a distance of two or three miles, a succession of strongly 
fortified forts bristled at every turn, and seemed to defy all bravery 
and skill. The Sierra Gordo commanded the road on a gentle 
declination, like a glacis, for nearly a mile — an approach in that 
direction was impossible. A front attack must have terminated in 
the almost entire annihilation of our army. But the enemy expected 
such an attack, confiding in the desperate valour of our men, and 
believing that it was impossible to turn their position to the right or 
left. General Scott, however, with the eye of a skilful general, per- 
ceived the trap set for him, and determined to avoid it. He, there- 
fore, had a road cut to the right, so as to escape the front fire from 
the Sierra, and turn his position on the left flank. This movement 
was made known to the enemy by a deserter from our camp, and 
consequently a large increase of force under General Vega was sent 
to the forts on the left. 

General Scott, to cover his flank movements, on the 17th of April, 
ordered forward General Twiggs against the fort on the steep ascent, 
in front and a little to the left of the Sierra. Colonel Harney com- 
manded this expedition, and, at the head of the rifles and some de- 
tachments of infantry and artillery, carried his position under a 
heavy fire of grape and musketry. Having secured this position in 
front and near the enemy's strongest fortification, and having by 
incredible labour elevated one of our large guns to the top of the 
fort. General Scott prepared to follow up his advantages. A demon- 
stration was made from this position against another strong fort in 
the rear, and near the Sierra, but the enemy was considered too 
strong, and the undertaking was abandoned. A like demonstration 
was made by the enemy. 

Every thing being ready for a general attack, Twiggs's division 
moved on the morning of the 18th against the main fortress. Pillow's 
against that on the right, and Shields's and Worth's to the road in 
order to cut off all retreat. The troops composing the first, headed 
by Colonel Harney, pushed forward under a tremendous fire, and 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 533 

soon swept the works with the bayonet ; but La Vega succeeded in 
repulsing General Pillow. He finally surrendered, however, on 
ascertaining that Santa Anna was defeated. The latter fled with 
precipitation, accompanied by Generals Almonte and Canalizo, and, 
with about half of the army escaped. He was so hotly pursued 
by Colonel Harney, as to leave behind his state carriage, trunks, 
and several thousand dollars in silver. 

In this battle the Americans lost about two hundred and fifty in 
killed and wounded. General Shields was shot through the lungs by 
a musket ball, but to the astonishment of all, survived. The loss of 
the Mexicans was about the same, exclusive of prisoners, who num- 
bered three thousand. So great a quantity of stores, small arms, 
cannon, ammunition, &c., were taken, that General Scott, in his 
despatch to government, stated that he was embarrassed with the 
results of victory. The force of the enemy in this battle numbered 
eleven thousand; that of the Americans, six thousand. 

The several divisions of the army rapidly pursued their success. 
On the 19th, Twiggs entered Jalapa without opposition. On the 
22d, General Worth took undisputed possession of the town and 
castle of Perote, one of the strongest in Mexico. Tuspan, on the 
seacoast, had been previously taken (18th) by a portion of the Gulf 
squadron under Commodore Perry. Worth remained near Jalapa 
until the 15th of May, when he captured the city of Puebla. 

The army remained at Puebla until August, when reinforcements 
having arrived. General Scott began his famous march for the city 
of Mexico. The troops passed the Rio Frio without opposition, and 
on the 10th reached Ayotla. Here a careful reconnoissance was 
made of the position El Penon, a fortification strongly defended by 
both nature and art. It had also been garrisoned with so much care, 
that General Scott determined to avoid it by marching round Lake 
Chalco, over a road discovered by General Worth. On the evening 
of the 17th, Worth's division arrived near San Antonio, after a most 
toilsome march over a rugged broken road. On the following day 
Captain' Thornton was killed while reconnoitring the Mexican po- 
sition. The troops lay on their arms all night, and on the following 
day, at one o'clock p. M., Generals Smith and Riley attacked Con- 
treras. This strong fortress was carried before daylight of the 20th, 
the enemy being completely routed with immense slaughter. An 
ofiicer thus describes the taking of Churubusco: — 

" General Worth had made a demonstration on San Antonio, where 
the enemy was fortified in a strong hacienda ; but they retired on 
his approach to Churubusco, where the works were deemed im- 



534 LIVES OF THE PRESID^^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

pregnable. They consisted of a fortified hacienda, which was sur- 
rounded by a high and thick wall on all sides. Inside the wall was 
a stone building, the roof of which was flat and higher than the 
walls. Above all this was a stone church, still higher than the rest, 
and having a large steeple. The wall was pierced with loopholes, 
and so arranged that there were two tiers of men firing at the same 
time. They thus had four different ranges of men firing at once, 
and four ranks were formed on each range and placed at such a 
height that they could not only overlook all the surrounding country, 
but at the same time they had a plunging fire upon us. Outside the 
hacienda, and completely commanding the avenues of approach, was 
a field-work extending around two sides of the work and protected 
by a deep, wet ditch, and armed with seven large pieces. This 
hacienda is at the commencement of the causeway leading to the 
western gate of the city, and had to be passed before getting on the 
road. About three hundred yards in the rear of this work, another 
field-work had been built where a cross road meets the causeway, at 
a point where it crosses a river, thus forming a bridge head, or tete 
de pont. This was also very strong and armed with three very 
large pieces of cannon. The works were surrounded on every side 
by large cornfields, which were filled with the enemy's skirmishers, 
so that it was difficult to make a reconnoisance. It was therefore 
decided to make the attack immediately, as they were full of men 
and extended for nearly a mile on the road to the city, completely 
covering the causeway. The attack commenced about one P. M. 
General Twiggs's division attacked on the side toward which they 
approached the fort, i. e. opposite the city. General Worth's at- 
tacked the bridge head, which he took in about an hour and a half; 
while Generals Pillow and Quitman were on the extreme left, between 
the causeway and Twiggs's division. The rifles were on the left, and 
in the rear of the work, intrusted by General Scott with the task of 
charging the work in case General Pierce gave way. The firing was 
tremendous — in fact, one continued roll while the combat lasted. The 
enemy, from their elevated position, could readily see our men, who 
were unable to get a clear view from their position. Three of the 
pieces were manned by " The Deserters," a body of about one hundred, 
who had deserted from the ranks of our army during the war. They 
were enrolled in two companies, commanded by a deserter, and were 
better uniformed and disciplined than the rest of the army. These 
men fought most desperately, and are said not only to have shot 
down several of our officers whom they knew, but to have pulled 
down the white flag of surrender no less than three times. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 535 

The battle raged most furiously for about three hours, when both 
sides, having lost a great many, the enemy began to give way. As 
soon as they commenced retreating, Kearny's squadron passed 
through the tete de pont, and charging through the retreating column, 
pursued them to the very gate of the city. As they got within about 
five hundred yards of the gate, they were opened upon with grape 
and canister, and several officers wounded. 

The official returns give our loss in killed and wounded, in the two 
battles of Contreras and Churubusco, at eleven hundred and fifty, 
besides officers. The Mexican loss is five hundred killed in the 
second battle, one thousand wounded, and eleven hundred prisoners, 
exclusive of officers. Three more generals were taken, among them 
General Rincon, and Anaya, the provisional president; also ten 
pieces of cannon, and an immense amount of ammunition and stores. 
Santa Anna, in his report, states his loss in killed, wounded, and 
missing, at twelve thousand. He has only eighteen thousand left 
out of thirty thousand, which he gives as his force on the 20th, in 
both actions. 

Mindful of the desire, so often expressed by President Polk, to 
conquer a peace. General Scott halted his victorious troops within 
sight of the capital, and offered terms of an armistice preparatory to 
the opening of negotiations for a peace. The offer was gladly 
accepted, and an armistice concluded. 

During the cessation of hostilities, court-martials, appointed by 
General Scott, tried and sentenced Sergeant Riley, and seventy 
others, who had deserted at various times. Fifty were sentenced to 
be hung, but were afterward pardoned. The remainder, including 
the sergeant, having joined the Mexicans prior to the declaration of 
war, were branded, publicly whipped, sentenced to solitary confine- 
ment, with a chain and ball, while the army should remain in Mexico, 
and afterward to be drummed out of service. All these men were 
captured fighting desperately at Churubusco. 

Overtures of peace were now made by Mr. Trist, the American 
plenipotentiary, who agreed that the United States should pay a 
certain sum for California, and retain Texas with the Rio Grande 
as the boundary. To the latter condition the Mexicans would not 
assent. On the 2d of September, Mr. Trist handed in his ultimatum 
on boundaries, and the negotiators adjourned to assemble on the 6th. 

General Scott thus details the operations subsequent to the .meet- 
ing of the commissioners : 

"Some infractions of the truce, in respect to our supplies from 
the city, were earlier committed, followed by apologies on the part 



536 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

« 
of the enemy. Those vexations I was willing to put down to the 
imbecility of the government, and waived pointed demands of repara- 
tion while any hope remained of a satisfactory termination of the 
war. But on the 5th, and more fully on the 6th, I learned that as 
soon as the ultimatum had been considered in a grand council of 
ministers and others, President Santa Anna, on the 4th or 5th, with- 
out giving me the slightest notice, actively recommenced strengthen- 
ing the military defences of the city, in gross violation of the third 
article of the armistice. 

" On that information, which has since received the fullest verifi- 
cation, I addressed to him my note of the 6th. His reply, dated the 
same day, received the next morning, was absolutely and notoriously 
false, both in recrimination and explanation. I enclose copies of 
both papers, and have had no subsequent correspondence with the 
enemy. Being delayed by the terms of the armistice more than two 
weeks, we had now, late on the 7th, to begin to reconnoiter the 
different approaches to the city within our reach, before I could lay 
down any definite plan of attack. 

" The same afternoon, a large body of the enemy was discovered 
hovering about the Molinos del Rey, within a mile and a third of 
this village, where I am quartered with the general staff and Worth's 
division. 

"It might have been supposed that an attack upon us was in- 
tended ; but knowing the great value to the enemy of those mills, 
(Molinos del Rey,) containing a cannon foundry, with a large deposit 
of powder in Casa Mata, near them; and having heard, two days 
before, that many church bells had been sent out to be cast into 
guns, the enemy's movement was easily understood, and I resolved 
at once to drive him early the next morning, to seize the powder, 
and to destroy the foundry. 

"Another motive for this decision — leaving the general plan of 
attack upon the city for full reconnoissances — was, that we knew our 
recent captures had left the enemy not a fourth of the guns necessary 
to arm, all at the same time, the strong works at each of the eight 
city gates; and we could not cut the communication between the 
capital and the foundry without first taking the formidable castle on 
the heights of Chapultepec, which overlooked both, and stood between." 
The management of this important assault was intrusted to Major- 
general Worth. He describes his operations as follows : 

"Having, in the course of the 7th, accompanied the general-in- 
chief on a reconnoissance of the formidable dispositions of the 
enemy, near and around the castle of Chapultepec, they were found 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 537 

to exhibit an extended line of cavalry and infantry, sustained by a 
field-battery of four guns — occupying directly, or sustaining a system 
of defences collateral to the castle and summit. This examination 
gave fair observation of the configuration of the grounds and the 
extent of the enemy's force, but, as appeared in the sequel, an in- 
adequate idea of the nature of his defences — they being skilfully 
masked. 

"The general-in-chief ordered that my division, reinforced, should 
attack and carry those lines and defences, capture the enemy's 
artillery, destroy the machinery and material supposed to be in the 
foundry, (El Molino del Rey,) but limiting the operations to that 
extent. After which my command was to be immediately withdrawn 
to its position in the village of Tacubaya. 

"A close and daring reconnoissance by Captain Mason, of the 
engineers, made on the morning of the 7th, represented the enemy's 
lines collateral to Chapultepec to be as follows : his left rested upon 
and occupied a group of strong stone buildings, called El Molino del 
Rey, adjoining the grove at the foot of the hill of Chapultepec, and 
directly under the guns of the castle which crowns its summit. The 
right of this line rested upon another stone building, called Casa 
Mata, situated at the foot of the ridge that slopes gradually from 
the heights above the village of Tacubaya to the plain below. Mid 
way between these buildings was the enemy's field-battery, and his 
infantry forces were disposed on either side to support it. This 
reconnoissance was verified by Captain Mason and Colonel Duncan, 
on the afternoon of the same day. The result indicated that the 
centre was the weak point of the enemy's position, and that his 
flanks were the strong points, his left flank being the strongest. 

"As the enemy's system of defence was connected with the hill 
and castle of Chapultepec, and as my operations were limited to a 
specific object, it became necessary to isolate the work to be accom- 
plished from the castle of Chapultepec and its immediate defences. 
To efiect this object, the following dispositions were ordered: Colonel 
Garland's brigade to take position on the right, strengthened by two 
pieces of Captain Drum's battery, to look to El Molino del Rey as 
well as any support of this position from Chapultepec; and also 
within sustaining distance of the assaulting party and the battering 
guns, which, under Captain Huger, Avere placed on the ridge five or 
six hundred yards from El Molino del Rey, to batter and loosen this 
position from Chapultepec. An assaulting party of five hundred 
picked men and officers, under command of Brevet Major George 
Wright, 8th infantry, was also posted on the ridge to the left of the 



538 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENffS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

battering guns, to force the enemy's centre. The 2d (Clark's) brigade, 
the command of which devolved on Colonel Mcintosh, (Colonel Clark 
being sick,) with Duncan's battery, was to take post still farther up 
the ridge, opposite the enemy's right, to look to our left flank, to 
sustain the assaulting column if necessary, or to discomfit the enemy, 
the ground being favourable, as circumstances might require. Cad- 
walader's brigade was held in reserve, in a position on the ridge, 
between the battering guns and Mcintosh's brigade, and in easy 
support of either. The cavalry, under Major Sumner, to envelope 
our extreme left, and be governed by circumstances — to repel or 
attack, as the commander's judgment might suggest. The troops to 
be put in position under cover of the night, and the work to begin 
as soon as the heavy material could be properly directed. Colonel 
Duncan was charged with the general disposition of the artillex-y. 

"Accordingly, at three o'clock on the morning of the 8th, the 
several columns were put in motion on as many different routes; 
and, when the gray of the morning enabled them to be seen, they 
were as accurately in position as if posted in midday for review. The 
early dawn was the moment appointed for the attack, which was 
announced to our troops by the opening of Iluger's guns on El Mo- 
lino del Rey, upon which they continued to play actively, until this 
point of the enemy's line became sensibly shaken, when the assault- 
ing party, commanded by Wright, and guided by that accomplished 
officer. Captain Mason, of the engineers, assisted by Lieutenant 
Foster, dashed gallantly forward to the assault. Unshaken by the 
galling fire of musketry and canister that was showered upon them, 
on they rushed, driving infantry and artillerymen at the point of the 
bayonet. The enemy's field-battery was taken, and his own guns 
were trailed upon his retreating masses ; before, however, they could 
be discharged, perceiving that he had been dispossessed of this strong 
position by comparatively a handful of men, he made a desperate 
effort to regain it. Accordingly his retiring forces rallied and 
formed with this object. Aided by the infantry, which covered the 
house-tops, (within reach of which the battery had been moved 
during the night,) the enemy's whole line opened upon the assaulting 
party a terrific fire of musketry, which struck down eleven out of the 
fourteen officers that composed the command, and non-commissioned 
officers and men in proportion; including, among the officers, Brevet 
Major Wright, the commander; Captain Mason and Lieutenant 
Foster, engineers : all severely wounded. 

" This severe shock staggered, for a moment, that gallant band. 
The light battalion, held to cover Huger's battery, under Captain E. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 539 

Kirbj Smith, (Lieutenant-colonel Smith being sick,) and the right 
wing of Cadwalader's brigade, were promptly ordered forward to 
support, which order was executed in the most gallant style ; the 
enemy was again routed, and this point of his line carried, and fully 
possessed by our troops. In the mean time. Garland's (1st) brigade, 
ably sustained by Captain Drum's artillery, assaulted the enemy's 
left, and, after an obstinate and very severe contest, drove him from 
this apparently impregnable position, immediately under the guns of 
the castle of Chapultepec. Drum's section, and the battering guns 
under Captain Huger, advanced to the enemy's position, and the 
captured guns of the enemy were now opened on his retreating forces, 
on which they continued to fire until beyond their reach. 

"While this work was in progress of accomplishment by our centre 
and right, our troops on the left were not idle. Duncan's battery 
opened on the right of the enemy's line, up to this time engaged; 
and the 2d brigade, under Colonel Mcintosh, was now ordered to 
assault the extreme right of the enemy's line. The direction of this 
brigade soon caused it to mask Duncan's battery — the fire of which 
for the moment was discontinued — and the brigade moved steadily 
on to the assault of Casa Mata, which, instead of an ordinary field 
intrenchment, as was supposed, proved to be a strong stone citadel, 
surrounded with bastioned intrenchments and impassable ditches — 
an old Spanish work, recently repaired and enlarged. When within 
easy musket range, the enemy opened a most deadly fire upon our 
advancing troops, which was kept up without intermission until our 
gallant men reached the very slope of the parapet of the work that 
surrounded the citadel. By this time a large proportion of the com- 
mand was either killed or wounded, among whom were the three 
senior officers present — Brevet Colonel Mcintosh, Brevet Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Scott, of the 5th infantry, and Major Waite, 8th in- 
fantry: the second killed, and the first and last desperately wounded. 
Still, the fire from the citadel was unabated. In this crisis of the 
attack, the command was momentarily thrown into disorder, and fell 
back on the left of Duncan's battery, where they rallied. 

As the 2d brigade moved to the assault, a very large cavalry and 
infantry force was discovered approaching rapidly upon our left 
flank, to reinforce the enemy's right. As soon as Duncan's battery 
was masked, as before mentioned, supported by Andrew's voltigeurs, 
of Cadwalader's brigade, it moved promptly to the extreme left of 
our line, to check the threatened assault on this point. The enemy's 
cavalry came rapidly within canister range, when the whole battery 
opened a most effective fire, which soon broke the squadrons, and 



540 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

drove them back in disorder. During this fire upon the enemy's 
cavalry, Major Sumner's command moved to the front, and changed 
direction in admirable order, under a most appalling fire from the 
Casa Mata. This movement enabled his command to cross the ravine 
immediately on the left of Duncan's battery, where it remained, 
doing noble service until the close of the action. At the very mo- 
ment the cavalry were driven beyond reach, our own troops drew 
back from before the Casa Mata, and enabled the guns of Duncan's 
battery to reopen upon this position, which, after a short and well- 
directed fire, the enemy abandoned. The guns of the battery were 
now turned upon his retreating columns, and continued to play upon 
them until beyond reach. 

" He was now driven from every point of the field, and his strong 
lines, which had certainly been defended well, were in our possession. 
In fulfilment of the instructions of the commander-in-chief, the Casa 
Mata was blown up, and such of the captured ammunition as was 
useless to us, as well as the cannon moulds found in El Molino del 
Rey, were destroyed. After which my command, under the reiterated 
orders of the general-in-chief, returned to quarters at Tacubaya, 
with three of the enemy's four guns, (the fourth, having been spiked, 
was rendered unserviceable ;) as also a large quantity of small arms, 
with gun and musket ammunition, and exceeding eight hundred pri- 
soners, including fifty-two commissioned ofiicers. 

"By concurrent testimony of prisoners, the enemy's force exceeded 
fourteen thousand men, commanded by General Santa Anna in person. 
His total loss, killed, including the second and third in command, 
(Generals Valdarez and Leon,) wounded, and prisoners, amounts to 
three thousand, exclusive of some two thousand who deserted after 
the rout. 

"My command, reinforced as before stated, only reached three 
thousand one hundred men of all arms. The contest continued two 
hours, and its severity is painfully attested by our heavy loss of 
officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, including in the first 
two classes some of the brightest ornaments of the service." 

This victory prepared the way for more important ones. The 
time from the 8th to the 11th was spent in careful reconnoissances 
of the defences around the capital. A description of these we give 
in General Scott's own words : 

"This city (Mexico) stands on a slight swell of ground, near the 
centre of an irregular basin, and is girdled with a ditch in its greater 
extent — a navigable canal of great breadth and depth — very difficult 
to bridge in the presence of an enemy, and serving at once for 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 541 

drainage, custom-house purposes, and military defence ; having eight 
entrances or gates over arches — each of which we found defended by 
a system of strong works, that seemed to require nothing but some 
men and guns to be impregnable. Outside, and within the cross- 
fires of those gates, we found to the south other obstacles little less 
formidable. All the approaches near the city are elevated cause- 
ways, cut in many places, (to oppose us,) and flanked on both sides 
by ditches, also of unusual dimensions. The numerous cross-roads 
are flanked in like manner, having bridges at the intersections, 
recently broken. The meadows thus checkered are, moreover, in 
many spots, under water or marshy ; for, it will be remembered, we 
were in the midst of the wet season, though with less rain than usual, 
and we could not wait for the fall of the neighbouring lakes, and the 
consequent drainage of the wet grounds at the edge of the city." 

In order to save the lives of his men, by avoiding these formidable 
obstacles. General Scott determined on a sudden and secret move- 
ment to the south-west, where the defences were feeble. This was 
admirably executed, the enemy mistaking a feint for the real march, 
until it was too late to retrieve themselves. 

The most important step in the new movement was the capture of 
Chapultepec, a natural and isolated mound of great elevation, strongly 
fortified at its base. Besides a numerous garrison, there was stationed 
at this place the military college of the republic, containing a large 
number of sub-lieutenants and other students. 

The bombardment of this strong place was commenced on the 
morning of the 12th, and continued with great activity, under the 
direction of Captain Huger, throughout the day. It was renewed 
on the following day, and kept up until eight o'clock, when General 
Scott gave signal to the divisions of Pillow and Quitman for a gene- 
ral assault. The redoubt yielded to resistless valour, and the enemy 
were so closely pursued as to be unable to fire a single mine without 
blowing up friend and foe. Then the ditch and wall of the main 
work were reached, scaling-ladders planted, and hundreds rushed 
over among the garrison. The cannon ceased, and the dire clashing 
of bayonets told of mortal strife. This also ceased, and long, loud 
cheers announced that Chapultepec had fallen. 

Simultaneously with the movement on the west. General Quitman 
had approached on the east, over a causeway, with cuts and batteries, 
defended by troops without and within. Deep ditches, flanking the 
causeway, made it difficult to cross on either side into the adjoining 
meadows, and these again were intersected by other ditches. By 
skilful manoeuvring, the New York, South Carolina, and 2d Penn- 



542 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

sylvania volunteers, with portions of Quitman's storming parties, 
crossed the meadows in front, under a heavy fire, and entered the 
outer enclosure of Chapultepec, in time to join in the final assault 
from the west. 

In the commencement of this brilliant afiair, General Worth had 
been stationed in rear of the castle, to act as circumstances might 
require. During the attack, one brigade had been withdrawn by 
Pillow to assist his movements ; and on observing a large party of 
the enemy outside the works, General Scott ordered him to turn 
Chapultepec with his division, proceeding cautiously by the road at 
its northern base, in order, if not met by very superior numbers, to 
threaten and attack the rear of that force. Worth promptly obeyed 
these directions, although having but one brigade. In turning a 
forest, he came up with the troops under Colonel Trousdale, and 
aided in taking a breastwork. Then passing Chapultepec, he at- 
tacked the right of the enemy's line at the time of the general 
retreat consequent upon the capture of the castle. After this he 
entered the San Cosme road, and commenced a rapid pursuit of the 
flying enemy. At the same time Quitman was hurrying forward by 
the Belen aqueduct. 

Deeming the continuance of this pursuit highly important. Gene- 
ral Scott sent two brigades to assist Worth, and one for the same 
purpose to Quitman. At a junction of the roads they found a 
formidable system of defences entirely abandoned. Into these 
Worth's troops entered, and commenced a street fight with the 
enemy, who were posted in gardens, at windows, and on house-tops. 
Worth ordered forward the mountain howitzers of Cadwalader's 
brigade, preceded by skirmishers and pioneers, with bars and axes, 
to force doors and windows, and to burrow through walls. Soon 
the assailants were in an equality of position with the enemy, and 
by eight o'clock, P. M. had carried two batteries. This brought 
them in front of the San Cosme gate, the only remaining obstruction 
to the grand plaza fronting the cathedral and palace. Here, in 
obedience to instructions, Worth halted, posted guards and sentinels, 
and placed his troops under shelter for the night. 

Meanwhile, Quitman, assisted by Generals Shields and Smith, had 
passed rapidly along the other road, carried a battery in the fice of 
flank and direct fires, stormed the Belen gate at two o'clock, and 
entered the city. Here he halted, sheltered himself as well as prac- 
ticable, and waited for further instructions. 

At four o'clock next morning, a deputation of the city council 
waited on General Scott, to report that the army and federal govern- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 543 

ment had fled from tlie city about midnight, in consequence of which 
they demanded terms of capitulation. The general replied, that he 
would sign no capitulation, nor submit to any terms not self-imposed 
— such only as the honour of his army, the dignity of his country, 
and the spirit of the age demanded. 

About daylight. Worth and Quitman were ordered to advance 
slowly and cautiously toward the heart of the city, and occupy its 
commanding points. The latter officer proceeded to the great square, 
planted guards, and hoisted the colours of the United States on the 
National Palace. At about eight o'clock, the general-in-chief, 
dressed in full uniform, accompanied by his staif, and escorted by 
bands' of music, entered the city at the head of his army. Before 
noon, a fire was opened upon the Americans from the corners of 
streets, windows, and roofs of houses, by some two thousand con- 
victs, liberated the night before by the flying government. This 
cowardly war lasted more than twenty-four hours, notwithstanding 
all the exertions of the municipal authorities, and was not put down 
until the army had lost many men killed and wounded, including 
several officers. General Quitman was appointed military governor 
of the city, and Captain Naylor superintendent of the National 
Palace. The former returning soon after to the United States, was 
succeeded by General Smith. 

General Scott thus sums up the great achievements of his army : 

"This small force (eight thousand men) has beaten on the same 
occasions, in view of the capital, the whole Mexican army, of (at the 
beginning) thirty odd thousand men — posted always in chosen po- 
sitions, behind intrenchments, or more formidable defences of nature 
and art ; killed or wounded of that number more than seven thousand 
officers and men; taken three thousand seven hundred and thirty 
prisoners, one-seventh officers, including thirteen generals, of whom 
three had been presidents of this republic ; captured more than 
twenty colours and standards, seventy-five pieces of ordnance, besides 
fifty-seven wall pieces, twenty thousand small arms, an immense 
quantity of shot, shells, powder, &c." 

General Scott's loss in the battles of August, was one thousand 
and fifty-two men, of whom seventy-six were officers; on the 8th of 
September, seven hundred and eighty-nine, of whom fifty-eight were 
officers; before the capital, eight hundred and sixty-two men, in- 
cluding seventy-eight officers; total, two thousand seven hundred 
and three, including three hundred and eighty-three officers. 

Having thus obtained complete possession of Mexico, General 
Scott proclaimed martial law, and levied a contribution upon the 



544 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

inhabitants. Business was resumed, and the city again became quiet 
and cheerful. Two months after, a proclamation was issued, re- 
questing the inhabitants of other cities to lay down arms, and de- 
claring the determination of the commander to spread hisftbrmy over 
the country in order to enforce obedience. 

During these operations before the capitol, a revolt had taken 
place in Puebla, which forced the American governor. Colonel Childs, 
to take refuge in the fortresses of San Jose, Loreto, and Guadaloupe. 
Here he was shut up by the inhabitants, and a bombardment com- 
menced on the 14th of September, which lasted twenty-eight days. 
The enemy cut off all supplies, and attempted to change the direction 
of a stream of water running through San Jose. The Americans 
were fired upon from houses, streets, forts, and mounds; and fre- 
quently the bombardment continued through the entire night. 

On the 22d, Santa Anna arrived with large reinforcements from 
Mexico, and on the 25th demanded a surrender. This was refused. 
A combined attack then commenced, and continued until the 2d of 
October, when a revolt of Santa Anna's troops obliged him to with- 
draw. Taking advantage of this. Colonel Childs detached two parties 
on a sortie. Captain William F. Small, who conducted one of them, 
succeeded in destroying a barricade of one hundred and fifty cotton 
bales, and driving back the enemy with a loss of seventeen men. The 
besiegers, although considerably disheartened, continued their opera- 
tions until the 12th, when General Lane arrived at the city with 
large reinforcements for the American army, and soon cleared it of 
the enemy. 

In his march to Puebla, Lane had encountered the forces of Santa 
Anna, at the town of Huamantla, (October 9th.) Leaving his train 
packed at the hacienda of Tamaris, he sent forward part of his forces, 
with Captain Walker's mounted men in advance, with instructions to 
drive the enemy from the town. When within about three miles, 
Walker observed parties of horsemen galloping in the same direction, 
and accordingly pushed forward at a rapid pace toward Huamantla. 
At the same time, about two thousand lancers came over the neigh- 
bouring hills, unseen by Walker, and approached the town. 

On arriving near the main plaza, Captain Walker discovered about 
five hundred of the enemy drawn up there, and immediately ordered 
a charge. The Mexicans were defeated, and driven through the 
city, until the arrival of their reinforcements. After fighting three- 
quarters of an hour, the captain succeeded in taking two pieces of 
artillery, but was not able to use them. Immediately after this suc- 
cess, the gallant and chivalric Walker was mortally wounded. The 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 545 

total loss of the Americans was tliirteen killed and eleven wounded ; 
that of the enemy more than one hundred. One brass six-pounder, 
a mountain howitzer, with some wagons, and a large quantity of 
ammunition were captured. 

General Lane remained in Puebla until the 18th, when, ascertain- 
ing that General Rea, with a considerable Mexican force was at 
Atlisco, he ordered a movement for that place on the following morn- 
ing. T^he march was commenced about noon of the 19th, and at 
four p. M., the advance guard of the enemy was discovered near Santa 
Isabella. A running fight took place, over a distance of four miles, 
when the Mexican main army appeared, ranged on a hill behind 
chaparral hedges. The cavalry dashed among them, and a bloody 
conflict ensued, attended with great loss to the enemy. They finally 
retreated, and were pursued to the town. Night had now arrived, 
but a fine moonlight rendered it still possible to continue operations. 
"Deeming it unsafe," says General Lane, "to risk a street fight in 
an unknown town at night, I ordered the artillery to be posted on a 
hill, near to the town, and overlooking it, and opened its fire. Now 
ensued one of the most beautiful sights conceivable. Every gun was 
served with the utmost rapidity ; and the crash of the walls and the 
roofs of the houses, when struck by our shot and shells, was mingled 
with the roar of our artillery. The bright light of the moon enabled 
us to direct our shots to the most thickly populated parts of the 
town." 

This bombardment continued three-quarters of an hour, when the 
general was waited on by the city council, who desired that the town 
might be spared. This was granted, and after destroying considera- 
ble military stores and arms. Lane left next morning for Puebla. 
His loss was one killed, and one wounded ; that of the enemy, two 
hundred and nineteen killed, and three hundred wounded. 

In the same month the towns of Guaymas and Mazatlan were 
taken by a portion of the American fleet. On the 15th the Ports- 
mouth sloop-of-war anchored off the port of the former, and was 
joined soon after by the frigate Congress, and the brig Argo. The 
town was twice summoned to surrender, and on the 10th was 
abandoned by the Mexican army. At six o'clock next morning the 
Americans opened their fire from both vessels of war and the two 
mortars, and continued it for more than an hour. They discharged 
into the town more than five hundred shot. One English resident 
was killed, some houses were burned, and others entirely destroyed. 
The town then submitted without further resistance. About the 
same time four ships of war took possession of the port of Mazatlan. 

35 



546 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

After this, little of interest transpired until tlie latter end of 
January, when General Scott, in company with Mr. Trist, opened 
negotiations of peace with the Mexican commissioners, — Luis G. 
Cuevas, Bernardo Conto, and Miguel Atristain, — assuming as a basis 
the articles formerly proposed by Mr. Trist, and rejected by Santa 
Anna. The most important of these were the cession of a large 
portion of California and all of New Mexico to the United States 
for a stipulated sum ; the adoption of the Rio Grande, as far as the 
Gila, for a boundary between the two countries ; the surrender of all 
posts, cities, fortresses, &c., captured during the war; and the full 
ratification of the treaty of April 5th, 1831. 

As commander-in-chief of the American army. General Scott ac- 
cepted this treaty from the Mexican congress, and forwarded it im- 
mediately to Washington. It arrived in that city on the 20th of 
February, and was laid before the president, who, on the 22d, sub- 
mitted it to the senate, accompanied by a message. Considering the 
importance of the measure, it passed through that body with un- 
exampled rapidity, being adopted with but slight alterations on the 
10th of March — the senate being out of session part of the time, in 
consequence of the death of ex-president Adams. The vote stood 
thirty-seven to fifteen, four members being absent. 

By an article of this treaty, it was made obligatory upon the 
American government to withdraw its troops from the Mexican 
territory, within three months after the final ratification, unless pre- 
vented by the approach of the sickly season. Accordingly, the first 
care of the officers was the organization of military parties to collect 
the military stores, and transmit them, under strong escorts, to Vera 
Cruz, the point of embarkation for the United States. These were 
followed by the army in detachments, led by officers appointed for 
the occasion. The whole was superintended by Major-general But- 
ler, acting commander-in-chief, assisted by the American com- 
missioner and generals, then in Mexico. Every facility was afforded 
by the Mexican authorities, and by the inhabitants generally. By 
the end of June the whole American force had been withdrawn, a 
service which, although of the most arduous kind, was admirably 
performed by both officers and men, without any material accident. 

During Mr. Polk's administration the measures of the Democratic 
party were fully carried out. In 1846 the tarifi" was reduced to a 
revenue standard. The sub-treasury and the warehousing system 
were also established in conformity with the wishes of the party 
whose policy the president approved. The republic incurred a large 
debt by the prosecution of the Mexican war, but such were the pro- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 547 

lific character of the revenues of the country, that no apprehensions 
were entertained. 

In May, 1848, developments were made which showed the great 
wealth acquired by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. It was acci- 
dentally discovered that gold existed in abundance upon the banks 
of the Sacramento and its tributaries in California, and further in- 
vestigation proved that the entire valleys of the Sacramento and San 
Joachin teemed with the precious metal. The intelligence created 
intense excitement throughout the commercial world, and every route 
to the new El Dorado was crowded with fortune seekers. Magical 
changes were effected in California. Cities and towns sprang up, 
and within a year and a half, what had previously been a neglected 
territory, was ready for admission into the Union as a populous and 
powerful State. An immense impulse was given to the trade and 
business of the United States. 

Mr. Polk's eventful administration closed on the 3d of March, 
1849. He did not long survive his return to Nashville, Tennessee. 
He was seized with chronic diarrhoea, and on the 15th of June, 1849, 
he expired, at the age of fifty-four years. 

In person, Mr. Polk was of the average height, and rather thin. 
His forehead was high and full, and he had keen, blue eyes. The 
general expression of his countenance was that of grave, earnest 
thought. His private character was above reproach. 



GEORGE M. DALLAS. 



George Mifflin Dallas, vice-president of the United States 
during the administration of James K. Polk, is the son of Alexander 
James Dallas, a statesman who held high positions under Jefferson 
and Madison. He was born July 10, 1792, in the city of Phila- 
delphia, where he received his early education. He graduated with 
high honours at Princeton college in 1810, commenced the study of 
the law in his father's office at Philadelphia, and was admitted to the 
bar in 1813. In the same year he accompanied Mr. Gallatin to 
Russia as his private secretary, when that gentleman was appointed 
a member of the commission to negotiate a peace under the media- 
tion of Alexander. During his absence he visited Russia, France, 
England, Holland, and the Netherlands. He returned to the United 
States in 1814, and after assisting his father for a time in his duties 



548 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

as secretary of the treasury, he commenced the practice of his pro- 
fession in Philadelphia. In 1817 he was appointed the deputy of 
the attorney-general of Philadelphia, and soon won a high reputation 
as a criminal lawyer. 

Mr. Dallas took an active part in politics, and became one of the 
leading men among the democracy of his native State. In 1825 he 
was elected mayor of Philadelphia, and on the accession of General 
Jackson, in 1829, he was appointed to the office of district-attorney, 
the same office which had been held by his father. This post he held 
until 1831, when a vacancy having occurred in the representation 
from Pennsylvania in the United States senate, Mr. Dallas was 
chosen to fill it. He took an active part in the debates of the stormy 
session of 1832-33. On the expiration of his term of office, in 1833, 
he declined a re-election, and resumed the practice of his profession. 
In 1837 he was appointed by Mr. Van Buren, ambassador to Russia, 
and remained in that country in that capacity until October, 1839, 
when he returned home, and once more devoted himself to the prac- 
tice of the law. In 1844 he was elected vice-president of the United 
States, and entered upon the duties of his office in March of the 
following year. His term of office expired in March, 1849.* 

He presided over the deliberations of the senate with great dignity 
and energy. The tariff of 1846 was adopted by his casting vote 
being given in its favour. Since 1849 he has been living in retire- 
ment at Philadelphia. Mr. Dallas is an able lawyer and an effective 
speaker. 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 



James Buchanan was secretary of state under the adminstration 
of Mr. Polk. He was born on the 13th of April, 1791, in Franklin 
county, Pennsylvania. After having passed through a regular classi- 
cal and academical course of instruction, he studied and adopted the 
law as a profession. Having inherited a predilection for politics, he 
was nominated in 1814, for the house of representatives of the legis- 
lature of his native state, and was elected. He was re-elected in 
the year 1815. After having served two sessions, he declined an- 
other re-election. In 1820 he was elected to Congress, and took his 
seat in that body in December, 1821. He remained a member of 

* Men of the Time. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 549 

the house till March 4, 1831. Imraediatelj after his fifth election, 
he declined further service, and retired into private life. In May, 
1831, he was offered the mission to Russia by General Jackson, and 
accepted the proffered honour. 

In the year 1834, immediately after his return from Russia, Mr. 
Buchanan was elected to the senate of the United States, to fill an 
unexpired term, rendered vacant by the resignation of Mr. Wilkins. 
In December, 1836, he was elected for a full term; and, in 1843, 
was re-elected. In March, 1845, he was appointed secretary of 
State by President Polk, which office he held till the close of the 
administration of that gentleman.* After his retirement from that 
position, he continued to take an active part in State and national 
politics, and his friends were desirous of seeing him nominated for 
the presidency by the national convention of the democratic party. 
On the accession of Mr. Pierce to the chief magistracy of the Union, 
he appointed Mr. Buchanan minister to England, an office for which 
his great diplomatic experience and ability eminently fitted him. 
Mr. Buchanan is neither an effective orator nor a forcible writer ; 
but as a statesman and politician he is distinguished for boldness 
and sagacity. 



ROBERT J.WALKER. 



The secretary of the treasury under President Polk was Robert 
J. Walker, of Mississippi. He was born at Northumberland, Penn- 
sylvania, in 1801. He enjoyed the advantages of an excellent edu- 
cation, graduated at the university of Pennsylvania, in 1819, with 
the first honours of his class. On leaving college, he settled in 
Pittsburgh, studied law, and was admitted to practice in 1821. He 
interested himself in politics at a very early period, and became 
chairman of a democratic committee during a State election, when 
only twenty-two years of age. A year or two later, he took part in 
the movement in favour of nominating General Jackson to the presi- 
dency, and was instrumental in bringing about the action of the 
Harrisburg convention, which presented Jackson with that office in 
1824. In the spring of 1826, he moved to the State of Mississippi, 
where he still continued to be a zealous advocate of General Jack- 
son's nomination, and a warm supporter of his measures, after he 

* Men of the Time. 



550 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

reached the presidential chair. He uniformly refused every political 
office which was offered him, until 1834, when he consented to become 
a candidate for the office of United States senator; but the Whigs 
having a majority in the State senate, he was not elected. In 1836, 
however, he was more successful, and took his seat in the senate 
shortly after. In that body he was one of the leaders of his party, 
and participated fully in the debates, uniformly supporting the men 
and measures of the democratic party. In March, 1845, on Mr. 
Polk's accession to office, Mr. Walker was called upon to take charge 
of the treasury department, which he administered for four years 
with distinguished ability. Since 1849, he has taken no active part 
in politics.* He is considered one of the ablest financiers in the 
United States. 



WILLIAM L. MARCY. 



The distinguished secretary of war under President Polk, and no 
less distinguished secretary of state in the cabinet of President 
Pierce. William L. Marcy is descended from one of the early 
settlers of Connecticut. He was born at Southbridge, in that State, 
on the 12th of December, 1786. Having obtained an academical 
education at Leicester, he entered Brown University, at Providence, 
Rhode Island, and there graduated, in 1808, with the highest honours. 
Immediately afterward he removed to Troy, in New York, and 
having finished his legal course, there began the practice of the law. 

When the second war with England broke out, Mr. Marcy joined 
the northern army as a lieutenant of volunteers. Holding this rank, 
he was with the American detachment, under command of Major 
Young, which captured a body of Canadian militia at St. Regis, on 
the night of October the 22d, 1812. The flag, and the prisoners, 
which thus fell into the hands of the Americans, were the first 
trophies of their success on land. 

Soon after the close of the war, Mr. Marcy was appointed recorder 
of the city of Troy. Removed from that office in 1818, on account 
of his political principles, which were strongly republican, he was 
three years subsequently elected by the legislature comptroller of 
the State. As the duties of his office compelled him to be at Albany, 
the seat of government, he removed to that city, where he has ever 

« Men of the Time. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 551 

since had his permanent residence. On the 31st of January, 1831, 
he resigned the office of associate judge of the supreme court of New 
York, to which he had been appointed more than a year previously, 
and, on the following day, was elected to the dignified position of a 
United States senator. 

After nearly two years of distinguished service in the senate of 
the republic, Mr. Marcy was elected governor of New York, and 
entered upon the duties of that office in January, 1833. In 1834, 
and 1836, he was again and again chosen to fill the same high station. 
At the close of his third term, he was appointed by President Yaix 
Buren one of the commissioners on Mexican claims, under the con- 
vention of 1839. Having completed his duties on this commission, 
he returned to Albany in 1842. 

When Mr. Polk was inaugurated as president, he called Mr. Marcy 
to a place in his cabinet, appointing him secretary of war. The war 
with Mexico, which presently broke out, rendered the duties of the 
new secretary most arduous, and, at times, harassing in the greatest 
degree. But though he encountered many difficulties of a peculiarly 
perplexing nature, he overcame them all, and won for himself an 
enviable reputation as an able cabinet officer. 

Retiring to private life on the close of President Polk's official 
term, Mr. Marcy remained there till he received the appointment of 
secretary of state in the cabinet of President Pierce. In this station 
he has displayed his usual ability, and, in one instance at least, has 
given a marked character to the administration under which he holds 
his office. 

Late in July, 1853, Martin Koszta — an Hungarian by nativity, but, 
by reason of his previous legal declaration of intention to become such, 
an adopted American citizen — while in the port of Smyrna, was seized 
and carried on board an Austrian ship of war, and there confined in 
irons as a traitor to the crown of Austria. Being made aware of the 
facts of the case. Commander Ingraham, of the United States ship 
of war St. Louis, demanded, and finally enforced the surrender of 
Koszta to the keeping of the French legation, to be yielded up only 
upon the written consent of the American and Austrian ministers. 
About the same time. Chevalier Hulseman, the Austrian charge in 
the United States, wrote, on the part of his government, a protest 
against the action of Captain Ingraham, addressed to Secretary 
Marcy, and requesting our government to yield up Koszta to the 
Austrian authorities. This brought a letter from the secretary, 
ably and successfully vindicating the proceedings of Ingraham and 
Mr. Brown, the dragoman of the American legation at Smyrna, 



552 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

inspiring the civilized world with respect for the American flag and 
the statesmanship of our countrymen, and completely settling the 
Koszta dispute. It established a principle which the nations of the 
Old World will scarcely attempt to controvert. 

Mr. Marcy is not a graceful speaker, but still an orator. His 
pen, however, is the weapon which he uses with grace and skill. His 
state papers are models of composition, and, even as such, will be 
long held in estimation. In private life, Mr. Marcy is highly 
esteemed for his integrity, his sociability, his public spirit, and his 
benevolence. In person, he is above the common height, stout- 
framed and muscular, with a strongly marked countenance, fully 
expressive of his determined character. His manners, though digni- 
fied, are without affectation, and are courteous in an eminent degree. 
As a party man, he is frank and fair, though a strict adherent to 
Democratic principles. 



GEORGE BANCROFT. 

The secretary of the navy under the first part of Mr. Polk's ad- 
ministration, was the distinguished historian, George Bancroft. 
He was born at Worcester, Massachusetts, in the year 1800. His 
father, who was himself an author and a doctor of divinity, gave to 
his son's mind the bent and disposition which in after-years con- 
ducted him to celebrity, position, and power. Not yet seventeen, 
Mr. Bancroft graduated at Harvard college with honours, and soon 
entered upon a course of literary pursuits, having as their ultimate 
end the profession of an historian. In 1818 he went to Europe, and 
there studied at Gottingen and Berlin, enjoying the high advantages 
of the most thorough system of instruction, and the society of dis- 
tinguished and cultivated men. After an absence of four years, 
during which he travelled in England, Switzerland, Germany, and 
Italy, he returned to the United States. His first sphere of labour 
was naturally in accordance with his previous life, and he was ap- 
pointed tutor of Greek in Harvard college. A love of intellectual 
independence, and the desire to engraft upon the academic system in 
New England the German method of instruction, led him, in company 
with a literary friend, to separate labours in the field of instruction, 
which were pursued for some time in the interior of New England, 
but afterward abandoned for duties of a more public and permanent 
character. 



AND OP MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 553 

During the interval of severer labours, Mr. Bancroft made many 
contributions to American literature, especially from the stores of 
German thought and intellect, then comparatively sealed, even to 
educated men in the United States. He early adopted decided 
political opinions, attaching himself to the Democratic party, in 
whose behalf his first vote was cast. In 1826, in a public oration, 
afterward published, he announced as his creed "universal suffrage 
and uncompromising democracy;" and in the ranks of the liberal 
party he rose to political preferment and distinction rarely attained 
by one whose career at the outset was so purely that of a scholar. 
In 1834, Mr. Bancroft published the first volume of his "History of 
the United States," a work to which he had long devoted his thoughts 
and researches, and in which he laid the foundation of a reputation 
at once permanent and universal. The first and two succeeding 
volumes of the work, comprising the colonial history of the country, 
were hailed with the highest satisfaction, as exhibiting for the first 
time, in a profound and philosophical manner, not only the facts, but 
the ideas and principles of American history. 

In January, 1838, Mr. Bancroft received from President Van 
Buren the appointment of collector of the port of Boston, a post of 
more responsibility than profit, which he occupied until the year 
1841, discharging its duties with a fidelity which proved that a man 
of letters may also be a man of business, in the strictest sense of the 
term. In 1844 he was the candidate of the democracy of Massa- 
chusetts for the ofiice of governor of that State ; and, though the 
party was in the minority, his unusually large vote, greater than that 
which any other democratic candidate has since received, attested 
his popularity. In the spring of 1845, Mr. Bancroft was called by 
President Polk to a seat in the cabinet and the administration of 
the navy department, over which he presided with an energy and 
efl5ciency which, notwithstanding the short period of his connection 
with it, perpetuated themselves in numerous reforms and improve- 
ments, of lasting utility to the naval service. In 1846 he was ap- 
pointed minister-plenipotentiary to Great Britain, and there repre- 
sented the United States, until succeeded by Mr. Abbott Lawrence 
in 1849. In England, the prestige of Mr. Bancroft's literary repu- 
tation, and his high social qualities, contributed to enhance the popu- 
larity and respect which attached to him during his entire diplomatic 
career, which was one of complete satisfaction to the government 
which he represented, and to that to which he was accredited. On 
his return, he fixed his residence in the city of New York, and 
resumed more actively the prosecution of his historical labours. The 



554 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENJS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

fourth volume of his history appeared early in the year 1852. It 
includes the opening scenes of the great drama of American inde- 
pendence, and amply sustains the interest and dignity of the work 
by which Mr. Bancroft has inseparably linked his name with the 
annals and the fame of his country.* 

The following extract affords a fine specimen of Mr. Bancroft's 
style : — 

"Puritanism exalted the laity. Every individual who had ex- 
perienced the raptures of devotion, every believer, who, in his 
moments of ecstasy, had felt the assurance of the favour of God, 
was in his own eyes a consecrated person. For him the wonder- 
ful counsels of the Almighty had chosen a Saviour ; for him the 
laws of nature had been suspended and controlled, the heavens 
had opened, earth had quaked, the sun had veiled his face, and 
Christ had died and had risen again ; for him prophets and apostles 
had revealed to the world the oracles and the will of God. Viewing 
himself as an object of the Divine favour, and in this connection dis- 
claiming all merit, he prostrated himself in the dust before heaven ; 
looking out upon mankind, how could he but respect himself, whom 
God had chosen and redeemed ? He cherished hope ; he possessed 
faith ; as he walked the earth, his heart was in the skies. Angels 
hovered round his path, charged to minister to his soul ; spirits of 
darkness leagued together to tempt him from his allegiance. His 
burning piety could use no liturgy ; his penitence could reveal 
his transgressions to no confessor. He knew no superior in sanc- 
tity. He could as little become the slave of a priestcraft as of a 
despot. He was himself a judge of the orthodoxy of the elders; 
and if he feared the invisible powers of the air, of darkness, and 
of hell, he feared nothing on earth. Puritanism constituted, not 
the Christian clergy, but the Christian people, the interpreter of 
the divine will. The voice of the majority was the voice of God; 
and the issue of Puritanism was therefore popular sovereignty." 

* Men of the Time. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 555 



NATHAN CLIFFORD. 

Nathan Clifford, who succeeded John Y. Mason in the post of 
attorney-general of the United States, was born in New Hampshire, 
on the 18th of August, 1803. He received but a common school 
education, and then studied law with Josiah Quincy, Esq., contriving, 
in the mean time, to support himself by teaching school. In 1827, 
Mr. Clifford was admitted to practise law, and almost immediately 
he removed to Maine. Here he soon acquired influence, and was 
elected to the legislature. He served one term as speaker of the lower 
house. In 1838, Mr. Clifford was elected to a seat in the national 
house of representatives, where he distinguished himself as an ardent 
Democrat. Mr. Mason having been transferred to the post of secre- 
tary of the navy, Mr. Clifford was appointed attorney-general of the 
United States, which post he held until the close of President Polk's 
administration. Since that time, he has practised his profession with 
success in Maine. He is an able lawyer, and an energetic, self-made 
man. 



AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



p0gtjt|Mts 0f % iia-|ant(^nts u)i Utmkrs 0f % €Mui$. 



ZACHARY TAYLOR. 



The twelfth president of the United States was the renowned 
general, Zachary Taylok. This celebrated man was born in Orange 
county, Virginia, in November, 1784. 

His father, Colonel Richard Taylor, was a Virginian, and a dis- 
tinguished soldier in the continental army during the war of the 
Revolution. He received a commission in the first regiment of troops 
raised by the "Old Dominion" on the breaking out of the war. He 
continued in the service until the army was disbanded, and retired 
with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. He was distinguished for his 
intrepid courage and imperturbable coolness in battle ; and possessed 
the faculty, so invaluable in a military leader, of inspiring his follow- 
ers with the same dauntless spirit that animated his own terrible 
and resistless charge. After his removal to Kentucky, he was en- 
gaged in frequent contests with the Indians, until his name became 
a word of terror in every wigwam from the Ohio to the Lakes. 

In 1785, he removed with his family to Kentucky, and settled 
near the Falls of the Ohio. His son Zachary was at that time nine 
months old. He was brought up and educated in the neighbourhood, 
and grew up to manhood with the yell of the savage and the crack 
of the rifle almost constantly ringing in his ears. General Zachary 
Taylor may be literally said to have been cradled in war ; nor have 
the deeds of his subsequent life done discredit to his early training. 
He is a true son of the "land of blood," and has proved, in many 
stricken fields of death, how pure are the ancestral currents that 
flow through his veins. 

He manifested, at an early age, a decided predilection for the pro- 
fession of arms, and in 1808 was appointed a first lieutenant in the 
7th regiment of the United States infantry. Not long after, he 
556 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 557 

joined the army at New Orleans, then under the command of Gene- 
ral Wilkinson. In 1810 he was united in marriage to Miss Margaret 
Smith, of Maryland, a lady in all respects worthy of his affections. 
In the following November, he was promoted to the rank of captain. 
In 1811 he was placed in command of Fort Knox, on the Wabash, in 
the vicinity of Vincennes. From this station he was ordered to the 
East, a short time before the battle of Tippecanoe. 

The services of Captain Taylor during the war of 1812, were of 
the difficult character peculiar to the frontier. He had a wily, cruel, 
and numerous foe to contend against, and he was only successful 
because of his consummate bravery and fertility of resource. The 
defence of Fort Harrison in September, 1812, was a brilliant exploit, 
illustrating the young soldier's firmness and resources. The best 
account of it is found in his own letter to General Harrison, which 
was as follows: — 

Fort Harrison, September 10th. 

Dear Sir — On Thursday evening, the third instant, after retreat 
beating, four guns were heard to fire in the direction where two 
young men (citizens who resided here) were making hay, about four 
hundred yards distance from the fort. I was immediately impressed 
with the idea that they were killed by the Indians, as the Prophet's 
party would soon be here for the purpose of commencing hostilities, 
and that they had been directed to leave this place, as we were about 
to do. I did not think it prudent to send out at that late hour of 
the night to see what had become of them ; and their not coming in 
convinced me that I was right in my conjecture. I waited until 
eight o'clock next morning, when I sent out a corporal with a small 
party to find them, if it could be done without running too much risk 
of being drawn into an ambuscade. He soon sent back to inform 
me that he had found them both killed, and wished to know my 
further orders ; I sent the cart and oxen, had them brought in and 
buried ; they had been shot with two balls, scalped, and cut in the 
most shocking manner. Late in the evening of the fourth instant, 
old Joseph Lenar, and between thirty and forty Indians, arrived 
from the Prophet's town with a white flag; among whom were about 
ten women, and the men were composed of chiefs of the different 
tribes that compose the Prophet's party. A Shawanee man, that 
spoke good English, informed me that old Lenar intended to speak 
to me next morning, and try to get something to eat. 

At retreat beating I examined the men's arms, and found them 
all in good order, and completed their cartridges to fifteen rounds 
per man. As I had not been able to mount a guard of more than 



558 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

six privates and two non-commissioned oflBcers for some time past, 
and sometimes part of them every other day, from the unhealthiness 
of the company, I had not conceived my force adequate to the 
defence of this post, should it be vigorously attacked, for some time 
past. 

As I had just recovered from a very severe attack of the fever, I 
was not able to be up much through the night. After tattoo, I 
cautioned the guard to be vigilant, and ordered one of the non- 
commissioned officers, as the sentinels could not see every part of the 
garrison, to walk round on the inside during the whole night, to pre- 
vent the Indians taking any advantage of us, provided they had any 
intention of attacking us. About 11 o'clock I was awakened by the 
firing of one of the sentinels ; I sprang up, ran out, and ordered the 
men to their posts ; when my orderly sergeant, who had charge of 
the upper block-house, called out that the Indians had fired the lower 
block-house, (which contained the property of the contractor, which 
was deposited in the lower part, the upper having been assigned to 
a corporal and ten privates as an alarm post.) The guns had begun 
to fire pretty smartly from both sides. I directed the buckets to be 
got ready- and water brought from the well, and the fire extinguished 
immediately, as it was perceivable at that time ; but from debility or 
some other cause, the men were very slow in executing my orders — 
the word fire appeared to throw the whole of them into confusion; 
and by the time they had got the water and broken open the door, 
the fire had unfortunately communicated to a quantity of whisky 
(the stock having licked several holes through the lower part of the 
building, after the salt that was stored there, through which they 
had introduced the fire without being discovered, as the night was 
very dark,) and in spite of every exertion we could make use of, in 
less than a moment it ascended to the roof and baffled every effort 
we could make to extinguish it. As that block-house adjoined the 
barracks that make part of the fortifications most of the men im- 
mediately gave themselves up for lost, and I had the greatest diffi- 
culty in getting my orders executed — and, sir, what from the raging 
of the fire — the yelling and howling of several hundred Indians — 
the cries of nine women and children (a part soldiers' and a part 
citizens' wives, who had taken shelter in the fort,) and the despond- 
ing of so many of the men, which was worse than all — I can assure 
you that my feelings were unpleasant — and indeed there were not 
more than ten or fifteen men able to do a great deal, the others 
being sick or convalescent — and to add to our other misfortunes, 
two of the strongest men in the fort, and that I had every confidence 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 559 

in, jumped the picket and left us. But my presence of mind did not 
for a moment forsake me. I saw, by throwing off a part of the roof 
that joined the block-house that was on fire, and keeping the end 
perfectly wet, the whole row of buildings might be saved, and leave 
only an entrance of eighteen or twenty feet for the entrance of the 
Indians after the house was consumed; and that a temporary breast- 
work might be executed to prevent their even entering there. I con- 
vinced the men that this might be accomplished and it appeared to 
inspire them with new life, and never did men act with more firm- 
ness and desperation. Those that were able (while the others kept 
up a constant fire from the other block-house and the two bastions) 
mounted the roofs of the houses, with Dr. Clarke at their head, who 
acted with the greatest firmness and presence of mind the whole 
time the attack lasted, which was seven hours, under a shower of 
bullets, and in less than a moment threw off as much of the roof as 
was necessary. This was done only with a loss of one man and two 
wounded, and I am in hopes neither of them dangerously; the man 
that was killed was a little deranged, and did not get off the house 
as soon as directed, or he would not have been, hurt — and althoutih 
the barracks were several times in a blaze, and an immense quantity 
of fire against them, the men used such exertions that they kept it 
under, and before day raised a temporary breastwork as high as a 
man's head, although the Indians, continued to pour in a heavy fire 
of ball and an innumerable quantity of arrows during the whole time 
the attack lasted in every part of the parade. I had but one other 
man killed, nor any other wounded inside the fort, and he lost his 
life by being too anxious — he got into one of the gallies in the 
bastions, and fired over the pickets, and called out to his comrades 
that he had killed an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down in an 
instant he was shot dead. One of the men that jumped the pickets, 
returned an hour before day, and running up toward the gate, begged 
for God's sake for it to be opened. I suspected it to be a stratagem 
of the Indians to get in, as I did not recollect the voice. I directed 
the men in the bastion, where I happened to be, to shoot him, let 
him be who he would, and one of them fired at him, but fortunately 
he ran up to the other bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. 
Clarke directed him to lie down close to the pickets behind an empty 
barrel that happened to be there, and at daylight I had him let in. 
His arm was broke in a most shocking manner ; which he says was 
done by the Indians — which I suppose was the cause of his returning 
— I think it probable that he will not recover. The other they 
caught about one hundred and thirty yards from the garrison, and 



560 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJJTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a constant fire until about 
six o'clock the next morning, which we began to return with some 
effect after daylight, they removed out of the reach of our guns. A 
party of them drove up the horses that belonged to the citizens here, 
and as they could not catch them very readily, shot the whole of them 
in our sight, as well as a number of their hogs. They drove off the 
whole of the cattle, which amounted to sixty-five head, as well as the 
public oxen. I had the vacancy filled up before night (which was 
made by the burning of the block-house) vfiih a strong row of pickets, 
which I got by pulling down the guard-house. We lost the whole of 
our provisions, but must make out to live upon green corn until we 
can get a supply, which I am in hopes will not be long. I believe 
the whole of the Miamies or Weas were among the Prophet's party, 
as one chief gave his orders in that language, which resembled Stone 
Eater's voice, and I believe Negro Legs was there likewise. A 
Frenchman here understands their different languages, and several 
of the Miamies or Weas, that have been frequently here, were 
recognised by the Frenchman and soldiers next morning. The In- 
dians suffered smartly, but were so numerous as to take off all that 
were shot. They continued with us until the next morning, but 
made no further attempt upon the fort, nor have we seen any thing 
more of them since. I have delayed informing you of my situation, 
as I did not like to weaken the garrison, and I looked for some per- 
son from Vincennes, and none of my men were acquainted with the 
woods, and therefore would either have to take the road or the river, 
which I was fearful was guarded by small parties of Indians that 
would not dare attack a company of rangers that was on a scout ; 
but being disappointed, I have at length determined to send a couple 
of my men by water, and am in hopes they will arrive safe. I think 
it would be best to send the provisions under a pretty strong escort, 
as the Indians may attempt to prevent their coming. If you carry 
on an expedition against the Prophet this fall, you ought to be well 
provided with every thing, as you may calculate on having every 
inch of ground disputed between this and there that they can defend 
with advantage. 

Z. Taylor. 

Mis Excellency Grovernor JETarrison. 

Soon after this most thrilling assault and defence, which gained 
for Captain Taylor high honour, the brave garrison was relieved by 
the arrival of a body of volunteers. 

Major Taylor continued actively engaged in various departments 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 561 

of service in the West, constantly extending tlie sphere of his reputa- 
tion and influence, until 1814, when he was placed temporarily at 
the head of the troops in Missouri, until the arrival of General 
Howard, the commanding officer; and was busily employed on that 
frontier till the month of August. 

In October, Major Taylor was recalled to St. Louis by the sudden 
death of General Howard; and in November, accompanied Colonel 
Russell several hundred miles up the Missouri, to relieve a small 
settlement much exposed to Indian depredations. In December he 
was transferred to Vincennes, and assumed the command of the 
troops in Indiana, where he remained until the termination of the 
war. A short time before the conclusion of peace he had been pro- 
moted to a majority in the 26th regiment of infantry, and ordered 
to join the regiment at Plattsbui'g; but when the army was dis- 
banded, he was retained on the peace establishment with only the 
rank of captain. Declining to come into this arrangement, he re- 
signed his commission, and retired to his farm near Louisville. 

In 1816 he was reinstated in the army with his original rank, and 
placed in command of Fort Crawford, at the mouth of Fox River, 
which empties in Green Bay. He continued in the command of 
various posts in the West until the breaking out of the Black Hawk 
war in 1832, when he was again called into active service. In 1832 
he was promoted to the rank of colonel, and served under General 
Atkinson in his various campaigns against the Indians. It is scarcely 
necessary to say that, in this service, he fully sustained his high 
military reputation. He commanded the regulars in the bloody and 
decisive battle of the Wisconsin, which resulted in the capture of 
Black Hawk and the Prophet, and terminated the war. 

In 1832, Taylor was advanced to the rank of colonel. On the 
commencement of war in Florida he was ordered on service in that 
district. This contest was, as every one knows, what General Jack- 
son calls his own Seminole war, "a war of movements." It con- 
sisted almost entirely of pursuits and attempts to surround the In- 
dians, which they were generally successful in eluding. 

Colonel Taylor, however, was more fortunate than his prede- 
cessors; and in December, 1837, he was able to bring on a general 
action at Okee Chobee, which is best described in his own very able 
despatch, as follows: — 

Head-Quarteks, First Brigade, Army South of the Withlacoochee, 

^rt Gardner, Jan. 4, 1838. 

Sir — On. the 19th ultimo I received at this place a communication 
from Major-general Jessup, informing me that all hopes of bringing 

36 



o62 LIVES OF THE PRESIDE^^TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

the war to a close bj negotiation, through the interference or media- 
tion of the Cherokee delegation, were at an end, Sam Jones, with 
the Mickasukies, having determined to fight it out to the last; and 
directing me to proceed with the least possible delay against any 
portion of the enemy I might hear of within striking distance, and 
to destroy or capture them. 

After leaving two officers and an adequate force for the protection 
of my depot, I marched the next morning with twelve days' rations, 
(my means of transportation not enabling me to carry more,) with 
the balance of my command, consisting of Captain Munroe's com- 
pany of the 4th artillery, total, thirty-five men; the 1st infantry, 
under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Davenport, one hundred 
and ninety-seven strong; the 4th infantry, under the command of 
Lieutenant-colonel Foster, two hundred and seventy-four; the 6th 
infantry, under Lieutenant-colonel Thompson, two hundred and 
twenty-one; the Missouri volunteers, one hundred and eighty; Mor- 
gan's spies, forty-seven ; pioneers, thirty; pontoneers, thirteen; and 
seventy Delaware Indians ; making a force, exclusive of officers, of 
one thousand and thirty-two men; the greater part of the Shawnees 
having been detached, and the balance refusing to accompany me, 
under the pretext that a number of them were sick, and the remainder 
were without moccasins. 

I moved down the west side of the Kissimmee, in a south-easterly 
course, toward Lake Istopoga, for the following reasons : First, 
because I knew that a portion of the hostiles were to be found in 
that direction ; second, if General Jessup should fall in with the 
Mickasukies and di'ive them, they might attempt to elude him by 
crossing the Kissimmee from the east to the west side of the penin- 
sula, between this and its entrance into Okee Chobee, in which case 
I might be near at hand to intercept him; third, to overawe and in- 
duce such of the enemy who had been making propositions to give 
themselves up,, and who appeared very slow, if not to hesitate, in 
complying with their promises on that head, to surrender at once ; 
and lastly, I deemed it advisable to erect block-houses, and a small 
picket-work on the Kissimmee, for a third depot, some forty or fifty 
miles below this, and obtain a knowledge of the intervening country, 
as I had no guide who could be relied on, and by this means open a 
communication with Colonel Smith, who was operating up the Ca- 
loosehatchee, or Sanybel River, under my orders. 

Late in the evening of the first day's march, I met the Lidian 
chief Jumper, with his family, and a part of his band, consisting of 
fifteen men, a part of them with families, and a few negroes — in all, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 56?, 

sixty-three souls — on his way to give himself up, in conformity to a 
previous arrangement I had entered into with him. They were con- 
ducted by Captain Parks, and a few Shawnees. He (Parks) is an 
active and intelligent half-breed, who is at the head of the friendly 
Indians, both Shawnees and Delawares, and whom I had employed 
to arrange and bring in Jumper, and as many of his people as he 
could prevail on to come in. We encamped that night near the same 
spot; and the next morning, having ordered Captain Parks to join 
me, and take command of the Delawares, and having despatched 
Jumper in charge of some Shawnees to this place, and so on to Fort 
Frazer, I continued my march, after having sent forward three 
friendly Seminoles to gain intelligence as to the position of the enemy. 

About noon on the same day, I sent forward one battalion of Gen- 
try's regiment under command of Lieutenant-colonel Price, to pick 
up any stragglers that might fall in his way; to encamp two or three 
miles in advance of the main force ; to act with great circumspection, 
and to communicate promptly any occurrence that might take place 
in his vicinity important for me to know. About 10 P. M., I received 
a note from the colonel, stating that the three Seminoles sent forward 
in the morning had returned ; that they had been at or where Alliga- 
tor had encamped, twelve or fifteen miles in his advance ;*that he 
(Alligator) had left there with a part of his family four days before, 
under the pretext of separating his relations, &c. from the Mickasu- 
kies, preparatory to his surrendering with them; that there were 
several families remaining at the camp referred to, wlio wished to 
give themselves up, and would remain there until we took possession 
of them, unless they were forcibly carried off that night by the 
Mickasukies, who were encamped at no great distance from them. 

In consequence of this intelligence, after directing Lieutenant- 
colonel Davenport to follow me early in the morning with the in- 
ftmtry, a little after midnight I put myself at the head of the residue 
of the mounted men, joined Lieutenant-colonel Price, proceeded on, 
crossing Istopoga outlet, and soon after daylight took possession of 
the encampment referred to, where I found the inmates, who had not 
been disturbed. They consisted of an old man and two young ones, 
and several women and children, amounting in all to twenty-two in- 
dividuals. The old man informed me that Alligator was very anxious 
to separate his people from the Mickasukies, who were encamped on 
the opposite side of the Kissimmee, distant about twenty miles, 
where they would fight us. I sent him to Alligator to say to him, 
if he was sincere in his professions, to meet me the next day at the 



564 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Kissimmee, where the trail I was marching on crossed, and where I 
should halt. 

As soon as the infantry came up, I moved on to the place desig- 
nated, which I reached late that evening, and where I encamped. 
About 11 P.M., the old Indian returned, bringing a very equivocal 
message from Alligator, whom, he stated, he had met accidentally. 
Also, that the Mickasukies were still encamped where they had been 
for some days, and where they were determined to fight us. 

I determined at once on indulging them as soon as practicable. 
Accordingly, the next morning, after laying out a small stockade 
work for the protection of a future depot, in order to enable me to 
move with the greatest celerity, I deposited the whole of my heavy 
baggage, including artillery, &c., and having provisioned the com- 
mand, to include the 26th, after leaving Captain Munroe with his 
company, the pioneer, pontoneers, with eighty-five sick and disabled 
infantry, and a portion of the friendly Indians, who alleged that they 
were unable to march farther, crossed the Kissimmee, taking the old 
Indian as a guide who had been captured the day before, and who 
accompanied us with great apparent reluctance in pursuit of the 
enemy, and early the next day reached Alligator's encampment, 
situated on the edge of Cabbage-tree hammock, in the midst of a 
large prairie ; from the appearance of which, and other encamp- 
ments in the vicinity, and the many evidences of slaughtered cattle, 
there must have been several hundred individuals. 

At another small hammock at no great distance from Alligator's 
encampment, and surrounded by a swamp, impassable for mounted 
men, the spies surprised an encampment containing one old man, 
four young men, and some women and children. One of the party 
immediately raised a white flag, when the men Avere taken possession 
of and brought across the swamp to the main body. I proceeded 
with an interpreter to meet them. They proved to be Seminoles, 
and professed to be friendly. They stated that they were preparing 
to come in ; they had just slaughtered a number of cattle, and were 
employed in drying and jerking the same. They also informed me 
that the Mickasukies, headed by A-vi-a-ka, (Sam Jones,) were some 
ten or twelve miles distant, encamped in a swamp, and were prepared 
to fight. 

Although I placed but little confidence in their professions of 
friendship, or their intentions of coming in, yet I had no time to 
look up their women and children, who had fled and concealed them- 
selves in the swamp, or to encumber myself with them in the situa- 
tion in which I then was. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 5(35 

Accordingly, I released the old man, who promised that he would 
collect all the women and children, and take them in to Captain 
Munroe, at the Kissimmee, the next day. I also dismissed the old 
man who had acted as guide thus far, supplying his place with the 
four able warriors who had been captured that morning. 

These arrangements being made, I moved under their guidance 
for the camp of the Mickasukies. Between two and three p. m., we 
reached a very dense cypress swamp, through which we were com- 
pelled to pass, and in which our guides informed us we might be 
attacked. After making the necessary dispositions for battle, it 
was ascertained that there was no enemy to oppose us. The army 
crossed over and encamped for the night, it being too late. During 
the passage of the rear, Captain Parks, who was in advance with a 
few friendly Indians, fell in with two of the enemy's spies, between 
two or three miles of our camp — one on horseback, the other on foot 
— and succeeded in capturing the latter. He was an active young 
warrior, armed with an excellent rifle, fifty balls in his pouch, and 
an adequate proportion of powder. This Indian confirmed the in- 
formation which had previously been received from the other Indians, 
and in addition stated that a large body of the Seminoles, headed by 
John Cohua, Co-a-coo-chee, and, no doubt. Alligator, with other 
chiefs, were encamped five or six miles from us, near the Mickasu- 
kies, with a cypress swamp and dense hammock between them and 
the latter. 

The army moved forward at daylight the next morning, and, after 
marching five or six miles, reached the camp of the Seminoles on the 
borders of another cypress swamp, which must have contained several 
hundred, and bore evident traces of having been abandoned in a 
great hurry, as the fires were still burning, and quantities of beef 
lying on the ground unconsumed. 

Here the troops were again disposed of in order of battle, but we 
found no enemy to oppose us, and the command was crossed over 
about 11 A. M., when we entered a large prairie in our front, on 
which' two or three hundred head of cattle were grazing, and a num- 
ber of Indian ponies. Here another young Indian warrior was 
captured, armed and equipped as the former. He pointed out a 
dense hammock on our right, about a mile distant, in which he said 
the hostiles were situated and waiting to give us battle. 

At this place the final disposition was made to attack them, which 
was in two lines; the volunteers under Gentry, and Morgan's spies, 
to form the first line in extended order, who were instructed to enter 
the hammock, and in the event of being attacked and hard pressed. 



566 LIVES OF THE PRESIDSNTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

were to fall back in rear of the regular troops, out of reach of the 
enemy's fire; the second line was composed of the 4th and 6th in- 
fantry, who were instructed to sustain the volunteers, the 1st in-' 
fantry being held in reserve. 

Moving on in the direction of the hammock, after proceeding about 
a quarter of a mile, we reached the swamp which separated us from 
the enemy, three-quarters of a mile in breadth, being totally im- 
passable for horse, and nearly so for foot, covered with a thick 
growth of saw-grass five feet high, about knee deep in mud and 
water, which extended to the left as far as the eye could reach, and 
to the right to a part of the swamp and hammock we had just crossed, 
through which ran a deep creek. At the edge of the swamp all the 
men were dismounted, and the horses and baggage left under a 
suitable guard. Captain Allen was detached with the two companies 
of mounted infantry to examine the swamp and hammock to the 
right; and, in case he should not find the enemy in that direction, 
was to return to the baggage, and, in the event of his hearing a 
heavy firing, was immediately to join me. 

After making these arrangements, I crossed the swamp in the 
order stated. On reaching the borders of the hammock, the volun- 
teers and spies received a heavy fire from the enemy, which was 
returned by them for a short time, when their gallant commander, 
Colonel Gentry fell, mortally wounded. They mostly broke, and 
instead of forming in the rear of the regulars, as had been directed, 
they retired across the swamp to their baggage and horses, nor could 
they be again brought into action as a body, although efibrts were 
made repeatedly by my staff to induce them to do so. 

The enemy, however, were promptly checked and driven back by 
the 4th and 6th infantry, which in truth might be said to be a mov- 
ing battery. The weight of the enemy's fire was principally con- 
centrated on five companies of the 6th infantry, which not only stood 
firm, but continued to advance until their gallant commander, Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Thompson, and his adjutant. Lieutenant Center, were 
killed ; and every oflEicer, with one exception, as well as most of the 
non-commissioned officers, including the sergeant-major and four of 
the orderly sergeants, killed and wounded of those companies ; when 
that portion of the regiment retired to a short distance and were 
again formed, one of these companies having but four members left 
untouched. 

Lieutenant-colonel Foster, with six companies, amounting in all to 
one hundred and sixty men, gained the hammock in good order, 
where he was joined by Captain Noel, with the two remaining com- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 567 

parties of the 6th infantry, and Captain Gillam, of Gentry's volun- 
teers, Avith a few additional men, and continued to drive the enemy 
for a considerable time, and by a change of front separated his line, 
and continued to drive him until he reached the great Lake Okee- 
Chobee, which was in the rear of the enemy's position, and on which 
their encampment extended for more than a mile. As soon as I Avas 
informed that Captain Allen was advancing, I ordered the first in- 
fantry to move to the left, gain the enemy's right flank and turn it, 
which order was executed in the promptest manner possible ; and 
as soon as that regiment got in position, the enemy gave one fire 
and retreated, being pursued by the 1st, 4th, and 6th, and some of 
the volunteers who had joined them, until near night, and until these 
troops were nearly exhausted, and the enemy driven in all directions. 

The action was a severe one, and continued from half-past twelve, 
until after three P. M., a part of the time very close and severe. We 
suffered much, having twenty-six killed and one hundred and twelve 
wounded, among whom are some of our most valuable officers. The 
hostiles probably suffered, all things considered, equally with our- 
selves, they having left ten dead on the ground, besides, doubtless, 
carrying off many more, as is customary with them when practicable. 

As soon as the enemy were completely broken, I turned my atten- 
tion to taking care of the wounded, to facilitate their removal to my 
baggage, where I ordered an encampment to be formed ; I directed 
Captain Taylor to cross over to the spot, and employ every individual 
whom he might find there in constructing a small footway across the 
swamp; this, with great exertions, was completed in a short time 
after dark, when all the dead and wounded were carried over in 
litters made for that purpose, with one exception, a private of the 
4th infantry, who was killed, and could not be found. 

And here, I trust, I may be permitted to say that I experienced 
one of the most trying scenes of my life, and he who could have 
looked on it with indifference, his nerves must have been very dif- 
ferently organized from my own; besides the killed, there lay one 
hundred and twelve wounded officers and soldiers, who had accom- 
panied me one hundred and forty-five miles, most of the way through 
an unexplored wilderness without guides, who had so gallantly beaten 
the enemy, under my orders, in his strongest position, and who had 
to be conveyed back through swamps and hammocks, from whence 
we set out, without any apparent means of doing so. This service, 
however, was encountered and overcome, and they have been con- 
veyed thus far, and proceeded on to Tampa Bay on rude litters, con- 
structed with the axe and knife alone, with poles and dry hides — 



568 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJ^S AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the latter being found in great abundance at the encampment of the 
hostiles. The litters A^-ere conveyed on the backs of our weak and 
tottering horses, aided by the residue of the command, with more 
ease and comfort to the sufferers than I could have supposed, and 
■with as much as they could have been in ambulances of the most 
improved and modern construction. 

The day after the battle we remained at our encampment, occu- 
pied in taking care of the wounded, and in the sad office of interring 
the dead ; also, in preparing litters for the removal of the wounded, 
and collecting with a portion of the mounted men the horses and 
cattle in the vicinity belonging to the enemy, of which we found 
about one hundred of the former, many of them saddled, and nearly 
three hundred of the latter. 

We left our encampment on the morning of the 27th for the 
Kissimmee, where I had left my heavy baggage, which place we 
reached about noon on the 28th, after leaving two companies and a 
few Indians to garrison the stockade, which I found nearly com- 
pleted on my return, by that active and vigilant officer. Captain 
Munroe, 4th artillery. I left there the next morning for this place, 
where I arrived on the 31st, and sent forward the wounded next day 
to Tampa Bay, with the 4th and 6th infantry, the former to halt at 
Fort Frazer, remaining here myself with the 1st, in order to make 
preparations to take the field again as soon as my horses can be 
recruited, most of which have been sent to Tampa, and my supplies 
in a sufficient state of forwardness to justify the measure. 

In speaking of the command, I can only say, that so far as the 
regular troops are concerned, no one could have been more efficiently 
sustained than I have been from the commencement of the campaign ; 
and I am certain that they will always be willing and ready to dis- 
charge any duty that may be assigned them. 

To Lieutenant-colonel Davenport, and the officers and soldiers of 
the 1st infantry, I feel under many obligations for the manner in 
which they have on all occasions discharged their duty; and although 
held in reserve and not brought into battle until near its close, it 
evinced, by its eagerness to engage, and the promptness and good 
order with which they entered the hammock when the order was 
given for them to do so, is the best evidence that they would have 
sustained their own characters, as well as that of the regiment, had 
it been their fortune to have been placed in the hottest of the battle. 

The 4th infantry, under their gallant leader, Lieutenant-colonel 
Foster, was among the first to gain the hammock, and maintained 
this position, as well as driving a portion of the enemy before him. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 5<39 

until lie arrived on the borders of Lake Okee-Chobee, which was in 
the rear, and continued the pursuit until near night. Lieutenant- 
colonel Foster, who was favourably noticed for his gallantry and 
good conduct in nearly all the engagements on the Niagara frontier 
during the late war with Great Britain, by his several commanders, 
as well as in the different engagements with the Indians in this terri- 
tory, never acted a more conspicuous part than in the action of the 
25th ult. ; he speaks in the highest terms of the conduct of Brevet- 
major Graham, his second in command, as also the officers and 
soldiers of the 4th infantry, who were engaged in the action. Cap- 
tain Allen, with his two mounted companies of the 4th infantry, 
sustained his usual character for promptness and efficiency. Lieu- 
tenant Hooper, of the 4th regiment, was wounded through the arm, 
but continued on the field at the head of his company, until the 
termination of the battle. 

I am not sufficiently master of words to express my admiration of 
the gallantry and steadiness of the officers and soldiers of the 6th 
regiment of infantry. It was their fortune to bear the brunt of the 
battle. The report of the killed and wounded, which accompanies 
this, is more conclusive evidence of their merits than any thing I 
can say. After five companies of this regiment, against which the 
enemy directed the most deadly fire, were nearly cut up, there being 
only four men left uninjured in one of them, and every officer and 
orderly sergeant of those companies, with one exception, were either 
killed or wounded, Captain Noel, with the remaining two companies, 
his own company, "K," and Grossman's, "B," commanded by Second 
Lieutenant Woods, which was the left of the regiment, formed on 
the right of the 4th infantry, entered the hammock with that regi- 
ment, and continued the fight and the pursuit until its termination. 
It is due to Captain Andrews and Lieutenant Walker, to say, they 
commanded two of the five companies mentioned above, and they 
continued to direct them until they were both severely wounded and 
carried from the field ; the latter received three separate balls. 

The Missouri volunteers, under the command of Colonel Gentry, 
and Morgan's spies, who formed the first line, and, of course, were 
the first engaged, acted as well, or even better, than as troops of that 
description generally do; they received and returned the enemy's 
fire with spirit for some time, when they broke and retired, with 
the exception of Captain Gillam and a few of his company, and 
Lieutenant Blakey, also with a few men, who joined the regulars and 
acted with them until after the close of the battle, but not until 
they had suffered severely ; the commanding officer of the volunteers, 



570 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Colonel Gentry, being mortally wounded while leading on his men, 
and encouraging them to enter the hammock and come to close 
quarters with the enemy; his son, an interesting youth, eighteen or 
nineteen years of age, sergeant-major of the regiment, was severely 
wounded at the same moment. 

Captain Childs, Lieutenants Rogers and Flanagan, of Gentry's 
regiment. Acting Major Sconce, and Lieutenants Hase and Gordon, 
of the spies, were wounded while encouraging their men to a dis- 
charge of their duty. 

The volunteers and spies having, as before stated, fallen back to 
the baggage, could not again be formed and brought up to the ham- 
mock in any thing like order ; but a number of them crossed over 
individually, and aided in conveying the wounded across the swamp 
to the hammock, among whom were Captain Curd, and several other 
oflBcers, whose names I do not now recollect. 

To my personal staff, consisting of First Lieutenant J. M. Hill, 
of the 2d, and First Lieutenant George H. Griffin, of the 6th infantry, 
the latter aid- de-camp to Major-general Gaines, and a volunteer in 
Florida, from his staff, I feel under the greatest obligations for the 
promptness and efficiency with which they have sustained me through- 
out the campaign, and more particularly for their good conduct, and 
the alacrity with which they aided me and conveyed my orders 
during the action of the 25th ult. 

Captain Taylor, commissary of subsistence, who was ordered to 
join General Jessup at Tampa Bay, as chief of the subsistence de- 
partment, and who was ordered by him to remain with his column 
until he. General Jessup, joined it, although no command was assigned 
Captain Taylor, he greatly exerted himself in trying to rally and 
bring back the volunteers into action, as well as discharging other 
important duties which were assigned to him during the action. 

Myself, as well as all who witnessed the attention and ability dis- 
played by Surgeon Satterlee, medical director on this side the penin- 
sula, assisted by Assistant Surgeon McLaren and Simpson, of the 
medical staff of the army, and Drs. Hannah and Cooke, of the Mis- 
souri volunteers, in ministering to the wounded, as well as their 
uniform kindness to them on all occasions, can never cease to be 
referred to by me without the most pleasing and grateful recollections. 

The quartermaster's department, under the direction of that 
efficient officer. Major Brant, and his assistant, Lieutenant Babbitt, 
have done every thing that could be accomplished to throw forward 
from Tampa Bay, and keep up supplies of provisions, forage, &c., 
with the limited means at their disposal. Assistant Commissaries 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 571 

Lieutenants Harrison, stationed at Fort Gardner, and McClure, at 
Fort Fraser, have fully met my expectations in discharge of the 
various duties connected with their department, as well as those 
assigned them in the quartermaster's department. 

This column, in six weeks, penetrated one hundred and fifty miles 
into the enemy's country, opened roads, and constructed bridges 
and causeways when necessary, on the greater portion of the route, 
established two depots, and the necessary defences for the same, and 
finally overtook and beat the enemy in his strongest position. The 
results of which movement and battle have been the capture of thirty 
of the hostiles, the coming in and surrendering of more than one 
hundred and fifty Indians and negroes, mostly the former, including 
the chiefs Ou-la-too-chee, Tus-ta-nug-gee, and other principal men, 
and capturing and driving out of the country six hundred head of 
cattle, upward of one hundred head of horses, besides obtaining a 
thorough knowledge of the country through which we operated, a 
greater portion of which was entirely unknown, except to the enemy. 

Colonel Gentry died in a few hours after the battle, much regretted 
by the army, and will be, doubtless, by all who knew him, as his 
State did not contain a braver man or a better citizen. 

It is due to his rank and talents, as well as to his long and im- 
portant services, that I particularly mention Lieutenant-colonel 
A. R. Thompson, of the 6th infantry, who fell, in the discharge of 
his duty, at the head of his regiment. He was in feeble health, 
brought on by exposure to this climate during the past summer, re- 
fusing to leave the country while his regiment continued in it. 
Although he received two balls from the fire of the enemy, early in 
the action, which wounded him severely, yet he appeared to dis- 
regard them, and continued to give his orders with the same coolness 
that he would have done had his regiment been under review, or on 
any parade duty. Advancing, he received a third ball, which at 
once deprived him of life; his last words were, "Keep steady, men, 
charge the hammock — remember the regiment to which you belong." 
I had known Colonel Thompson personally only for a short time, 
and the more I knew of him the more I wished to know; and had 
his life been spared, our acquaintance, no doubt, would have ripened 
into the closest friendship. Under such circumstances, there are 
few, if any, other than his bereaved wife, mother, and sisters, who 
more deeply and sincerely lament his loss, or who will longer cherish 
his memory than myself. 

Captain Van Swearingen, Lieutenant Brooke, and Lieutenant and 
Adjutant Center, of the same regiment, who fell on that day, had 



572 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

no superiors of their years in service, and, in point of chivalry, 
ranked among the first in the army or nation ; besides their pure 
and disinterested courage, they possessed other qualifications, which 
qualified them to fill the highest grades of their profession, which, 
no doubt, they would have attained and adorned had their lives been 
spared. The two former served with me on another arduous and 
trying campaign, and on every occasion, whether in the camp, on 
the march, or on the field of battle, discharged their various duties 
to my entire satisfaction. 

With greatest respect, I have the honour to be, sir, 
Your most obedient servant, 

Z. Taylor, Col. Com'g. 

To Brigadier-general R. Jones, Adjutant-general, U. S. A. 
WasJiinffton, D. C. 

The battle of Okee-Chobee was one of the most obstinate actions 
in the protracted Florida war. The government appreciated the 
achievement of the troops and their gallant commander. Mr. Poin- 
sett, secretary of war, gave Colonel Taylor the warmest commenda- 
tion in a report to Congress, and he was immediately promoted to 
the brevet rank of brigadier-general, with the chief command in 
Florida. He fixed his head-quarters in the neighbourhood of Tampa 
Bay, from which point he directed the difficult movements which the 
nature of the war required. He was relieved from this arduous 
service in 1840, when General Armistead was ordered to take the 
command. 

Upon the close of the Seminole war it seems to have been the in- 
tention of the general to retire from military life ; in this, however, 
he was not indulged by government. In 1841, not long after his 
arrival at New Orleans, he was ordered to relieve General Arbuckle 
in the command of the second department on the Arkansas River. 
While at Little Rock, on his way to Fort Gibson, he was tendered a 
public dinner by the citizens of that town, as an expression of esteem 
for his '< personal worth and meritorious public services." In a brief 
note the general declined this invitation, on account of the journey 
being already protracted an unusual length of time, and of his being 
anxious to proceed on as rapidly as possible to his destined post. 

General Taylor now took command of the southern department of 
the army, including the States of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, 
and Georgia, and fixed his head-quarters at Fort Jessup, Louisiana. 
He was not called into active service again until the spring of 1845, 
when President Polk, in anticipation of an invasion of Texas, ordered 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 573 

him to lead a "corps of observation" to Corpus Christi, west of the 
Nueces, and to repel any invasive attempt of the Mexicans. His 
subsequent glorious achievements in the war w4iich began in May, 
1846, have been narrated somewhat in detail in our account of the 
administration of President Polk. 

But much remains to be told of those trials, exertions, and achieve- 
.ments of General Taylor, which raised him to such a lofty pitch of 
renown. Whatever may have been the causes of the war, or the 
manner in which it was brought about, it was the duty of General 
Taylor to act up to his instructions, and defend the honour of his 
country, if interrupted by a foreign force in the performance of his 
duties. 

When General Taylor moved forward and took a position upon the 
Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, his troops, though few in number, 
had every confidence in his ability to maintain that position. The 
people of the United States, however, Avere not so well acquainted 
with the general, and the government was censured for having sent 
him on such an errand with such a small force. The general never 
seemed to entertain any fears as to the result. The battle of Palo 
Alto gave the first indication of the powers of the commander and 
the courage of the troops. The exact force of the general in that 
battle was one hundred and seventeen officers, and two thousand one 
hundred and eleven men. The Mexicans under General Arista 
amounted to more than six thousand men. The modest despatches 
of General Taylor have been greatly admired. That giving an 
account of the battle of Palo Alto is as follows : — 

Head-quartees, Army of Occtjpation, 
Canq) at Pido Alto, Texas, May 9ih, 1846. 

Sir — I have the honour to report that I was met near this place 
yesterday, on my march from Point Isabel, by the Mexican forces, 
and after an action of about five hours, dislodged them from their 
position and encamped upon the field. Our artillery, consisting of 
two eighteen-pounders and two light batteries, was the arm chiefly 
engaged, and to the excellent manner in which it was manoeuvred 
and served is our success mainly due. 

The strength of the enemy is believed to have been about six 
thousand men, with seven pieces of artillery and eight hundred 
cavalry. His loss is probably at least one hundred killed. Our 
strength did not exceed, all told, twenty-three hundred men, while 
our loss was comparatively trifling — four men killed, three officers 
and thirty-seven men wounded, several of the latter mortally. I 
regret to say that Major Ringgold, third artillery, and Captain Page, 



574 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEIJTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

fourth infantry, are severely wounded; Lieutenant Luther, second 
artillery, slightly so. 

The enemy has fallen back, and it is believed has repassed the 
river. I have advanced parties now thrown forward in his direction, 
and shall move the main body immediately. 

In the haste of this first report, I can only say that the officers 
and men behaved in the most admirable manner throughout the 
action. I shall have the pleasure of making a more detailed report, 
when those of the different commanders shall be received. 
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Z. Taylor, 

Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Commanding. 
The Adjutant-(3ent:raI/ U. S. Army. 
WojShingUm, D. C. 

The battle of Resaca de la Palma followed. Of this action Gene- 
ral Taylor gives the following modest account: — 

Head-Quarteks, Army of Occupation, 
Camp near FOrt Brown, Texas, May, Vith, 1846 

Sir — In submitting a more minute report of the affair of "Resaca 
de la Palma," I have the honour to state, that early on the morning 
of the 9th instant, the enemy, who had encamped near the field of 
the day previous, was discovered moving by his left flank, perhaps 
to gain a new position on the road to Matamoras, and there again 
resist our advance. 

I ordered the supply train to be strongly parked at its position, 
and left with it four pieces of artillery — the two eighteen-pounders 
which had done such good service on the preceding day, and two 
twelve-pounders which had not been in the action. The wounded 
officers and men were at the same time sent back to Point Isabel. * * 

Captain Mc Call's command became at once engaged with the 
enemy, while the light artillery, though in a very exposed position, 
did great execution. The enemy had at least eight pieces of artillery, 
and maintained an incessant fire upon our advance. * * * The 
enemy was at last completely driven from his position on the right 
of the road, and retreated precipitately, leaving baggage of every 
description. The fourth infantry took possession of a camp where 
the head-quarters of the Mexican general-in-chief were established. 
All his official correspondence was captured at this place. 

The strength of our marching force on this day was one hundred 
and seventy-three officers, and two thousand and ninety-three men — 
aggregate two thousand two hundred and twenty-two. The actual 
number engaged with the enemy did not exceed seventeen hundred. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 575 

Our loss- was three officers killed, thirty-six men killed, and seventy- 
one wounded. Among the officers killed I have to report the loss 
of Lieutenant Inge, 2d dragoons, who fell at the head of his platoon, 
while gallantly charging the enemy's battery ; of Lieutenant Cochrane, 
of the 4th, and Lieutenant Chadbourne, of the 8th infantry, who like- 
wise met their death in the thickest of the fight. The officers wounded 
were Lieutenant-colonel Payne, inspector-general; Lieutenant Dob- 
bins, 3d infantry, serving with the light infantry advance, slightly ; 
Lieutenant-colonel McLitosh, 5th infantry, severely twice; Captain 
Hooe, 5th infantry, severely, (right arm since amputated;) Lieu- 
tenant Fowler, 5th infantry, slightly; Captain Montgomery, 8th 
infantry, slightly; Lieutenants Gates and Jordan, 8th infantry, 
severely, (each twice;) Lieutenants Selden, Maclay, Burbank, and 
Morris, 8th infantry, slightly. 

I have no accurate data from which to estimate the enemy's force 
on this day. He is known to have been reinforced after the action 
of the 8th, both by cavalry and infantry, and no doubt to an extent 
equal to his loss on that day. It is probable that six thousand men 
were opposed to us, and in a position chosen by themselves, and 
strongly defended with artillery. The enemy's loss was very great. 
Nearly two hundred of his dead were buried by us on the days suc- 
ceedino; the battle. His loss in killed and wounded and missing; in 
the two affairs of the 8th and 9th is, I think, moderately estimated 
at one thousand men. 

Our victory has been decisive. A small force has overcome im- 
mense odds of the best troops that Mexico can furnish — veteran 
regiments, perfectly equipped and appointed. Eight pieces of 
artillery, several colours and standards, a great number of prisoners, 
including fourteen officers, and a large amount of baggage and pub- 
lic property, have fallen into our hands. * * * j ^ake this 
occasion to mention generally the devotion to duty of the medical 
staff of the army, who have been untiring in their exertions both in 
the field and in the hospitals, to alleviate the sufferings of the wounded 
of both armies. * * * 

One regimental colour (battalion of Tampico) and many standards 
and guidons of cavalry were taken at the affair of the 9th. I Avould 
be pleased to receive your instructions as to the disposition to be made 
of these trophies; whether they shall be sent to Washington, &c. 
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Z. Taylor, 

Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Commanding. 
The Adjutant-geneeal op the Army. 
Washington, D. C. 



576 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESft)ENTS, 

The capture of Matamoras followed soon after these brilliant 
victories, and General Taylor obtained a foothold on Mexican soil. 
Colonel Twiggs was appointed governor, and the following proclama- 
tion, which does honour to the head and heart of General Taylor, 
was issued; — 

A PROCLAMATION 

By the Greneral commanding the Army of the United States of 
America, to the People of Mexico. 

After many years of patient endurance, the United States are at 
length constrained to acknowledge that a war now exists between 
our government and the government of Mexico. For many years 
our citizens have been subjected to repeated insults and injuries, our 
vessels and cargoes have been seized and confiscated, our merchants 
have been plundered, maimed, imprisoned, without cause and without 
reparation. At length your government acknowledged the justice 
of our claims, and agreed by treaty to make satisfaction by pay- 
ment of several millions of dollars ; but this treaty has been violated 
by your rulers, and the stipulated payment has been withheld. Our 
late effort to terminate all the difficulties by peaceful negotiation has 
been rejected by the dictator Paredes, and our minister of peace, 
whom your rulers had agreed to receive, has been refused a hearing. 
He has been treated with indignity and insult, and Paredes has 
announced that war exists between us. This war, thus first pro- 
claimed by him, has been acknowledged as an existing fact by our 
president and Congress with perfect unanimity, and will be prose- 
cuted with vigour and energy against your army and rulers ; but 
those of the Mexican people who remain neutral will not be molested. 

Your government is in the hands of tyrants and usurpers. They 
have abolished your state governments, they have overthrown your 
federal constitution, they have deprived you of the right of suffrage, 
destroyed the liberty of the press, despoiled you of your arms, and 
reduced you to a state of absolute dependence upon the power of a 
military dictator. Your armies and rulers extort from the people 
by grievous taxation, by forced loans and military seizures, the very 
money which sustains the usurpers in their power. Being disarmed, 
you were left defenceless, and as an easy prey to the savage Caman- 
clies, who not only destroy your lives and property, but drive into 
captivity more horrible than death itself your wives and children. 
It is your military rulers who have reduced you to this deplorable 
condition. It is these tyrants and their corrupt and cruel satellites, 
gorged with the people's treasure, by whom you are thus oppressed 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 577 

and impoverlslied, some of whom Lave boldly advocated a monarchi- 
cal government, and would place a European prince upon the throne 
of Mexico. We come to obtain reparation for repeated wrongs and 
injuries ; we come to obtain indemnity for the past, and security for 
the future; we come to overthrow the tyrants who have destroyed 
your liberties; but we come to make no war upon the people of 
Mexico, nor upon any form of free government they may choose to 
select for themselves. 

It is our wish to see you liberated from despots, to drive back the 
savage Camanches, to prevent the renewal of their assaults, and to 
compel them to restore to you from captivity your long lost wives 
and children. Your religion, your altars, your churches, the property 
of your chui'ches and citizens, the emblems of your faith and its 
ministers, shall be protected, and remain inviolable — hundreds of our 
army, and hundreds of thousands of our citizens are members of the 
Catholic church. In every State, and in nearly every city and vil- 
lage of our union. Catholic churches exist, and the priests perform 
their holy functions in peace and security under the sacred guarantee 
of our constitution. We come among the people of Mexico as friends 
and republican brethren, and all who receive us as such shall be 
protected, while all who are seduced into the army of your dictator 
shall be treated as enemies. We shall want from you nothing but 
food for our army, and for this you shall always be paid in cash the 
full value. It is the settled policy of your tyrants to deceive you in 
regard to the character and policy of our government and people. 
These tyrants fear the example of our free institutions, and con- 
stantly endeavour to misrepresent our purposes, and inspire you with 
hatred for your republican brethren of the American union. Give 
us but the opportunity to undeceive you, and you will soon learn 
that all the representations of Paredes were false, and were only 
made to induce you to consent to the establishment of a despotic 
government. In your struggle for liberty with the Spanish monarchy, 
thousands of our countrymen risked their lives and shed their blood 
in your defence. Our own commodore, the gallant Porter, main- 
tained in triumph your flag upon the ocean, and our government M^as 
the first to acknowledge your independence. With pride and pleasure 
we enrolled your name on the list of independent republics, and 
sincerely desired that you might in peace and prosperity enjoy all 
the blessings of free government. Success on the part of your 
tyrants against the army of the Union is impossible; but if they 
could succeed, it would only be to enable them to fill your towns 
with their soldiers, eating out your subsistence, and harassing you 

37 



578 LIVES OF TPIE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

with still more grievous taxation. Already they have abolished the 
liberty of the press, as the first step toward the introduction of that 
monarchy which it is their real purpose to proclaim and establish. 

Mexicans, we must treat as enemies, and overthrow the tyrants, 
who, while they have wronged and insulted us, have deprived you of 
your liberty; but the Mexican people who remain neutral during 
the contest, shall be protected against their military despots by the 
republican army of the union. 

Z. Taylor, 

Brevet Major-general U. S. A. Commanding. 

The people of the United States intoxicated with victory, now 
expected a rapid series of splendid exploits from General Taylor. 
But he had as much caution as bravery. He was without adequate 
forces or means of transportation, and could not venture to proceed 
into the heart of the Mexican territory. At this time he had diffi- 
culties with the government, owing, as he alleged, to a tardiness in 
sending supplies and the means of transportation. A few small 
towns up the Rio Grande were captured, but no further offensive 
operations were attempted until the 5th of August, when, with six 
thousand men, chiefly volunteers. General Taylor commenced the 
march upon the strongly fortified city of Monterey, the capture of 
which was one of his most splendid achievements. 

Monterey is built in the old Spanish style, and surrounded by 
massive stone walls, which are defended by ditches, bastions, and 
towers. The houses are of stone, and mostly of one story in height; 
but the cathedrals and public buildings, like most of those in Mexico, 
are large and imposing. The Mexicans had taken every precaution 
for its successful defence, and not only were the walls and parapets 
lined with cannon, but even the private houses were fortified, and 
the streets barricaded and planted with artillery in such a manner 
as to sweep their whole extent. On the hill Indejyendence, at some 
distance from the city, and near the Saltillo road, were a few fortifi- 
cations, the principal of which was the Bishop's Palace, an immense 
edifice, including several strong buildings of a pyramidal form, all 
rigidly fortified, and lined with troops and artillery. 

The first offer of resistance displayed by the enemy was on the 
18th, when General Taylor, with a detachment of dragoons and Texan 
Rangers, was fired upon when within one hundred yards of the city, 
the first ball striking the ground within about ten yards of the spot 
where he stood. About the same time two hundred and sixty Mexi- 
can cavalry appeared on the plain, and, after firing a few volleys, 
retired into the city. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 579 

The appearance of the heights and gorges in the direction of the 
Saltillo road, induced General Taylor to believe it practicable to turn 
all the works in that direction, and thus cut off the enemy's line of 
communication. Accordingly, after establishing his camp at the 
Walnut Springs, he ordered a close reconnoisance of that ground, 
which was executed on the evening of the 19th by the engineer 
officers under the direction of Major Mansfield. A reconnoisance 
of the eastern approaches was at the same time made by Captain 
"Williams, of the topographical engineers. The examination made 
by Major Mansfield proved the entire practicability of throwing 
forward a column to the Saltillo road, and thus turning the position 
of the enemy. As this was an operation of essential importance, 
orders were given to Brevet Brigadier-general Worth, commanding 
the second division, to march with his command on the 20th, in order 
to turn the hill of the Bishop's Palace, to occupy a position on the 
Saltillo road, and to carry as many of the enemy's detached works 
in that quarter as possible. The first regiment of Texas mounted 
volunteers, under command of Colonel Hays, was associated with the 
second division in this service. Captain Sanders (engineers) and 
Lieutenant Meade (topographical engineers) were also ordered to 
report to General Worth for duty with his column. 

At two o'clock, p. M., on the 20th, the second division took up its 
march. Some ofiicers, who were reconnoitering the town, soon dis- 
covered and communicated to General Worth that his movement had 
been perceived, and that the Mexicans were throwing reinforcements 
toward the Bishop's Palace and the height which commands it. In 
order to divert their attention as far as practicable, the first division, 
under Brigadier-general Twiggs, and field division of volunteers, 
under Major-general Butler, were displayed in front of the town 
until dark. Arrangements were made at the same time to place in 
batteiy, during the night, at a suitable distance from the enemy's 
main work, (the citadel,) two twenty-four-pounder howitzers, and a 
ten-inch mortar, with a view to open a fire on the following day, the 
time proposed for making a diversion in favour of General Worth's 
movement. The fourth infantry covered this battery during the 
night ; and General Worth having made a reconnoisance as far as 
the Saltillo road, bivouacked at a defensive position within range of 
a battery above the Bishop's Palace. 

Early on the morning of the 21st, General Taylor received a note 
from General Worth, written at nine o'clock the previous evening, 
and suggesting a strong diversion against the centre and left of the 
town, to favour the enterprise against the heights in the rear. This 



580 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJfTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

the commander had already intended, and accordingly, the infantry 
and artillery of the first division, and the field division of volunteers, 
were ordered under arms, and took the direction of the city, leaving 
one company of each regiment as a camp guard. The second 
dragoons, under Lieutenant-colonel May, and Colonel Wool's regi- 
ment of Texas mounted volunteers, under the immediate direction 
of General Henderson, were directed to the right to support General 
Worth if necessary, and to make an impression, if practicable, upon 
the upper quarter of the city. Upon approaching the mortar bat- 
tery, the first and third regiments of infantry and battalion of Balti- 
more and Washington volunteers, with Captain Bragg's field battery 
— the whole under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Garland — 
were directed toward the lower part of the town, with orders to make 
a strong demonstration, and carry one of the enemy's advanced 
works, if it could be done without too heavy a loss. Major Mansfield 
(engineers,) Captain Williams, and Lieutenant Pope, (topographical 
engineers,) accompanied this column, the major being charged with 
its direction and the designation of the points of attack. 

At daylight of the 21st, the column of General Worth was again 
put in motion, and was so arranged as to present ready order of 
battle at any point on which they might be assailed. While turning 
the point of a ridge which protruded toward the enemy's guns, they 
were fired upon by a howitzer and twelve-pounder, and soon after 
while passing round an angle of the mountain at a hacienda called 
San Jeronima, they encountered a strong force of cavalry and in- 
fantry. Captain Gillespie ordered his men to halt and place them- 
selves in ambush. This movement was not perceived by the enemy, 
who bore on full speed, until received by McCulloch's company, 
together with the artillery of Captains Smith and Scott, aided by 
Lieutenant Longstreet's company of the eighth infantry, and another 
of the same regiment. Captain Duncan's battery of light artillery 
was in action in one minute, discharging thick showers of grape, 
which did great execution. At the end of fifteen minutes the enemy 
scattered and fled, leaving about one hundred on the field, of whom 
thirty were killed. The Americans rapidly pursued, and obtained 
possession of the gorge, where all the debouches from Monterey unite, 
so that the force just defeated, as also reinforcements and supplies, 
were excluded from entering the city. 

The light batteries were now driven upon the slope of the ridge, 
and the howitzers opened upon the heights of Palace Hill. Soon 
after the enemy replied from a nine-pounder, situated on the eleva- 
tion immediately over the right of the column and directed at Dun- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 581 

can's batteries. This had no other effect than to cause the removal 
of the colonel's guns to a less exposed position about half a mile farther 
on the Saltillo road. Here he was joined by General Worth, who 
had ordered the foot regiments to form along the fence, near the 
point of the ridge. At half past ten, the column moved toward the 
general's position, amid a continual fire from the enemy, by which 
Captain McKavett, of the eighth infantry, was shot through the 
heart, with a nine-pound ball, and a private of the fifth infantry 
mortally wounded in the thigh. 

In consequence of this severe annoyance, Worth determined to 
make himself master of the heights. Besides the impracticability 
of effective operations against the city until this was accomplished, 
their occupation was indispensable to the restoration of the line of 
communication with head-quarters, which had been necessarily aban- 
doned, in order to secure the gorges of the Saltillo road. At noon, 
therefore, a force was despatched under Captain C. F. Smith, with 
orders to storm the batteries on the crest of the nearest hill, called 
by the Mexicans, Federacion, and after taking that to carry the fort, 
called Soldado, on the ridge of the same height, retired about six 
hundred yards. This command consisted of four companies of the 
artillery battalion, and Green's, McGowan's, R. A. Gillespie's, 
Chandler's, Ballone's, and McCulloch's companies of Texan rifleman, 
acting in concert under Major Chevalier — in all about three hundred 
men. 

The assailants advanced with ardour, but as the distance to be 
climbed after reaching the foot of the hill was full quarter of a mile, 
over jagged and almost perpendicular rocks, and sandy ledges, it 
was impossible to approach so rapidly as to surprise the enemy. 
While they were approaching the base of the mountain, the guns of 
both batteries opened a plunging fire, and numerous light troops were 
observed descending and arranging themselves at favourable positions 
on the slopes. Perceiving this. General Worth ordered Captain 
Miles with the seventh infantry to support the first party. By 
marching directly to the foot of the ridge, they arrived first, and 
the captain despatched Lieutenant Gantt, with a detachment of men 
upon the hill-side, to divert the attention of the enemy from Captain 
Smith's party, which could not be seen. The seventh infantry had 
already sustained a heavy fire of grape and round shot, while fording 
the San Juan ; and now Lieutenant Gantt's party were greeted with 
another shower, which tore up the shrubs and loose stones in every 
direction. None were injured, but their young officer narrowly 
escaped a shot, which struck the ground so near to him as to throw 



582 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

fragments of rock and gravel in his face. Notwithstanding this fire, 
and a continual discharge of musketry, the detachment continued to 
advance, driving the Mexicans back, until they were recalled. 

Captain Smith now arrived, and both parties moved up the hill, 
the rangers in advance, and the attack commenced. The firing soon 
became general, and after a little while the Mexicans yielded, retiring 
slowly up the hill, steadily followed by the Americans. Heavy re- 
inforcements now appeared on the summit, and the cardinal import- 
ance of the operation induced General Worth to detach to their 
support the fifth infantry under Major Scott, and Blanchard's com- 
panies of volunteers, accompanied by Brigadier-general Smith, who 
was intrusted with the superintendence of the whole assault. On 
reaching the advance parties, General Smith discovered that by 
directing a portion of the force to the right, and moving it obliquely 
up the hill, he could obtain such advantage from the ground as to 
carry the Soldada simultaneously Avith the Federacion. He accord- 
ingly pointed it out to the fifth and seventh regiments, with Blanch- 
ard's company, and accompanied them in that direction. Both 
attacks were eminently successfuh Amid a heavy fire of musketry, 
the troops advanced with loud cheers, the different companies rush- 
ing simultaneously into the first fort, while the Mexicans, numbering 
nearly one thousand, escaped on the opposite side. The Soldada 
was carried so soon afterward, that many of those who participated 
in the first affair, took part also in the second. The American 
colours were immediately hoisted, and the guns of both places turned 
upon the Bishop's Palace. 

While these operations were conducted on the west of the city, 
General Taylor with the main army, was busily engaged on the east. 
Soon after detaching May and Henderson, the mortar served by 
Captain Kamsay of the ordnance, with the howitzer battery under 
Captain Webster, had opened its fire upon the citadel, from whence 
it was deliberately answered. General Butler's division now took 
up a position in rear of this battery, and soon the discharges of 
artillery, mingled with a rapid firing of small arms, showed that 
Lieutenant Garland's command had become warmly engaged. It 
being necessary to support this attack. General Taylor ordered the 
fourth infantry and three regiments of Butler's division, to march 
in the direction of the advanced work in the lower extremity of the 
town, leaving the first Kentucky regiment to cover the mortar and 
howitzer battery. By some mistake, two companies of the fourth 
infantry did not receive this order, and consequently were not able 
to join their companions until some time afterward. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 583 

While these companies were moving, Lieutenant-colonel Garland's 
command had approached the town in a direction to the right of the 
advanced work, at the north-eastern angle of the city, and the 
engineer officer, covered by skirmishers, had succeeded in entering 
the subui'bs and gaining cover. The remainder of the command now 
advanced and entered the town, under a heavy fire of artillery from 
the citadel and works on the left, aided by the musketry of the houses 
and small works in front. A movement to the right was attempted, 
with a view to gain the rear of the advanced work; but the troops 
were so much exposed to a fire which they could not effectually return, 
and had already sustained such severe loss, particularly in officers, 
that it was deemed best to withdraw them to a more secure position. 
Captain Backus, however, of the first infantry, with portions of his 
own and other companies, had gained the roof of a tannery which 
looked directly into the gorge of the redoubt, upon which and the 
strong building in its rear, he poured a most destructive fire. By 
coinciding in point of time with the advance of a body of volunteers 
upon that work, this fire contributed essentially to its fall. 

Meanwhile the three volunteer regiments under General Butler, 
had been advancing to an assault. The leading brigade under 
Brigadier-general Quitman, preceded by three companies of the 
fourth infantry, continued its advance upon the redoubt, while But- 
ler, with the first Ohio regiment, entered the town on the right. The 
latter companies had advanced within short range of the work, when 
a sudden discharge, from the enemy's guns, struck down nearly one- 
third of the officers and men, and rendered it necessary to fall back 
upon the two advancing columns. Unappalled by the catastrophe 
of their comrades, as well as by their own severe loss, Quitman's 
brigade continued to advance, and carried the work together with 
the strong building in its rear. Three officers, twenty-seven privates, 
five pieces of artillery, and a supply of ammunition, was the reward 
of the conquerors. 

Butler, in the mean time, had entered the town with the first Ohio 
regiment; but he here received an order from General Taylor to 
return, in consequence of not being able to accomplish any thing in 
front ; but, upon the reception of intelligence that the Mexican 
redoubt had surrendered, this order was almost immediately counter- 
manded. Butler then entered the town at a point farther to the left^ 
and marched in the direction of the enemy's second battery; but 
while making an examination in order to ascertain the possibility of 
carrying this work, he was wounded, and soon after left the field. 



584 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

On account of this accident, together with the known force of the 
enemy, it was thought advisable to withdraw the troops. 

Portions of the various regiments engaged, were now under cover 
of the captured battery and some buildings on its front and right. 
The field-battery of Captains Bragg and Ridgely was also partially 
covered by the battery. The enemy now poured an incessant fire 
from their second battery, and the works on its right, and from the 
citadel, at every approach of the Americans. General Taylor was 
now joined by General Twiggs, who, though quite unwell, continued 
in active duty, and was instrumental in causing the artillery captured 
from the enemy, to be placed in battery, and served by Captain 
Ridgely, until the arrival of Captain Webster's howitzer battery, 
which took its place. Meanwhile a company collected from the 
Baltimore battalion, and the first, third, and fourth regiments were 
ordered to enter the town, penetrate to the right, and carry the 
second battery if possible. This command, under Lieutenant-colonel 
Garland, advanced beyond a bridge called Purisima, and sustained 
themselves for some time in that advanced position. But as they 
were unable to gain the rear of the battery, or to make a permanent 
impression where they were, they were withdrawn with a section of 
Captain Ridgely's battery which had joined them to the first battery. 

During the progress of this cannonade a party of Mexican cavalry 
were observed in the direction of the citadel, moving toward the 
American lines. Captain Bragg immediately galloped with his 
battery, to a suitable position, from which a few discharges efiectually 
dispersed them. Captain Millar, of the first infantry, was despatched 
with a mixed command, to support the battery on this service. The 
enemy's lancers had previously charged upon the Ohio and a part of 
the Mississippi regiments near some fields at a distance from the 
edge of the town, but had been repulsed with considerable loss ; and 
some cavalry on the opposite side of the river, was also dispersed by 
Captain Ridgely's battery and returned to the city. 

At the approach of evening, all the troops that had been engaged 
were ordered back to the camp, except Captain Ridgely's battery 
and the regular infantry of the first division, who, during the night, 
were detailed under Lieutenant-colonel Garland, as a guard for the 
works. One battalion of the first Kentucky regiment was ordered 
to reinforce this command. Intrenching tools were procured, and 
during the night additional strength was given to the works and pro- 
tection to the men, by parties under the direction of Lieutenant 
Scarritt of the engineers. 

Thus the first day's assault had given to the Americans two im- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 585 

portant redoubts without the city, and a well-fortified work within. 
But these advantages were purchased at the expense of some of their 
most valuable officers; and their total loss, as stated by General 
Taylor in his official despatch, was not less than three hundred and 
ninety-four in killed and wounded. 

The troops under General Worth lay on their arms all night, and 
at three o'clock next morning were aroused for an attack upon the 
Bishop's Palace. The storming party consisted of two companies 
of the fourth artillery battalion and one of the third ; three com- 
panies of the eighth infantry, including two hundred Texan riflemen, 
under Colonel Hays and Lieutenant-colonel Walker: the whole was 
superintended by Lieutenant-colonel Childs, and conducted to the 
points of ascent by Captain Sanders and Lieutenant Meade. Being 
favoured by the weather, they had reached, by the dawn of day, 
within about one hundred yards of the crest, at which position a body 
of the enemy had been stationed on the previous evening, in order 
to gall the assailants from the clefts of the rocks. Their retreating 
fire was not returned, until Colonel Childs' and Hays' commands 
had reached to within a few yards of the summit, when a well-directed 
volley, followed by the bayonet of the regulars, and the rush of the 
Texans, placed the Americans in possession of the work. The cannon 
having been previously withdrawn, no impression could be made upon 
the massive walls of the Palace, or its outworks, without artillery. 
Lieutenant Rowland of Duncan's battery was now ordered from the 
main road with a twelve-pound howitzer, and in two hours mounted 
his guns, although he had been obliged to climb a steep and rugged 
acclivity more than seven hundred feet high, his soldiers carrying 
their pieces by main strength. Covered by the epaulment of the 
captured battery, this howitzer now opened upon the Palace and its 
outwork, at the distance of four hundred yards, and soon produced 
a visible effect. To reinforce the position thus acquired, the fifth 
infantry and Major Scott and Blanchard's volunteers had passed 
from the first heights, and reached the second in time to participate 
in the operations against the Palace. 

The remainder of these operations, together with its capture, we 
give in General Worth's own language, as contained in his official 
report to General Taylor: — 

"After many affairs of light troops and several feints, a heavy 
sortie was made, sustained by a strong corps of cavalry, with desperate 
resolution, to repossess the heights. Such a move had been antici- 
pated and prepared for. Lieutenant-colonel Childs had advanced 
under cover, two companies of light troops, under command of Cap- 



586 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

tain "Vinton, acting major, and judiciously drawn up, the main body 
of his command flanked on the right by Hays, and on the left by 
Walker's Texans. The enemy advanced boldly, was repulsed by one 
general discharge from all arms, fled in confusion, closely pressed by 
Childs and Hays, preceded by the light troops under Vinton ; and 
while they fled past our troops, entered the palace and fort. In a 
few moments the unpretending flag of our Union had replaced the 
gaudy standard of Mexico. The captured guns — one six-inch how- 
itzer, one twelve and two nine-pounder brass guns, together with 
Duncan's and McCall's field-batteries, which came up at a gallop, 
were in full and efiective play upon the retiring and confused masses 
that filled the street (of which we had the prolongation) leading to 
the nearest plaza. La Capella, also crowded with troops. At this 
moment the enemy's loss was heavy. The investment was now com- 
plete except the forces necessary to hold the positions on Inde- 
pendencia and serve the guns, (shifted to points where the shot could 
be made to reach the great plaza,) the division was now concentrated 
around the palace, and preparation made to assault the city, on the 
following day or sooner, should the general-in-chief either so direct, 
or before communication be had, renew the assault from the opposite 
quarter. In the mean time attention was directed to every provision 
our circumstances permitted, to alleviate the condition of our wounded 
soldiers and officers, and to the decent interment of the dead, not 
omitting in either respect all that was due to those of the enemy." 

In this assault the Americans lost but seven killed and twelve 
wounded ; the loss of the enemy was not precisely ascertained, but 
is known to have been very heavy. 

During the whole of this day there were but few active operations 
at the lower part of the city. The citadel and other works continued 
to fire at the American companies exposed to their range, and at the 
redoubt occupied by their troops. The guard left in it, the pre- 
ceding night, except Captain Ridgely's company, were relieved at 
midday by General Quitman's brigade. Captain Bragg's battery 
was thrown under cover in front of the town, to repel any demon- 
stration of cavalry in that quarter. 

During the night the enemy evacuated nearly all their defences in 
the lower part of the city. Early in the morning this was reported 
by General Quitman, who, having already meditated an assault upon 
those works, now received instructions, leaving it discretionary with 
him to enter the city, but requested him, in case of doing so, to pro- 
ceed very carefully, covering his men by the houses and walls, and 
advancing only so far as he might deem safe or prudent. Accord- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 587 

ingly a portion of the brigade entered the town, and forced their 
way successfully to the principal plaza. General Taylor then ordered 
the remainder of the troops, under Brigadier-general Twiggs, to act 
as a reserve, and soon after repaired to the abandoned works. The 
second regiment of Texas mounted volunteers was also ordered up, 
who entered the city, dismounted, and, under the immediate orders 
of General Henderson, co-operated with Quitman's brigade. They 
were assisted by Captain Bragg's battery, supported by the third 
infantry, who succeeded in battering down a portion of the cathedral. 
The troops advanced from house to house, and from square to square, 
until they reached a street but one square in rear of the principal 
plaza, in and near which the enemy's force was mainly concentrated. 
Though vigorous, the advance was conducted with due caution, so 
that notwithstanding the continual fire of the enemy, who suffered 
heavily, the assailants lost but few. In the mean time Captain 
Ridgely had served against the city a piece captured in the first 
battery, until the advance of the soldiers rendered it imprudent to 
fire in the direction of the cathedral. 

Thus the Mexicans had retired from the lower portion of the city, 
in order to concentrate their forces for a final effort behind their 
barricades ; and it was apparent that the army could now operate 
successfully against them. As Quitman's brigade had been on duty 
all the previous night, and were much exhausted, General Taylor 
determined to withdraw them to the evacuated works, and concert 
with General Worth a combined attack upon the town. Accordingly 
the troops were relieved after nightfall by the brigade of General 
Hamer, and deliberately, and in good order, resumed their original 
position. 

On returning to camp. General Taylor received intelligence by an 
officer, that General Worth, induced by the firing in the lower part 
of the city, was about making an attack at the upper extremity, 
which had been evacuated by the enemy to a considerable distance. 
Although this would have afforded a fine opportunity for co-opera- 
tion, yet the commander did not think it expedient to change his 
orders, and accordingly retired to camp. 

The 23d had been a season of activity to the division under Gene- 
ral Worth. About ten o'clock, A. M., a firing was heard in the oppo- 
site quarter, whose heaviness and continuance, as well as other cir- 
cumstances, induced a belief that the commander-in-chief was con- 
ducting a main attack, and that his orders for co-operation, having to 
travel a circuit of six miles, had either been miscarried or inter- 
cepted by some of the numerous cavalry parties of the enemy. 



588 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Under these convictions tlie troops were instantly ordered to com- 
mence an operation, which, if not otherwise directed, General "Worth 
had designed to execute under favour of the night. Two columns 
of attack were organized, to move along the two principal streets 
which run in the direction of the great plaza. The advance was 
composed of light troops slightly extended, whose duties were arduous 
and dangerous. They were ordered to mask the men whenever 
practicable, avoiding the points swept by the enemy's artillery, and 
pressing on to the first plaza, (capella,) obtain the ends of the streets 
beyond them, enter the buildings, and by means of picks and bars 
break through the longitudinal section of the walls, work from house 
to house, and ascending the roofs, to place themselves on the same, 
breast height with the enemy. Light artillery by sections and pieces, 
under Duncan, Rowland, McCall, Martin, Hays, Irons, Clarke, and 
Curd, followed at suitable intervals, covered by reserves to guard the 
pieces, together with the whole operation, against the probable enter- 
prises of cavalry upon our left. This was efi'ectually done by seizing 
and commanding the head of every cross street. 

At numerous well-chosen points, the enemy had barricaded the 
streets by heavy masonry walls, each containing embrasures for one 
or more guns, and the whole well supported by cross batteries. 
These arrangements made it necessary for the Americans to act with 
much precaution, and gave a complicated character to their opera- 
tions ; but notwithstanding the difficulties in their way, they worked 
steadily, simultaneously, and successfully. 

Meanwhile the firing on the opposite side of the city had ceased, 
and the enemy were enabled to transfer their men and guns from that 
position, and employ them against General Worth. The troops, 
however, still continued to advance, and at dark reached within one 
block of the principal plaza, having worked through walls and squares, 
left a covered way in their rear, and carried a large building which 
towered over the principal defences, and on the roof of which two 
howitzers and a six-pounder were placed during the night and en- 
suing morning. 

Early on the morning of the 24th, Colonel Morena arrived at the 
camp of General Taylor, bearing the following communication from 
General Ampudia : — 

[translation.] 
D. Pedro Ampudia, Greneral-in- chief, to Major-general Taylor. 

Head-Quarters, Armt at Monterey, 
&l)t. 2M, 1846, 9 o'docl; P.M. 

Senor General — Having made the defence of which I believe this 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 589 

city is susceptible, I have fulfilled mj duty, and have satisfied the 
military honour, which, in a certain manner, is common to all armies 
of the civilized world. 

To prosecute the defence, therefore, would only result in distress 
to the population, who have already suffered enough from the mis- 
fortunes consequent on war; and taking it for granted that the 
American Government has manifested a disposition to negotiate, I 
propose to you to evacuate the city and its fort, taking with me the 
personelle and materielle which have remained, and under the as- 
surance that no harm shall ensue to the inhabitants who have taken 
a part in the defence. 

Be pleased to accept the assurance of my distinguished con- 
sideration. 

Pedro de Ampudia. 

To Sexor Don Z. Tatloe 

Commander-in-chief of the American Army. 

General Taylor replied as follows : — 

Head-quarters, Armt of Occupation, 
CMnp before Monlerey, Sept. 24, 1846, 7 o'c'sch; A.M. 

Sir — Your communication bearing date at nine o'clock P. M. on the 
23d instant, has just been received by the hands of Colonel Morena. 

In answer to your proposition to evacuate the city and fort, with 
all the personel and materiel of war, I have to state that my duty 
compels me to decline acceding to it. A complete surrender of the 
town and garrison, the latter as prisoners of war, is now demanded. 
But such surrender will be upon terms — and the gallant defence of 
the place, creditable alike to the Mexican troops and nation, will 
prompt me to make those terms as liberal as possible. The garrison 
will be allowed at your option, after laying down its arms, to retire 
to the interior, on condition of not serving again during the war, or 
until regularly exchanged. I need hardly say that the rights of non- 
combatants will be respected. 

An answer to this communication is required by 12 o'clock. If 
you assent to an accommodation, an officer will be despatched at 
once, under instructions to arrange the conditions. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Z. Taylor, 

Maj. Gen. U. S. A. Commanding. 
Senor D. Pedro de Ampudu, 

General-in-chief, Monterey 

A cessation of hostilities now took place, and in the mean while, 
at the request of General Ampudia, the two commanders had a per- 
sonal interview. 



590 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

This interview is thus humorously described by an eye-witness : — 

"Ampudia was all courtesy and fine words, big speeches, great 
volubility, with an abundance of gesticulations, shrugs, nods, alternate 
smiles and frowns, and that whole catalogue of silent language with 
which persons of French origin (as is Ampudia) are wont to help the 
expression of their ideas. 

"General Taylor, on the other hand, was as dry as a chip, as plain 
as a pipe-stem, and as short as pie-crust. Dressed in his best coat, 
(which by-the-by looks as if it had served some half a dozen cam- 
paigns,) with his glazed oil-cloth cap, strapless pants, and old- 
fashioned white vest, he looked more like an old farmer lately elected 
militia colonel, who had put on his every-day suit, with the slightest 
imaginable sign of military foppery, to distinguish him from a crowd 
of mere civilians. In his reply to Ampudia's long harangues, he 
used such direct, blunt, and emphatic language, that the valorous 
Mexican was thrown all aback and 'had nothing to say.' " 

"Ampudia opened the interview by stating that his forces were 
too large to be conquered by General Taylor's army — that he had 
an abundance of ammunition, seven thousand infantry and three 
thousand cavalry, with forty cannon, and the best artillerists in the 
world — that his loss was very small, and he felt confident he could 
defend the city against a much stronger force than that under Gene- 
ral Taylor's command; but that from motives of humanity — to spare 
the effusion of blood — to save the lives of helpless women and chil- 
dred, he was willing so ftir to compromise the glory of the great 
Mexican nation, as to surrender the city, provided he was allowed 
to retire with his whole force, and carry the public property with 
him, and all the arms and munitions of war. When he had finished 
his magnificent oration, which, in the style of his celebrated pro- 
clamation, was garnished with numerous allusions to the stupendous 
power and unfading glory and renown of magnanimous Mexico, old 
Zachary quietly stuck his hands deep into his pockets, cocked his 
head a little on one side, and gently raising his grizzly eyebrows, 
that the bold little black eye lurking beneath might have full play 
upon the grandiloquent Mexican, replied in these few, but expressive 
words : — 

" 'General Ampudia, we come here to take Monterey, and we are 
going to do it on such terms as please us. I wish you good morn- 
ing.' And the old general hobbled off" on his two short little legs, 
leaving the Mexican general and stafi" in the profoundest be- 
wilderment." 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 591 

The following were the terms upon which Monterey capitulated to 
the gallant besiegers : — 

Terras of capitulation of the city of Monterey, the capital of Nuevo 
Leon, agreed upon by the undersigned commissioners, to wit: Gene- 
ral Worth, of the United States army, General Henderson, of the 
Texan volunteers, and Colonel Davis, of the Mississippi riflemen, 
on the part of Major-general Taylor, commander-in-chief of the 
United States forces; and General Raquena and General Ortega, 
of the army of Mexico, and Senor Manuel M. Llano, governor of 
Nuevo Leon, on the part of Senor General Don Pedro de Ampudia, 
commanding-in-chief the army of the North of Mexico. 

Art. 1. As the legitimate result of the operations before this place, 
and the present position of the contending armies, it is agreed that 
the city, the fortifications, cannon, the munitions of war, and all other 
public property, with the undermentioned exceptions, be surrendered 
to the commanding general of the United States forces now at 
Monterey. 

Art. 2. That the Mexican forces be allowed to retain the following 
arms, to wit: the commissioned officers their side arms, the infantry 
their arms and accoutrements, the cavalry their arms and accoutre- 
ments, the artillery one field-battery, not to exceed six pieces, with 
twenty-one rounds of ammunition. 

Art. 3. That the Mexican armed forces retire within seven days 
from this date, beyond the line formed by the pass of the Rincouada, 
the city of Linares, and San Fernando de Presas. 

Art. 4. That the citadel of Monterey be evacuated by the Mexi- 
can, and occupied by the American forces, to-morrow morning, at 
ten o'clock. 

Art. 5. To avoid collisions, and for mutual convenience, that the 
troops of the United States will not occupy the city until the 
Mexican forces have withdrawn, except for hospital and storage 
purposes. 

Art. 6. That the forces of the United States will not advance 
beyond the line specified in the 2d [3d] article before the expiration 
of eight weeks, or until the orders or instructions of the respective 
governments can be received. 

Art. 7. That the public property to be delivered shall be turned 
over and received by officers appointed by the commanding generals 
of the two armies. 

Art. 8. That all doubts as to the meaning of any of the preceding 
articles shall be solved by an equitable construction, and on princi- 
ples of liberality to the retiring army. 



592 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Art. 9. That the Mexican flag, when struck at the citadel, may be 
saluted by its own battery. 

Done at Monterey, Sept. 24, 1846. 

W. J. Worth, 

Brigadier-general U. S.A. 

J. PiNKNEY Henderson, 

Maj. Gen. Comdg. the Texan Vol. 

Jefferson Davis, 

Col. Mississippi Riflemen. 

Manuel M. Llano, 
T. Requena, 
Ortega. 
Approved: Pedro Ampudia, 

^ Z. Taylor, 

Maj. Gen. U. S. A. Comdg. 

These terms were not entirely satisfactory to the government at 
Washington. In justification of them, Gleneral Taylor soon afterward 
wrote as follows: — 

"It will be seen that the terms granted the Mexican garrison are 
less rigorous than those first imposed. The gallant defence of the 
town, and the fact of a recent change of government in Mexico, 
believed to be favourable to the interests of peace, induced me to 
concur with the commission in these terms, which will I trust, receive 
the approval of the government. The latter consideration also 
prompted the convention for a temporary cessation of hostilities. 
Though scarcely warranted by my instructions, yet the change of 
afiairs since those instructions were issued, seemed to warrant this 
course. I beg to be advised as early as practicable whether I have 
met the views of the government in these particulars." 

Making his head-quarters at Monterey, General Taylor proceeded 
to occupy Saltillo and Parras, while the Mexicans fell back upon San 
Luis Potosi. Santa Anna was recalled to Mexico, and placed at the 
head of the government and army. Before December he had twenty 
thousand men under his command well organized; and with this 
force, he determined to crush Taylor at a blow, and redeem the con- 
quered provinces. While these preparations were going on, the 
Government of the United States, for the purpose of an attack on 
Vera Cruz, withdrew from General Taylor the most effective portion 
of his forces, leaving him with an extended line of territory to defend, 
a formidable foe in front, and with only a small force, principally 
untried volunteers, to encounter the enemy. 

On parting with the companions of his victories. General Taylor 
delivered the following touching and manly address : — 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 593 

"It is with deep sensibility that the commanding general finds him- 
self separated from the troops he so long commanded. To those 
corps, regular and volunteer, who have shared with him the active 
services of the field, he feels the attachment due to such associations, 
while to those who are making their first campaign, he must express 
his regret that he cannot participate with them in its eventful scenes. 
To all, both officers and men, he extends his heartfelt wishes for their 
continued success and happiness, confident that their achievements 
on another theatre will redound to the credit of their country and 
its arms." 

General Taylor now fell back to Monterey; but, rejecting the 
counsel of General Scott to remain on the defensive in that town, 
when he learned of the advance of General Santa Anna, with twenty- 
two thousand men from San Luis de Potosi, he moved forward to a po- 
sition called Agua Nueva, eighteen miles below Saltillo. He reached 
that place on the 20th of February, 1847, with five thousand four 
hundred men. Here he received intelligence that Santa Anna was 
then but thirty miles distant, and rapidly advancing. He, there- 
fore, left Agua Nueva, and took up a strong position at Buena Vista, 
seven miles below Saltillo. 

The excellence of this station, as a battle-ground, had been re- 
marked by General Taylor, when passing it on his previous march, 
and the wisdom evinced in its choice has been a theme of universal 
admiration. The face of the country is every way adapted to in- 
terrupt the progress of an enemy's cavalry, and to diminish the ad- 
vantages of a superiority in numbers. The mountains rise on either 
side of an irregular and broken valley, about three miles in width, 
dotted over with hills and ridges, and scarred with broad and wind- 
ing ravines. The main road lies along the course of an "arroyo," 
the bed of which is so deep as to form an almost impassable barrier, 
while the other side is bounded by precipitous elevations, stretching 
perpendicularly toward the mountains, and separated by broad gullies 
until they mingle with one at the principal base. Of course such a 
road is almost impracticable for artillery, and, in fine, for any satis- 
factory movements of a large army. 

On the morning of the 22d, General Taylor was advised that the 
enemy were in sight, advancing. They had left Encarnacion at 11 
o'clock, on the day previous, and had driven in a mounted force left 
at Agua Nueva, to cover the removal of public stores. The Ameri- 
can order of battle had been previously arranged. Captain Wash- 
ington's battery (fourth artillery) was posted to command the road, 
while the first and third Illinois regiments, under Colonels Hardin 

38 



594 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

and Bissell, each eight companies, and the second Kentucky regi- 
ment, under Colonel McKee, occupied the crests of the ridges on the 
left and in the rear. The Arkansas and Kentucky regiments of 
cavalry, commanded by Colonels Yell and H. Marshall, occupied the 
extreme left, near the base of the mountain, while the Indiana 
brigade, under Brigadier-general Lane, the Mississippi riflemen, 
under Colonel Davis, the squadrons of the first and second dragoons, 
under Captain Steen and Lieutenant-colonel May, and the light 
batteries of Captains Sherman and Bragg, (third artillery,) were 
held in reserve. 

At 11 o'clock. Surgeon-general Lindenbury, of the Mexican army, 
arrived at the head-quarters of the Americans, bearing a white flag 
and a communication from Santa Anna. The latter was a summons 
to surrender, which we annex, together with the reply. 

[translation.] 

Summons of Greneral Santa Anna to General Taylor. 

You are surrounded by twenty thousand men, and cannot, in any 
human probability, avoid suffering a rout and being cut to pieces by 
our troops ; but as you deserve consideration and particular esteem, 
I wish to save you from a catastrophe, and for that purpose give you 
this notice, in order that you may surrender at discretion, under the 
assurance that you will be treated with the consideration belonging 
to the Mexican character, to which end you will be granted an hour's 
time, to make up your mind, to commence from the moment when 
my flag of truce arrives in your camp. 

With this view I assure you of my particular consideration. 

God and liberty ! Camp at Encantada, February 22d, 1847. 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. 

To General Z. Taylor, Commanding forces of the U. S. 

Head-quabtees, Army op Occupation, 
Near Buena Vista, February 22d, 1847. 

Sir — In reply to your note of this date, summoning me to sur- 
render my forces at discretion, I beg leave to say that I decline 
acceding to your request. 

With high respect I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

Z. Taylor, 

Major-general U. S. A. Commanding. 
Senoe Gen. D. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, 

Commander-in-chief, La Encantada. 

Before dark a number of the enemy's infantry had ascended the 
mountains on the left, from Avhich, at the distance of three hundred 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 595 

yards, they opened a heavy fire upon Colonel Marshall's regiment. 
This was returned by two of his companies which were dismounted 
for that purpose, and the skirmishing continued until after dark. In 
this slight affray three of the Americans were slightly wounded. 
While it was going on, three pieces of Captain Washington's battery 
had been detached to the left, and were supported by the second 
Indiana regiment. A shell was occasionally thrown by the enemy 
into this part of the line, but without producing any effect. It was 
now evident that no serious attack would be made before morning, 
and accordingly General Taylor returned to Saltillo with the Missis- 
sippi cavalry and regiment of dragoons. In order, however, to be 
prepared for an attack at any moment, the troops were ordered to 
bivouac without fires, and sleep upon their arms. 

A body of cavalry, numbering at least fifteen hundred, had been 
observed all day hovering in the rear of Saltillo, having entered the 
valley through a narrow pass east of the city. The intention of this 
cavalry was unknown, but it had probably been thrown behind the 
American army to break up and harass its expected retreat, and if 
practicable, to make an attack upon the town. Ample measures had 
been taken to thwart the enemy should they attempt the latter pro- 
ject. The city was occupied by three excellent companies of Illinois 
volunteers, under Major Warren, of the first regiment, and a field- 
work which commanded most of the approaches was garrisoned by 
Captain Webster's company, first artillery, and armed with two 
twenty-four pound howitzers, while the train and head-quarters camp 
was guarded by two companies of Mississippi riflemen under Captain 
Rodgers, and a field-piece commanded by Captain Shover, third 
artillery. General Taylor himself passed the night in the city, and 
did not reach the field of battle until the following morning, when 
the engagement had been for some time commenced. 

The morning of the 23d was beautiful, and for a little while it 
seemed as though nature had divested her sons of the disposition or 
capability of inflicting injury. The wild ravines of the rocks hung 
with dense forests, and froAvning for the return of day, afforded relief 
to the little hills and clumps of chapparal which were scattered in 
every direction; while a confused prospect of deep gorges, tangled 
foliage, irregular valleys, and in the distance the quiet, solemn moun- 
tains, all blended into one indistinct picture by the approaching 
twilight, lent to the whole an appearance of romance. But as the 
sun approached the horizon, the morning rendered visible the ex- 
tended lines and white tents of two opposing armies, and soon the 
blast of the war trumpet, the beating of drums, and the trembling 



596 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of the ground beneath the tread of armed thousands, announced that 
the antagonists were preparing for other scenes than an admiration 
of the beauties of nature. Mexico and her hostile sister were about 
to meet as they never had before. There had been the opening of 
the drama at Palo Alto and La Palma, and the battling of fierce 
experience at Monterey; but they were but the preparations for the 
grand display which, under the favourite generals of both nations, 
was now to be exhibited on the plains of Buena Vista. 

During the evening and night of the 22d, detachments of the 
enemy had been observed stealing toward the station where had been 
the firing of the preceding day. These difi'erent parties had united, 
and taken up a position on the mountain side, with the intention of 
outflanking the American left wing. They were mostly light troops, 
and altogether destitute of artillery. While they were manoeuvring, 
the Americans captured a Mexican soldier, who reported the force 
of Santa Anna to be six thousand cavalry and fifteen thousand in- 
fantry, with fifteen pieces of artillery, including some twenty-four- 
pounders. This confirmed the statement of that general himself in 
his summons to surrender, and fully justified the prevalent belief that 
the coming battle would be obstinate and bloody. 

Early on the morning of the 23d, the action was opened by a fire 
of the Mexicans upon the American extreme left. During the night 
they had so stationed a twelve-pounder on a point at the base of the 
mountain, that it could be made to command any position which the 
Americans might take, and the quick, heavy discharges from this 
piece showed that they knew the importance of their advantage, and 
were determined to improve it. 

These discharges were received and answered by the riflemen 
under Colonel Marshall, who had been previously reinforced by three 
companies under Major Trail, of the second Illinois volunteers. 
Though engaged with a much superior force, these troops maintained 
their ground with spirit and effect, returning the fire of the light 
troops with great coolness. 

The Mexican commander now ordered a general advance of his cav- 
alry supported by infantry on the left, with the design of tm'ning the 
flank and gaining the rear of their antagonists. The vast body, 
splendidly uniformed, and making a most imposing appearance, 
advanced steadily to the execution of that project. 

At the same time the Americans were not idle, but watched coolly 
the approach of the host, with whom they were soon to be engaged 
in mortal conflict; and Lane even ordered the artillery and second 
Indiana regiment forward, in order to bring them within efiective 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 597, 

range. The artillery of both armies now commenced rapid discharges 
upon the opposing ranks, while at the same moment the Mexican in- 
fantry pom-ed a wide sheet of fire upon the whole line from the left, 
to McKee's regiment. This was answered by the Kentucky riflemen 
under McKee, Clay, and Fry, and the uninterrupted roar of fire-arms 
and shouts of the combatants announced that the action on the left 
had become general. The American artillery was now within musket 
range of the Mexican infantry, into which it poured a most destruc- 
tive fire, but without being able to check their approach. During 
the whole attack the second Illinois regiment was exposed to the 
hottest of the fire, which it sustained with admirable firmness ; and 
the main body of Colonel Hardin's regiment having moved to the 
right of the Kentuckians, the representatives of each State seemed to 
vie with each other in doing the best service to their country. 

Meanwhile the enemy's cavalry had been stealthily pursuing their 
way along the mountain, and though the artillery had wrought great 
havoc in their masses, yet the leading columns passed the extreme 
points of danger, and were concentrating their forces for a charge 
upon the American rear. At this moment, when the utmost efibrt 
of every available force seemed essential to the least chance of a suc- 
cessful resistance, the Indiana regiment, who were stationed to sup- 
port the artillery, turned upon its proper front, and commenced a 
disorderly retreat. Colonel Bowles immediately dashed forward to 
Arrest their progress; but all his efibrts were vain, and they con- 
tinued their flight until beyond range of battle. Several ofiicers of 
General Taylor's staS" immediately galloped oS" to rally them if possi- 
ble. Major Dix, of the pay department, (formerly seventh infantry,) 
was the first to reach the deserters; and seizing the regimental 
colours, displayed them to the men with an appeal to their honour as 
soldiers ; he was answered by loud cheers, and a portion of the regi- 
ment immediately rallied around him, and was reformed by the 
ofiicers. The major then led them toward the enemy, bearing the 
standard until one of the men volunteered to carry it. The party 
then returned to the field, and though not in time to repair the dis- 
aster which their flight had occasioned, yet they afterward retrieved 
in some degree their military honour. 

This retreat filled the Mexicans with exultation, and as their shouts 
of anticipated triumph rose above the roar of the artillery, they 
advanced along the base of the mountain, discharging not only small 
arms and artillery in front, but cross-fires of grape and cannister 
from the battery on the left. Against so tremendous a charge, Cap- 
tain O'Brien found it impossible to retain his position without sup- 



598 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJiTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

port, but was not able to withdraw more than two of his pieces, all 
the horses and cannoneers of the third one being killed or disabled. 
At the same time Colonel Bissell's regiment, which had been joined 
by a section of Captain Sherman's battery, having become completely 
outflanked, and being entirely unsupported, was compelled to fall 
back. The enemy were now certain of victory, and on every side 
continued to march dense masses of infantry and cavalry toward a 
station in rear of the Americans. 

At this moment General Taylor arrived from Saltillo. 

The Mississippi regiment had been directed to the left, before 
reaching the position, and immediately came into action with the 
Mexican infantry which had turned the American flank. Previously 
to this the second Kentucky regiment, and a section of artillery 
under Captain Bragg, had been ordered from the right to reinforce 
the left, and arrived in a most seasonable moment. That regiment 
and a portion of the first Illinois under Colonel Hardin, came rapidly 
into action, drove back the enemy, and recovered a portion of the 
lost ground. The batteries of Sherman and Bragg did much execu- 
tion, not only in front, but particularly upon the masses which had 
gained the rear. Washington's battery on the right had also opened 
its fire, and the artillery now made the columns of the enemy to roll 
to and fro like ships upon the ocean. The action was at this time 
terrible. The battle raged along the entire line of both armies, 
causing the volleys of artillery to reverberate through the mountains 
like the thunder of their own storms. Twenty-five thousand men 
were then engaged in a dark and fearful struggle for death or victory. 

The Mexican cavalry still pressed on the left, and threatened a 
charge upon the Mississippi riflemen, who, under Colonel Davis, had 
been ordered to support the Indiana regiment. The Colonel im- 
mediately threw his command into the form of a V, with the opening 
toward the enemy. In this position he firmly awaited the advance 
of the cavalry, who came dashing on at full speed. The Americans 
reserved their fire until they could take aim at the enemy's eyes, and 
then poured forth a volley from both lines, which broke the opposing 
ranks, overthrowing horse and rider in promiscuous slaughter. This 
retarded, but did not stop their progress, and in a little while they 
rallied for a renewed attack. 

About this time a portion of the enemy's infantry had become 
detached from the main body and were suffering such terrible 
slaughter, that General Taylor thought proper to send Lieutenant 
Crittenden with a flag of truce to the Mexican commander in order 
to demand their surrender. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 599 

The Mexican oiBcer, pretending not to understand the character 
of his mission, insisted that he should be blindfolded, according to 
the rules of war, and thus had the lieutenant carried into the camp 
of Santa Anna himself. This was a ruse to extricate the Mexican 
cavalry from their dangerous position, and pending this truce, they 
were all drawn off by a different road from that by which they had 
gained this position. 

Lieutenant Crittenden was conducted blindfolded to the tent of 
the Mexican general-in-chief, which he found a long distance from 
the scene of action, and in a situation which he thought the safest 
place he had been in during the whole day. As he approached 
Santa Anna's tent, he was greeted with a most tremendous flourish 
of trumpets, which might have been heard a mile off, but produced 
no very great terror in the mind of the Kentuckian. His blind was 
taken off, and he found himself in the presence of the famous Mexi- 
can chief, surrounded by a brilliant staff of bedizened, gilded, and 
moustached oflScers. Santa Anna apologized to the lieutenant for 
the act of his ofiicers in having him blindfolded, saying, that so far 
from having any desire to conceal his situation, he was desirous of 
exhibiting to General Taylor the utter folly of resisting so powerful 
an army as he had under his command. To which the lieutenant 
replied, that his simple message was to demand his (Santa Anna's) 
immediate surrender to General Taylor. When this extraordinary 
demand was translated to the Mexican, he raised his hands and eye- 
brows in utter astonishment at the temerity and presumption of such 
a message, and replied, that he would expect General Taylor to sur- 
render in an hour, or he would destroy all his forces. Lieutenant 
Crittenden's reply, which we have already given — " G-eneral Taylor 
never surrenders!'' — terminated the interview, and the battle recom- 
menced, and was continued until night. 

In the mean while the third Indiana regiment, under Colonel Lane, 
supported by a considerable body of horse, was ordered to join Colonel 
Davis. At the same time Lieutenant Kilburn, with a piece of Cap- 
tain Bragg's artillery, was directed to support the infantry there 
engaged. The action now recommenced with redoubled vigour, and 
every inch of ground was contested with obstinacy. Several charges 
were made by the enemy, both with cavalry and infantry, but they 
were resolutely met, and the Mexicans repulsed with heavy loss. 
Meanwhile all the regular cavalry and Captain Pike's squadron of 
Arkansas horse had been placed under the orders of Brevet Lieu- 
tenant-colonel May, with directions to hold in check the enemj's 
column, which was still advancing to the rear along the base of the 



000 LIVES OF THE PRESIDEJWS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

mountain; and this he effected in conjunction with the Kentucky 
and Arkansas cavalry, under Colonels Marshall and Yell. 

Meanwhile the left, which was still strongly threatened by a supe- 
rior force, was further strengthened by a detachment of Captain 
Bragg's, and a portion of Captain Sherman's batteries. The con- 
centration of artillery fire upon the masses of the enemy at the base 
of the mountain, and the determined resistance offered by the two 
regiments opposed to them, had created confusion in their ranks, and 
some of the corps attempted to effect a retreat upon their main line 
of battle. In order to prevent this, the squadron of the first dragoons 
under Lieutenant Rucker was ordered up the deep ravine which they 
were endeavouring to cross, with orders to charge and disperse them. 
The lieutenant proceeded to the point indicated ; but being exposed 
to a heavy fire from a battery established to cover the retreat of 
those corps, he could not accomplish his object. 

While this was going on, the American baggage train was observed 
winding along the Saltillo road. At sight of it the lancers formed, 
evidently with the design of making an attack upon a part of the 
army likely to offer but little resistance ; but at this important mo- 
ment Lieutenant Rucker rushed along, giving them a sweeping fire, 
which scattered a part of them with the loss of many killed and 
wounded. Lieutenant-colonel May, with two pieces of Sherman's 
battery, under Lieutenant Reynolds, was also ordered to defend the 
hacienda of Buena Vista, where the train and baggage of the army 
were deposited. In the mean time the scattered forces near the 
hacienda, composed in part of the commands of Majors Trail and 
German, had partly organized under Major Monroe, chief of artillery, 
with the assistance of Major Morrison, volunteer staff, and were posted 
to defend the position. Before the American cavalry had reached 
the hacienda, that of the enemy had made an attack. The latter 
were far more numerous than their antagonists; but their fierce 
charge was successfully resisted by the Kentucky and Arkansas 
cavalry under Colonels Marshall and Yell. In the conflict the Mexi- 
can column was divided, one portion sweeping by the depot, where it 
received a destructive fire from the force collected there, and then 
gained a mountain opposite under a fire from Lieutenant Reynolds's 
section. The second portion gained the base of the mountain on the 
left. In the charge at Buena Vista, Colonel Yell and Adjutant 
Vaughan, of the Kentucky cavalry, were mortally wounded. They 
Avere officers of much promise. 

May's dragoons, with a squadron of Arkansas cavalry under Cap- 
tain Pike, supported by a piece of artillery under Reynolds, now 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 601 

encountered the lancers, who had once more rallied ; but this shock 
threw their whole rank into confusion, and drove them back toward 
the mountain with immense loss. 

The chances of victory seemed now with the Americans, and the 
position of that portion of the Mexican army which had gained the 
rear, was so critical as to render it doubtful, whether it would be 
able to rejoin the main body. At this moment a Mexican officer 
reached General Taylor, bearing a Avhite flag, and stated in a most 
courteous manner that "he had been sent by his excellency General 
Santa Anna, to his excellency General Taylor, to inquire in the most 
respectful manner, what he was waiting for?" Although this was 
believed to be merely a ruse, for the purpose of gaining time, the 
American commander thought proper to notice it. Accordingly 
Brigadier-general Wool was despatched to the Mexican commander, 
and orders issued to the army to cease firing. When Wool arrived 
at the enemy's line they refused to cease their fire, and he was obliged 
to return without an interview. During the cessation on the part 
of the Americans, the enemy continued to retreat along the base of 
the mountain, and finally effected a junction with the remainder of 
the army. This had evidently been the object of the Mexican gene- 
ral in asking a truce — a manoeuvre as artful as it was successful. 

During the day, the cavalry of General Minon had ascended the 
elevated plain above Saltillo, and occupied the road from the city 
to the field of battle, where they intercepted several American 
privates. On approaching the town, they were fired upon by Cap- 
tain Webster from the redoubt occupied by his company, and then 
moved toward the eastern side of the valley, in the oblique direction 
of Buena Vista. 

At this time Captain Shover, supported by a miscellaneous com- 
mand of mounted volunteers,, fired several shots at the cavalry with 
great effect. They were driven into the ravines which lead to the 
lower valley, closely pursued by Captain Shover, who was further 
supported by one piece of Captain Webster's battery, under Lieu- 
tenant Donaldson, who had advanced from the redoubt, aided by 
Captain Wheeler's company of Illinois volunteers. The enemy made 
one or two efforts to charge the artillery, but were finally driven 
back in a confused mass, and did not reappear upon the plain. 

After the junction of the cavalry of Santa Anna with his main 
army, he determined to concentrate his forces for a general charge 
upon the American line. They came down in full strength, directing 
their whole efforts to the point where was the little company of 
artillery. Captain O'Brien, with two pieces, met this heavy charge 



602 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

with the most admirable firmness ; but his infantry support being 
entirely routed, he was at length obliged to leave his guns on the 
field and retire. Captain Bragg, who had just arrived from the left, 
was immediately ordered into battery; and without any infantry to 
support him, and at the imminent risk of losing his guns, that brave 
officer rushed into action when the Mexican line was but a few yards 
from the muzzle of his guns. The moment was critical. Every eye 
was bent toward him, as the fierce lancers, rising in their stirrups, 
rushed at his little band. Suddenly that artillery which had so often 
scattered death amid their ranks, opened its tremendous fire. Then 
there was a pause in their progress, and scores of the dead and 
wounded sunk with one thrilling groan beneath the hoofs of their 
companions' chargers. The pause was but for a moment; a com- 
mand was given to advance, and they obeyed. But another dis- 
charge, and the next moment another, mowed them down by hundreds 
and threw their columns into disorder and defeat. The Mexicans 
were thoroughly routed; and while their regiments and divisions 
were flying, nearly all the light troops were ordered forward, and 
followed them with a deadly fire, mingled with shouts which rose 
above the noise of battle. In this charge the first Illinois regiment, 
and McKee's Kentuckians were foremost. Forgetting their deficiency 
of numbers in the ardour of pursuit, these troops pushed forward to 
a considerable distance beyond the battle line ; when the Mexicans 
wheeled around with almost magical quickness and attacked them. 
For a while the carnage was great on both sides ; but the Americans 
being but a handful in comparison with the dense masses that were 
hurled against them, were obliged to retreat. Thus the day again 
seemed lost ; but in this extremity, an appeal to the faithful weapon, 
which had never yet failed them, retrieved the victory. While the 
Americans were driven through the ravines, at the extremities of 
which a body of Mexican lancers was stationed to cut oS" their retreat. 
Brent and Whiting, of Washington's battery, discharged upon the 
pursuers a torrent of grape-shot, which overthrew vast numbers, and 
put the survivors to flight. This fire was most fortunate ; saving the 
weary remnant of those brave regiments, which had so long and ably 
sustained the hottest part of the fight. On the other flank the ar- 
tillery was left unsupported, and while the legions of the enemy came 
rushing down, its capture seemed inevitable. But Bragg and Thomas, 
assisted by Bryan, O'Brien, and Sherman, seemed to grow with the 
danger, and eclipsed even the fame they had won at Monterey. 
Every horse of O'Brien's battery was killed, and the enemy had 
advanced to within range of grape, sweeping all before them. But 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 603 

here their progress was arrested by a storm of iron hail, by which 
all their squadrons and battalions were broken and scattered. 
Though suffering immense loss, they succeeded however in capturing 
three pieces of artillery which were without horses. This was the 
third occasion, during the day, in which when all seemed lost but 
honour, the artillery, by the ability with which it was manoeuvred, 
rolled back the tide of success from the enemy and saved the army. 
But it was attended with a heavy loss to the Americans. While 
fighting most gallantly at the head of their respective commands. 
Colonel Hardin of the first Illinois regiment, and Colonel McKee 
and Lieutenant-colonel Clay of the second Kentucky, were each 
mortally wounded. 

The battle had now raged with variable success for nearly ten 
hours, and after the last carnage, both parties seemed willing to pause 
upon the result. The approach of night gave the American general 
an opportunity to pay proper attention to the wounded, as also to 
refresh his soldiers, who were exhausted by excessive combat and 
watchfulness. Though the night was severely cold, most of the troops 
were compelled to bivouac without fires, expecting that morning 
would renew the conflict. During the night the wounded were re- 
moved to Saltillo, and every preparation made to receive the enemy. 
Seven fresh companies were drawn from the town, and Brigadier- 
general Marshall, with a reinforcement of Kentucky cavalry, and 
four heavy guns, under Captain Prentiss, first artillery, was near at 
hand, when it was discovered that the enemy had abandoned their 
position during the night. Scouts were sent after them, who soon 
ascertained that they had fallen back upon Agua Nueva. The great 
disparity of numbers, and the exhaustion of the troops, rendered it 
inexpedient and hazardous in the American commander to attempt a 
pursuit. A staff-officer was despatched to Santa Anna, to negotiate 
an exchange of prisoners, which was satisfactorily completed the 
next day. The dead were collected and buried; and the Mexican 
wounded, of which a large number had been left upon the field, were 
removed to Saltillo, and rendered as comfortable as circumstances 
would permit. 

The numbers engaged in this great battle, and the losses of the 
respective armies as well as various other interesting details, have 
been given in another portion of this work. We have been more 
particular in giving an account of the various movements of the con- 
flict in this place, in order to show in what manner and by what 
means a victory which has conferred the highest renown upon Gene- 
ral Taylor was gained. 



G04 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

General Taylor now fixed his head-quarters at Walnut Springs. 
The retreat of Santa Anna left him no enemy to contend against ; 
and, during the remainder of his stay in Mexico, he was chiefly em- 
ployed in taking measures to secure the tract of country he had so 
gallantly subdued, and in suppressing the numerous guerilla bands 
that roamed between Matamoras and Monterey. 

Among the slain at the battle of Buena Vista was Colonel Henry 
Clay, the son of the distinguished statesman, Henry Clay of Ken- 
tucky. General Taylor had a high esteem for the young officer, and, 
not long after the battle, he wrote the following noble letter to the 
bereaved parent : — 

Head-quarters, Armt of Occupation, 
Agua Nusva, Mexico, March 1, 1847. 

My Dear Sir — You will no doubt have received, before this can 
reach you, the deeply distressing intelligence of the death of your 
son in the battle of Buena Vista. It is with no wish of intruding 
upon the sanctuary of parental sorrow, and with no hope of adminis- 
tering any consolation to your wounded heart, that I have taken the 
liberty of addressing you these few lines ; but I have felt it a duty 
which I owe to the memory of the distinguished dead, to pay a willing 
tribute to his many excellent qualities, and while my feelings are 
still fresh, to express the desolation which his untimely loss and that 
of other kindred spirits has occasioned. 

I had but a casual acquaintance with your son, until he became 
for a time a member of my military family, and I can truly say that 
no one ever won more rapidly upon my regard, or established a more 
lasting claim to my respect and esteem. Manly and honourable in 
every impulse, with no feeling but for the honour of the service and 
of the country, he gave every assurance that in the hour of need I 
could lean with confidence upon his support. Nor was I disappointed. 
Under the guidance of himself and the lamented McKee, gallantly 
did the sons of Kentucky, in the thickest of the strife, uphold the 
honour of the State and the country. 

A grateful people will do justice to the memory of those who fell 
on that eventful day. But I may be permitted to express the bereave- 
ment which I feel in the loss of valued friends. To your son I felt 
bound by the strongest ties of private regard; and when I miss his 
familiar face, and those of McKee and Hardin, I can say with truth, 
that I feel no exultation in our success. 

With the expression of my deepest and most heartfelt sympathies 
for your irreparable loss, I remain, Your friend, 

Z. Taylor. 

Hon. Uenry Clay, New Orleans, La, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 605 

In the spring of 1848, General Taylor returned to the United 
States. His reception at New Orleans was most enthusiastic. 
Every mark of honour was shown him. He then retired to repose 
for a time at his fine plantation on the Mississippi. 

"We are now to behold the general in a new field. He had always 
taken very little part in politics, and when the thunders of Palo Alto 
first proclaimed his renown, his partisan predilections or political 
sentiments were unknown. Independent men of both parties thought 
that they had found a new man for the presidency, and his name was 
mentioned in various parts of the Union in connection with that great 
ofiice. His political position was defined in the following letter, 
published in the " Clinton Floridian," in the summer of 1847. It was 
addressed to a Democrat: — 

Camp iveas Monteey, Mexico, June 9th, 18i7. 

Dear Sir — Your letter of the 15th ult., from Clinton, Louisiana, 
has just reached me, in which you are pleased to say, "the signs of the 
times in relation to the next presidency, and the prominent position 
of your name in connection with it, is a sufficient excuse for this 
letter" — that "it is a happy feature in our government that ofiicial 
functionaries under it, from the lowest to the highest station, are not 
beyond the reach and partial supervision of the humblest citizen, and 
that it is a right in every freeman to possess himself of the political 
principles and opinions of those into whose hands the administration 
of the government may be placed," &c., in all of which I fully coin- 
cide with you in opinion. Asking my views on several subjects — 
"1st, as to the justice and necessity of this war with Mexico on our 
part ; 2d, as to the necessity of a national bank, and the power of 
Congress for creating such an institution; 3d, as to the effects of a 
high protective tariff, and the right of Congress, under the constitu- 
tion, to create such a system of revenue." 

As regards the first interrogatory, with my duties and the position 
I occupy, I do not consider it would be proper in me to give any 
opinion in regard to the same ; as a citizen, and particularly as a 
soldier, it is sufiicient for me to know that our country is at war with 
a foreign nation, to do all in my power to bring it to a speedy and 
honourable termination, by the most vigorous and energetic opera- 
tions, without inquiring about its justice or any thing else connected 
with it; believing, as I do, it is our wisest policy to be at peace with 
all the world, as long as it can be done without endangering the 
honour and interests of the country. 

As regards the second and third inquiries, I am not prepared to 
answer them; I could only do so after investigating those subjects, 



G06 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

which I cannot now do ; my whole time being fully occupied in attend- 
ing to my proper official duties, which must not be neglected under any 
circumstances ; and I must say to you in substance what I have said 
to others in regard to similar matters, that I am no politician. Near 
forty years of my life have been passed in the public service, in the army, 
most of which was in the field, the camp, on our Western frontier, or 
in the Indian country ; and for nearly the two last in this or Texas, 
during which time I have not passed one night under the roof of a house. 
As regards being a candidate for the presidency at the coming 
election, I have no aspirations in that way, and regret that the sub- 
ject has been agitated at this early day, and that it had not been 
deferred until the close of this war, or until the end of the next 
session of Congress, especially if I am to be mixed up with it, as it 
is possible it may lead to the injury of the public service in this 
quarter, by my operations being embarrassed, as well as produce 
much excitement in the country, growing out of the discussion of the 
merits, &c., of the different aspirants for that high office, which might 
have been very much allayed, if not prevented, had the subject been 
deferred as suggested ; besides, very many changes may take place 
between now and 1848, so much so, as to make it desirable for the 
interest of the country, that some other individual than myself, better 
qualified for the situation, should be selected ; and could he be elected, 
I would not only acquiesce in such an arrangement, but would rejoice 
that the republic had one citizen, and no doubt there are thousands, 
more deserving than I am, and better qualified to discharge the duties 
of said office. 

If I have been named by others, and considered a candidate for 
the presidency, it has been by no agency of mine in the matter — 
and if the good people think my services important in that station, 
and elect me, I will feel bound to serve them, and all the pledges and 
explanations I can enter into and make, as regards this or that policy, 
is, that I will do so honestly and faithfully to the best of my abilities, 
strictly in compliance with the constitution. Should I ever occupy 
the White House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, 
and by no act of mine, so that I could go into the office untrammelled, 
and be the chief magistrate of the nation and not of a party. 

But should they, the people, change their views and opinions 
between this and the time of holding the election, and cast their 
votes for the presidency for some one else, I will not complain. 
With considerations of respect, I remain, your obedient servant, 

Z. Taylor. 

Mr. Edward Deluny. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 607 

As each victory increased the general's fame, it became certain 
that he would be nominated for the presidency. In the summer of 
1848, a national convention of Whigs met at Philadelphia, and after 
several ballotings, nominated General Taylor as the Whig candidate 
for the chief magistracy. Millard Fillmore was placed upon the 
same ticket as a candidate for the vice-presidency. At the fall elec- 
tion these candidates received a handsome majority. 

On the 4th of March, 1849, General Taylor was inaugurated 
President of the United States. He organized his cabinet as follows : 
— John M. Clayton, of Delaware, secretary of state; William M. 
Meredith, of Pennsylvania, secretary of the treasury; Thomas Ewing, 
of Ohio, secretary of the interior — a department created at the pre- 
ceding session of Congress ; George W. Crawford, of Georgia, secre- 
tary of war; William B. Preston, of Virginia, secretary of the navy; 
Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, attorney-general; Jacob Collamer, 
of Vermont, postmaster-general. 

President Taylor and his cabinet had the prospect of arduous work 
before them. Europe was convulsed with the uprisings of the peo- 
ple against tyrannical rulers, and the foreign relations of the country 
were, in consequence, somewhat complicated. A large tract of 
territory had been added to the domain of the republic, and means 
were to be devised for giving it an efficient government. The sub- 
ject of slavery was agitated in all parts of the Union, and an intense 
excitement prevailed in both the North and the South. The opposi- 
tion had a majority in Congress. Such a state of affairs required a 
bold, decided, able, and hard-working administration. 

Congress met in December, 1849. In the senate, General Cass, 
of Michigan, introduced a resolution providing for the suspension of 
all diplomatic intercourse with Austria, on account of the atrocities 
perpetrated by that power after the insurgent Hungarians were 
suppressed. After a brilliant, and exciting debate, the resolution 
was rejected, not out of consideration for Austria, but on account of 
the Americans residing within the limits of that empire. 

In the house there was much difficulty in effecting an organization. 
The candidates for speaker were Robert C. Winthrop, of Massa- 
chusetts, and Howell Cobb, of Georgia. On the sixty-fifth ballot, 
Mr. Cobb was chosen speaker by a small majority. During this ex- 
citing contest it was rendered evident that agitators on both sides 
of the slavery question intended to introduce the subject into every 
debate. Threats of dissolving the Union were made in both houses 
by prominent members, the distinguished statesman John C. Calhoun, 



608 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of South Carolina, being the chief assertor of secession and nullifica- 
tion doctrines. 

At length, to restore harmony to the councils of the nation, a 
number of distinguished senators proposed a compromise embracing 
the whole difficulty of slavery. A committee of thirteen senators 
was appointed, the venerable Henry Clay being named as chairman, 
to consider and report upon the compromise resolutions. After 
much deliberation, this committee reported a series of measures to 
be united in one bill. Their objects were to admit California into 
the Union, with her constitution as a free State; to provide terri- 
torial governments for New Mexico and the Mormon region of Utah ; 
to restore fugitive slaves to their masters ; to abolish the slave trade 
in the District of Columbia; and to pay the State of Texas 
$10,000,000 to relinquish her claim upon New Mexico. This com- 
promise measure was known as the "Omnibus Bill." The adminis- 
tration indicated that it was opposed to any such combination of 
measures, and also, that its policy was to admit California without 
any conditions, and to leave the question of slavery in the territo- 
ries to the people who settled them. The other measures were 
deemed unnecessary at the time. 

The debate upon the "Omnibus Bill" continued for about two 
months, a splendid array of talent being exhibited on both sides of 
the question. Finally, the measures were separated, slightly modi- 
fied, and then passed by both houses, (August, 1850.) Some of 
these measures were violently denounced in various' parts of the 
Union by ultra men. But comparative quiet was restored to the 
country. 

In the spring of 1850, an expedition was organized in the south- 
western part of the Union, with the object of revolutionizing the 
island of Cuba. General Narciso Lopez was the commander-in-chief. 
Supplies were collected and men enlisted. The government officials 
gaining intelligence of these movements. President Taylor issued a 
proclamation, expressing his determination to maintain the neutral 
laws of the United States, and declaring that those who violated 
them would place themselves beyond the protection of the government. 

The reckless spirits engaged in the expedition were undaunted, 
however, and in the latter part of April, they rendezvoused at Con- 
toy Island, in the Gulf, about seventy-five miles distant from Cuba. 
General Lopez, with about four hundred and fifty men, soon after- 
ward sailed, in the steamer Creole, for the Cuban shore. On the 
morning of the 19th of May, the invaders landed at the town of 
Cardenas, and immediately engaged a superior force of Spanish 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 609 

troops. Tlio battle was brief. The Spaniards were routed, and 
Lopez retained full possession of the town. An appeal to the people 
to join his ranks was then issued, but few complied with his wishes, 
and even these could not obtain arms. In the latter part of the day 
some severe fighting took place, and the invaders suffered so much 
that they gave up the expedition, retired on board the Creole, and 
returned to the United States. Thus ended an expedition rashly 
undertaken and feebly executed. General Lopez and a number of 
distinguished Americans, who were supposed to have aided the 
expedition, were arrested by the United States, but no evidence 
could be obtained of their criminality, and they were therefore 
discharged. 

After the compromise discussion and the Cuban expedition, the 
state of affairs in California was the chief source of interest duringr 
this administration. The golden wealth of that territory astonished 
the world. Immense quantities of the precious metal were sent to 
the Atlantic States and to Europe. In the mean time, the turbulent 
condition of the mining region and the important interests lacking 
regulation caused the General Government considerable anxiety. 

By the passage of the compromise measures, California became a 
sovereign State, and thus a great source of anxiety in the Union 
and discontent in the mining regions was allayed. 

While the compromise measures were under discussion in Congress, 
the nation was suddenly called to mourn the loss of its chief magis- 
trate. President Taylor died of chronic diarrhoea, on the 9th of 
July, 1850. His illness was very short, and his death took the nation 
by surprise. His last words were expressive of his character — "I 
am ready. I have endeavoured to do my duty." His death, in the 
midst of a tremendous political storm, caused much lamentation 
throughout the Union. His obsequies were performed with every 
manifestation of the sincere grief of a people for the loss of a great 
public servant. 

In person, General Taylor was about the middle height — very 
robust, and of an iron frame. His countenance was deeply furrowed, 
but he had an eye full of fire, and there was an expression of de- 
termination about his features which could not be mistaken. His 
manners were simple and natural. His mind was solid, but not 
brilliant — a mind, however, that rose with the demands upon its 
exertions, as was shown on his great battle-fields. As a general and 
a soldier he was one of the first the country has produced. Duty 
was ever his first thought, and in its performance he never cared for 
consequences. 

39 



610 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



JOHN M. CLAYTON. 

John Middleton Clayton Avas born at Duggsboro', Sussex county, 
Delaware, in 1789. His father was a wealthy tanner of that place, 
and both parents were widely respected for their intelligence. After 
receiving an elementary education, young Clayton was sent to Yale 
College, where he graduated with high honour. Returning to his 
native State, he went to Dover and entered the law-office of George 
Read, Esq., at that time the leading lawyer of the State. In youth, 
Mr. Clayton was remarkable for energy, and a wonderful fluency of 
expression. After being admitted to the bar, he soon acquired 
reputation and influence, and his practice became lucrative. He 
continued to hold a high position, in spite of the rivalry of some of 
the ablest lawyers of the country. After holding various offices in 
the State, Mr. Clayton was elected to a seat in the national house 
of representatives. There he was distinguished as a debater. He 
was then elected to the senate of the United States, and took his 
seat March 4, 1829. In 1835 he was re-elected, and in 1837 he 
resigned his seat. During this period, Mr. Clayton was one of the 
leading men of the senate. He was a strenuous opponent of Presi- 
dent Jackson's administration. In 1845 he was again elected to the 
senate, and he continued an active member of that body until March, 
1849, when he was appointed secretary of state by President Taylor. 
He discharged the duties of that office with vigour and fidelity until 
the death of President Taylor, when he resigned. He returned to 
his beautiful farm called Buena Vista, about nine miles from Wil- 
mington, and for some time led the life of a wealthy country gentle- 
man. But his fellow-citizens were unwilling that he should remain 
in private life. He was appointed judge of the supreme court of the 
State, and in 1853, was again elected to the senate of the United 
States, where he continues a leading member. 

Mr. Clayton is an ornament to the circle in which he moves, and 
no man is more admired and beloved by his neighbours. Many acts 
of generosity and benevolence are upon the records, to which his 
friends point as the evidence of his noble character. He enjoys 
vigorous health, the result of exceedingly active habits. He is a 
learned lawyer and experienced statesman, and as a parliamentary 
debater has had few superiors. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 611 



WILLIAM M. MEREDITH. 

William Morris Meredith is a native of the city of Phila- 
delphia, where he was born on the 8th of June, 1799. He received 
his education in his own city and State, at the University of Penn- 
sylvania, in which institution he was received bachelor of arts at 
the annual commencement in July, 1812, having taken the second 
honour, and delivered the valedictory oration. The law was chosen 
as his profession, and he became a student in the ofEce of his father, 
the late William Meredith, Esq., an eminent lawyer, and, after the 
usual course of study, was admitted in December, 1817. He com- 
menced practice immediately after his admission, with a success that 
has attended the efforts of few of his contemporaries, and soon attained 
a most distinguished position at a bar the reputation of Avhich is 
universal. In October, 1824, he was elected one of the representa- 
tives of his native city to the legislature of Pennsylvania, and con- 
tinued to perform the duties of that office till the spring of 1828. 
The select council of Philadelphia, of which he was a member, elected 
him their president in 1834, in the place of Joseph R. Ingersoll, 
Esq., who had till then presided over that body. The revision of 
the constitution of Pennsylvania was committed by the people to a 
convention composed of many of her most eminent citizens, among 
whom Mr. Meredith served as one of the representative delegates of 
the city of Philadelphia. This body commenced its session at Har- 
risburg on the 2d of May, 1837, and continued its labours until its 
final adjournment on the 22d of February, 1838. General Harrison 
appointed Mr. Meredith district-attorney of the United States for 
the eastern district of Pennsylvania in 1841, and he held the office 
for about fourteen months, and resigned it in the spring of 1842. On 
the election of General Taylor as President of the United States, he 
selected Mr. Meredith as one of his cabinet, and appointed him secre- 
tary of the treasury in March, 1849, an office which he held till the 
death of General Taylor in July, 1850, when, upon the resignation 
of the cabinet, he returned to the practice of his profession in Phila- 
delphia. 



612 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

GEORGE W. CRAWFORD. 

This gentleman is a native of Georgia, in which State he studied 
law, and after his admission to the bar rose to considerable eminence 
in his profession. He at one period was a member of the house of 
representatives from that State. 

On the occasion of General Taylor's nomination for the office of 
president, Mr. Crawford took a very active and efficient part. 

Immediately on President Taylor's taking the chair, Mr. Crawford 
was appointed secretary of war, and his nomination was confirmed 
by the senate on the 7th of March, 1849. During the time that he 
was in office, certain claims were allowed by the government, in 
which it was alleged that Mr. Crawford was largely interested: a 
circumstance which was made the occasion of very severe comments 
by his political opponents. Mr. Crawford remained in office till after 
the decease of President Taylor, when he resigned, together with 
other members of the cabinet. 

Edward Bates, of Missouri, was appointed to succeed him, and his 
nomination was confirmed by the senate ; but he declined the office, 
and Charles M. Conrad accepted it, and was confirmed by the senate 
on the 15th of August, 1850. 



WILLIAM BALLARD PRESTON. 

Of this gentleman, after making a very careful and diligent search, 
we have been unable to find any biographical notice in any of the 
volumes, reviews or journals, in which such notices are generally 
published. He is a native of Virginia ; was a member of Congress 
from that State previous to his elevation to the cabinet. He was 
appointed secretary of the navy immediately on the accession of 
Taylor to the presidential chair, and his nomination was approved 
by the senate on the 7th of March, 1849. He remained in office 
until the lamentable decease of President Taylor, when he resigned, 
with other members of the cabinet, and was succeeded by William 
A. Graham of North Carolina, on the 20th of July, 1850. 



REVERDY JOHNSON. 



This gentleman is a native of Annapolis, Maryland. He was 
educated there. He studied law, and early in life received an ap- 
pointment as clerk in one of the departments of the State govern- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 618 

ment. lie was subsequently elected a member of the legislature of 
Maryland. From this ofSce he rose to that of senator in the legisla- 
ture of the State, in which important and responsible station he 
served for seven years. 

Removing to Baltimore, he entered upon the practice of the law, 
and soon rose to a first-rate position at the bar of that city, so re- 
markable for legal and forensic ability. He was elected president 
of one of the banks of the city. 

Mr. Johnson was a member of the Senate of the United States 
from Maryland, his term of office commencing on the 4th of March, 
1845, until March 3, 1851, when he resigned. 

On the accession of General Taylor to office as President of the 
United States, Mr. Johnson received from him the very distinguished 
appointment of attorney-general, (7th of March, 1849,) the duties 
of which office he discharged with that eminent ability which his pre- 
vious high character had led his friends to anticipate. On retiring 
from office, Mr. Johnson resumed the practice of the law in Baltimore. 



JACOB COLLAMER. 



Jacob Collamer was born at Troy, New York, in 1791, but re- 
moved when a child, with his father's family to Burlington, Vermont. 
He graduated in 1810 at the University of Vermont, which after- 
ward, in 1849, conferred on him the degree of LL. D. He served 
as a subaltern in the detached militia of Vermont during the first 
campaign of the war of 1812. He commenced the practice of law 
in 1813 at Randolph, in the county of Orange, Vermont. He re- 
moved to Royalton in the county of Windsor in 1816, and there con- 
tinued his practice, and for several years represented that town in 
the State legislature. In 1833, he Avas appointed a judge of the 
supreme court of the State, which office he held until 1841, when he 
resigned and returned to his practice in Woodstock, Vermont, where 
he still resides. In 1843, he was appointed a representative in Con- 
gress, in which office he was continued six years, and then declined 
reappointment. 

On the accession of President Taylor, Judge Collamer was ap- 
pointed postmaster-general, and continued in that office until the 
death of President Taylor, in July, 1850, when he, with the other 
members of the cabinet, resigned, and he returned to his home in 
Vermont, and was the same year appointed circuit judge, Avhich office 
he held until October, 1854, when he was appointed to the United 
States Senate for six years from March, 1855. 



Jiks of tlje ^itskiits of t\t itiiM Staks, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHER WITH 



§i0grif Mes 0f % f irc-|renknts an^ Jlcmljers st tlr^ dTa&m^ts, 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 



MiLLAKD Fillmore, Vice-President, and, upon the death of Gene- 
ral Taylor, President of the United States, was born on the 7th of 
January, 1800, at Summer Hill, Cayuga County, New York. His 
father, Nathaniel Fillmore, who was descended from an English family, 
followed the occupation of a farmer, and in 1819, removed to Erie 
county, where he still lives, cultivating a small farm with his own 
hands, Owing to the humble circumstances of his father, Millard 
Fillmore's education was necessarily of the most imperfect kind, and 
at an early age he was sent to Livingston county, at that time a 
wild region, to leaim the clothier's trade, and about four months later 
he was apprenticed to a wool-carder, in the town in which his father 
lived. During the four years that he worked at his trade, he availed 
himself of every opportunity of improving his mind, and supplying 
the defects of his early education. At the age of nineteen he made 
the acquaintance of the late Judge Wood, of Cayuga county, who 
detected in the humble apprentice talents which would qualify him 
for a higher station. He accordingly offered to receive him into his 
office, and to defray his expenses during the time of his studies. Mr. 
Fillmore accepted the proposal, but that he might not incur too large 
a debt to his benefactor, he devoted a portion of his time to teach- 
ing school. In 1821 he removed to Erie county, and pursued his 
legal studies in the city of Buffalo. Two years later he was admitted 
to the common pleas, and commenced the practice of the law at 
Aurora in the same county. In 1827 he was admitted as an attorney, 
and in 1829, as a counsellor in the supreme court, and in the follow- 
ing year he removed to Buffalo, where he entered into partnership 
with an elder member of the bar. 

Mr. Fillmore's political life commenced with his election to the 
614 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 615 

State assembly, in -which body he took his seat in 1829, as a mem- 
ber from the county of Erie. Being a member of the Whig party, 
he was at that time in opposition, and had little opportmiity to dis- 
tinguish himself, but he took a prominent part in assisting to abolish 
imprisonment for debt in the State. In 1832 he was elected to Con- 
gress, and took his seat the following year. In 1835, at the close of 
his term of office, he resumed the practice of the law, until he once 
more consented to be a candidate for Congress, and took his seat 
again in 1887. During this session he took a more prominent part 
in the business of the house than during his former term, and he was 
assigned a place on one of the most important committees — that on 
elections. He was successively re-elected to the twenty-sixth and 
twenty-seventh Congresses, and in both of them distinguished him- 
self as a man of talents and great business capacity. At the close 
of the first session of the twenty-seventh Congress, he signified to 
his constituents his intention not to be a candidate for re-election, 
returned to Buffalo, and again devoted hims6lf to his profession, of 
which he had become one of the most distinguished members in the 
State. In 1844 he was prevailed upon to accept the nomination by 
the Whig party, for governor of the State of New York, but he 
shared in the general defeat of his party. In 1847, however, he was 
consoled for his defeat by his election to the office of comptroller of 
the State, by an unprecedented majority. In 1848 he was nominated 
by the Whigs as their candidate for vice-president, and elected to 
that office in the fall of the same year. In March, 1849, he resigned 
his office of comptroller, to assume the duties of his new position, 
and in the discharge of those high and delicate duties, he acquitted 
himself with dignity and ability, until the death of General Taylor, 
in July, 1850, elevated him to the presidential chair.* 

Upon the accession of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency, the mem- 
bers of the cabinet immediately resigned, in consequence of a dif- 
ference of opinion upon the compromise measures. Mr. Fillmore 
then organized a new cabinet as follows : — Daniel Webster, of Mas- 
sachusetts, secretary of state ; Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, secretary 
of the treasury; Alexander H. H. Stuart, of Virginia, secretary of 
the interior; Charles M. Conrad, of Louisiana, secretary of war; 
William A. Graham., of North Carolina, secretary of the navy; John 
J.Crittenden, of Kentucky, attorney-general; Nathan K.Hall, of 
New York, postmaster-general. Before the close of Mr. Fillmore's 
administration, Mr. Graham retired from the navy department, and 

« Men of the Time. 



616 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

Jolin p. Kennedy, of Maryland, was appointed to succeed liim; and 
toward the close of 1852, Daniel Webster died, and was succeeded 
as secretary of state by Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. These 
were the only changes in the cabinet during this administration. 

It was expected that the president's policy would be decidedly 
of a Whig complexion; but as the opposition had a majority in Con- 
gress, no great measure of the administration party could be carried 
out. The president recommended the protective policy in regard to 
the tariff, but no alteration of importance was made in the tariff 
adopted in 1846. 

The foreign relations of the Union had occupied a great share of 
attention during General Taylor's administration. Difficulties had 
occurred with England, France, Spain, and Portugal, all of which 
were finally settled under Mr. Fillmore's administration. A treaty 
was negotiated with England, by which a route across Central 
America was secured to both nations. The French minister was dis- 
missed; but his place was soon filled by a more agreeable personage. 
Spain's apprehensions in regard to the designs of the United States 
upon Cuba were quieted for a time. The difficulty Avith Portugal 
concerned indemnification for the destruction of the privateer Gene- 
ral Armstrong in a Portuguese port during the war of 1812. Being 
submitted to the arbitration of President Bonaparte, of France, he 
decided in favour of Portugal. In December, 1850, a racy corre- 
spondence occurred between Secretary Webster and the Austrian 
minister, the Chevalier Hulsemann, concerning an alleged inter- 
ference of the United States in Hungarian affiiirs. Mr. Webster's 
reply to the letter of the chevalier was generally considered a 
masterly vindication of the power and position of the United States, 
and it remains a model paper for the study of statesmen. 

The failure of the expedition to revolutionize Cuba in 1850 did 
not end the efforts of General Lopez and his friends. Preparations 
were secretly made for an expedition on a more extensive scale under 
the command of the same general. The signs were unmistakable, 
and the officers of the government active in gaining intelligence of 
the movement. The president issued a proclamation similar in 
character to that issued by President Taylor, when the first Cuban 
expedition was prepared. Nevertheless, men were enlisted, and sup- 
plies collected in several Southern ports, and in August, the steamer 
Pampero, with General Lopez and about four hundred men on board, 
sailed for Cuba. The troops landed at the town of Bahia Honda. 
None of the inhabitants joined them in accordance with their expect- 
ations, and they were left alone to combat the greatly superior forces 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 617 

of the Spanish government. The country swarmed with persons 
hostile to the invaders. But supplies were wanting, and Lopez 
determined to press forward to the interior of the country, taking to 
the mountains as a last refuge. Colonel Crittenden, with sixty men, 
was left in charge of the baggage. This detachment was attacked 
by a large body of Spaniards and routed. Colonel Crittenden, 
and fifty-two of his men, attempting to escape in open boats, were 
picked up by the Spanish frigate Pizarro, and taken in irons to 
Havana. Their trial and punishment were of a summary character 
— all were shot. 

In the mean time. General Lopez was attacked by large numbers 
of regular Spanish troops, and compelled to fight with desperation. 
The Spaniards were repulsed with great slaughter. But being rein- 
forced, they returned to the attack, and, after an obstinate conflict, 
routed the invaders, who dispersed among the mountains. Most of 
them were killed or captured. General Lopez was made prisoner 
and taken to Havana, where he was shortly afterward put to death 
by the garote, a Spanish instrument of execution. A large number 
of the invaders Avho had been captured were imprisoned by the cap- 
tain-general. Concha, and afterward sent to Spain. The queen, with 
commendable moderation, pardoned them all, and had them sent back 
to the United States. Thus ended another rash attempt to revo- 
lutionize the island of Cuba. Its tendencies were to increase the 
desire of the people in some portions of the L^nited States to possess 
that fertile island, and to excite the alarm, not only of Spain, but 
of other European nations who had colonies adjacent to the great 
republic. 

On the 24th of September, 1852, the secretary of state, Daniel 
Webster, a statesman and orator almost unrivalled in the annals of 
the country, expired at Marshfield, Massachusetts, at the age of 
sixty-eight years. Henry Clay, the great statesman of the West, 
had died at Washington but a few months before. The death of 
these distinguished men left a void in the national councils which was 
extremely difficult to fill. The country mourned for them, and in all 
the chief cities eulogies Avere pronounced in honour of their memory. 
Mr. Webster was succeeded in the office of the secretary of state by 
Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, who soon found an opportunity 
to distincruish himself in the conduct of foreign affairs. 

Apprehending that the United States government entertained 
designs upon Cuba, Lord John Russell, the British minister of foreign 
affairs, proposed that Great Britain, France, and the United States 
should enter into a tripartite treaty, securing that island to the crown 



618 LIVES OF TTTE PRESIDE^'TS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of Spain forever. ]Mr. Everc^tt rej.'Cted this proposal in a lengthy 
letter, which, by its force of logic, national spirit, and brilliancy of 
style, excited general admiration. The tripartite treaty was clearly 
shown to be totally incompatible with the true interest and the pro- 
gressive policy of the republic. Lord John Eussell replied to the 
letter of the American secretary, assailed his arguments in a rather 
sarcastic tone, and concluded by saying that Great Britain would 
thenceforward be perfectly free to pursue her own separate policy in 
regard to Cuba. This reply was not made directly to the Ameri- 
can department of state, but in an epistle to Mr. Crampton, the 
British minister at Washington ; and it did not arrive in the United 
States until a new administration had been inaugurated, and Mr. 
Everett had retired from office. From the nature of the reply and 
the character of its direction, Mr. Everett considered himself called 
upon to vindicate his position, and he did this in a published letter 
even more remarkable for ability and eloquence than the former 
epistle from the state department. The following passage is in vindi- 
cation of the course pursued by President Fillmore's administration : — 

"There is no doubt widely prevalent in this country a feeling that 
the people of Cuba are justly disaffected to the government of Spain. 
A recent impartial French traveller, M. Ampere, confirms this im- 
pression. All the ordinai-y political rights enjoyed in free countries, 
are denied to the people of that island. The government is, in prin- 
ciple, the worst form of despotism, viz., absolute authority delegated 
to a military viceroy, and supported by an army from abroad. I 
speak of the nature of the government, and not of the individuals by 
whom it is administered — for I have formed a very favorable opinion 
of the personal character of the present captain-general, as of one 
or two of his predecessors. Of the bad faith and the utter disregard 
of treaties with which this bad govei'nment is administered, your 
committees on the slave trade have spoken plainly enough at the late 
session of parliament. Such being the state of things in Cuba, it 
does not seem to me very extraordinary or reproachful, that, through- 
out the United States, a handful of misguided young men should be 
found ready to join a party of foreigners, headed by a Spanish gene- 
ral, who was able to persuade them, not as you view it, 'by armed 
invasion to excite the obedient to revolt, and the tranquil to dis- 
turbance,' but, as they were led to believe, to aid an oppressed peo- 
ple in their struggles for freedom. 

"There is no reason to doubt that there are, at this moment, as 
many persons, foreigners as well as natives, in England, who enter- 
tain these feelings and opinions as in the United States; and if Grreat 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 619 

Britain lay at a distance of one hundred and ten miles from Cuba, 
instead of thirty-five hundred, you might not, with all your repressive 
force, find it easy to prevent a small steamer, disguised as a trading 
vessel, from slipping off from an outport in the night on an unlawful 
enterprise. The expedition of General Torrijos in 1831, as far as 
illegality is concerned, is the parallel of that of General Lopez. It 
was fitted out in the Thames, without interruption till the last mo- 
ment, and though it then fell under the grasp of the police, its mem- 
bers succeeded in escaping to Spain, where for some time they found 
shelter at Gibraltar. It is declared in the last number of the Quar- 
terly Review to be 'notorious that associations have been formed at 
London for the subversion of dynasties with which England is at 
peace; that arms have been purchased and loans proposed; that 
' Central Committees' issue orders from England, and that Messrs. 
Mazzini and Kossuth have established and preside over boards of 
regency for the Roman States and Hungary, and for the promotion 
of revolution in every part of the world.' I have before me a list, 
purporting to be taken from a Prussian Police Gazette, of fifteen 
associations of continental refugees organized in London and now in 
action for the above-mentioned purposes. 

"When these things are considered, the fact that in the course of 
four or five years two inconsiderable and abortive efforts have been 
made from the United States, though deeply to be lamented and 
sternly to be condemned as a violation of municipal and international 
law, does not appear to me so 'sl^ocking' as it seems to be thought 
by you. It does not, in my judgment, furnish any ground for the 
reproaches which it has drawn upon the government and people of 
the United States. Nor does the remark in my letter of the 1st of 
December, that a disposition to engage in such enterprises would be 
increased rather than diminished by our accession to the proposed 
convention, strike me as 'a melancholy avowal,' as you pronounced it, 
on the part of the president. You forget the class from which such 
adventurers are, in all countries, enlisted — the young, the reckless, 
the misinformed. What other eff"ect could be expected to be pro- 
duced on this part of the population, by being told that their own 
government, in disregard of the most obvious public interests, as well 
as of the most cherished historical traditions, had entered into a com- 
pact with two foreign powers to guaranty the perpetuity of the system 
under which Cuba now suffers? Does not Lord Howden, the English 
minister at Madrid, make a very similar avowal in his letter of the 
30th of May last, addressed to the Spanish minister of Foreign 
Affairs, when he says, <I cannot conclude without expressing my 



620 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

deep regret that the course of Spain is such as to produce a general 
alienation in the opinion of the English public, out of which will most 
infallibly result a state of feeling which no gover'nment can control 
or oppose.' 

" The idea that a convention like that proposed was a measure 
naturally called for, in consequence of these lawless expeditions, 
seems to rest upon an entire misconception of the present state of 
the law in the United States, and of our treaty relations with Spain. 
Our treaties with that government and the laws of the United States 
forbid all such enterprises. The tripartite convention would have 
added nothing to their unlawfulness. If we had been desirous of 
multiplying objections, we might well have complained that the acts 
of a very small number of rash young men, citizens and foreigners, 
should be put forward by two of the leading powers of Europe as the 
main reason why we should be expected to enter into a strange com- 
pact with those powers, binding ourselves never to make a lawful 
and honourable acquisition of Cuba. There is no logical connection 
between the ideas, and there is something bordering upon the offen- 
sive in their association. 

"Consider, too, the recent antecedents of the powers that invite 
us to disable ourselves to the end of time from the acquisition in any 
way of this natural appendage to our continent. France, Avithin the 
present century, to say nothing of the acquisition of Louisiana, has 
wrested a moiety of Europe from its native sovereigns; has possessed 
herself by force of arms, and at the time greatly to the discontent 
of England, of six hundred miles of the northern coast of Africa, 
with an indefinite extension into the interior, and has appropriated 
to herself one of the most important insular groups of the Pacific. 
England, not to mention her other numerous recent acquisitions in 
every part of the globe, has, even since your despatch of the 16th 
of February was written, annexed half of the Burman empire to her 
overgrown Indian possessions, on grounds — if the statements in Mr. 
Cobden's pamphlet are to be relied upon — compared with which the 
reasons assigned by Russia for invading Turkey are respectable. 

"The United States do not require to be advised of the utility of 
those rules for the observance of international relations, which for 
centuries have been known to Europe by the name of the 'Law of 
Nations.' They are known and obeyed by us under the same venera- 
ble name. Certain circumstances in our history have caused them 
to be studied more generally and more anxiously here than in Europe. 
From the breaking out of the wars of the French Revolution, to the 
year 1812, the United States knew the law of nations only as the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 621 

Tictims of its systematic violation by the great maritime powers of 
Europe. For these violations on the part of England, prior to 
1794, indemnification was made under the seventh article of Jay's 
Treaty. For similar injuries on the part of France, we were com- 
pelled to accept an illusory set-off under the convention of 1800. 

"A few years only elapsed, before a new warfare upon our 
neutral rights was commenced by the two powers. One hundred 
millions at least of American property were swept from the seas, 
under the British orders in council and the French Berlin, and Milan 
decrees. These orders and decrees were at the time recij)rocally de- 
clared to be in contravention of the law of nations by the two powers 
themselves, each speaking of the measures of the other party. 

"In 1831, after the generation of the original sufferers had sunk 
under their ruined fortunes to the grave, France acknowledged her 
decrees to have been of that character, by a late and partial measure 
of indemnification. For our enormous losses under the British orders 
in council, we not only never received indemnification, but the sacri- 
fices and sufferings of the war were added to those spoliations on our 
commerce, and invasion of our neutral rights, which led to its decla- 
ration. Those orders were at the time regarded by the Lansdownes, 
the Barings, the Broughams, and the other enlightened statesmen 
of the school to which you belonged, as a violation of right and justice 
as well of sound policy; and within a very few years the present dis- 
tinguished Lord Chief Justice, placed by yourself at the head of the 
tribunals of England, has declared that ' the orders in council were 
grievously unjust to neutrals, and it is notv generally alloived that 
they were contrary to the law of nations and our oivn municipal law?' 

"That I call, my Lord, to borrow your expression, <a melancholy 
avowal' for the chief of the jurisprudence of a great empire. Acts 
of its sovereign authority, countenanced by its parliament, rigidly 
executed by its fleets on every sea, enforced in the courts of ad- 
miralty by a magistrate whose learning and eloquence are among 
the modern glories of England, persisted in till the lawful commerce 
of a neutral and kindred nation was annihilated, and pronounced by 
the highest legal authority of the present day, contrary not merely 
to the law of nations but your own municipal law ! 

"Under these circumstances, the government and people of the 
United States, who have never committed nor sanctioned a violation 
of the law of nations against any other power, may well think it out 
of place, that they should be instructed by an English minister in 
' the utility of these rules which, for centuries, have been known to 
Europe by the name of the law of nations.' 



622 LIVES OF THE TRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

"There are several other points in your despatch, some of great 
public moment, which, if I were still in office, I should discuss on 
this occasion. I have, however, deemed it proper at present, to con- 
fine myself to such remarks as seemed necessary to vindicate my 
letter of the 1st of December, from your strictures, leaving the new 
aspects of the case which your despatch presents, especially in its 
opening and closing paragraphs, to those whose official duty it is to 
consider them." 

The elections throughout the States during President Fillmore's 
administration had generally resulted in adding strength to the oppo- 
sition. In 1852, the national convention of the Democratic party 
assembled at Baltimore. Resolutions, embodying the principles of 
the party, were adopted. A large number of candidates were brought 
before the convention, and forty-nine ballotings were held before a 
nomination for the presidency could be made. Franklin Pierce, of 
New Hampshire, was the nominee. William R. King, of Alabama, 
was placed upon the same ticket as a candidate for the vice-presidency. 
Soon after the adjournment of this convention, the national conven- 
tion of the Whig party assembled in the same city. A platform of 
principles was adopted. The candidates for the great nomination 
were General Winfield Scott, President Fillmore, and Secretary 
Webster. On the fifty-third ballot General Scott received the nomi- 
nation for president. William A. Graham, of North Carolina, was 
nominated for the vice-presidency. Both of these national conven- 
tions sanctioned, in express terms, the compromise measures. In 
August, a "Free Soil" convention was held at Pittsburgh, and John 
P. Hale, of New Hampshire, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, were 
nominated for the presidency and vice-presidency. Other candidates 
were nominated in various sections of the Union. 

At the election in November of the same year, the candidates of 
the National Democratic party received majorities in all but four 
States — Vermont, Massachusetts, Kentucky and Tennessee, in which 
the Whig candidates obtained majorities. The opposition were, 
therefore, triumphant. 

President Fillmore's final message to Congress in December, con- 
tained a lucid review of the condition of alfairs in the republic, and 
an argument for the protective policy. Its recommendations were 
of but little importance to the opposition majority in Congress. The 
session was chiefly occupied by discussions upon the foreign relations 
of the Union, especially concerning the movements of Great Britain, 
Spain, and Mexico. No measure of general importance was adopted. 
An act, creating the rank of lieutenant-general, intended as a par- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. G23 

ticular honour to General Winfield Scott, passed the senate, but was 
laid upon the table in the house. The increase of special legislation 
was particularly remarkable during this session. 

Mr. Fillmore's term of office expired on the 4th of March, 1853, 
when he retired to his home in BuJOfalo, New York. Mr. Fillmore was 
married in 1826, to Miss Abigail Powers, daughter of the late Lemuel 
Powers. He is one of those self-made men of whom America is 
justly proud, as a galaxy which sheds unfading lustre upon her 
beneficent institutions. 



EDWARD EVERETT. 

Edward Everett, who was secretary of state during the latter 
part of President Fillmore's administration, was born in Dorchester, 
Massachusetts, in April, 1794. His father was a clergyman in 
Boston. He received his early education at Boston, and entered 
Harvard College when little more than thirteen years old, leaving it 
with first honours four years later. He turned his attention for two 
years to the profession of divinity; but, in 1814, he was invited to 
accept the new professorship of Greek literature at Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, with permission to visit Europe. He accepted the 
office ; and, before entering on its duties, embarked at Boston for 
Liverpool. He passed more than two years at the famous university 
of Gottingen, engaged in the study of the German language and the 
branches of learning connected with his department. He passed the 
winter of 1817-18 at Paris. The next spring he again visited Lon- 
don, and passed a few weeks at Cambridge and Oxford. While in 
England, he acquired the friendship of some of the most eminent 
men of the day; among others, of Scott, Byron, Jeffrey, Campbell, 
Mackintosh, Bomilly, and Davy. In the autumn of 1818, he returned 
to the continent, and divided the winter between Florence, Rome, 
and Naples. In the spring of 1819, he made a short tour in Greece. 

Mr. Everett came home in 1819, and entered at once upon the 
duties of his professorship. Soon after his return, he became the^ 
editor of the "North American Review," a journal, which, though 
supported by writers of great ability, had acquired only a limited 
circulation. Under its new editor, the demand increased so rapidly 
that a second and sometimes a third edition of its numbers was 
required. One of his first cares as editor was to vindicate American 
principles and institutions against a crowd of British travellers and 



02-1 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

critics, who were endeavouring to bring them into contempt. The 
spirit with which he performed his task checked this system of 
assault; and Campbell, who had inadvertently admitted into "The 
New Monthly Magazine" a paper of the same description, made a 
handsome amende. 

In 1824, Mr. Everett delivered the annual oration before the Phi- 
Beta-Kappa Society, at Cambridge, Massachusetts. This was the 
first of a series of orations and addresses delivered by Everett on 
public occasions of almost every kind during a quarter of a century, 
and lately collected in two volumes. Up to 1824, he had taken no 
active interest in politics ; but his articles in the Review had evinced 
his acquaintance with the wants and spirit of the nation, and his 
recent oration had brought him prominently before the public. The 
constituency of Middlesex, Massachusetts, without any solicitation 
on his part, returned him to Congress by a great majority over the 
regular candidate. For ten years he sat in Congress, and proved 
himself a working member, never taking advantage of his superior 
poAvers to detain the house with oratorical display, but taking part 
in every debate of importance. In 1835 he retired from Congress, 
and was for four successive years chosen governor of Massachusetts. 
In 1839 he was again a candidate for the same honour, but was 
defeated on local questions by a majority of one out of more than 
one hundred thousand votes. In 1841 he was appointed to represent 
the United States at the Court of St. James, a position for which 
he was peculiarly qualified by his knowledge of the European tongues, 
and his acquaintance with the then mooted boundary question. 

Although the secretaryship of state at Washington was held by 
four different statesmen, of various politics, during Everett's mission, 
he enjoyed the confidence and approbation of all. His intelligence, 
and assiduous habits won him great respect in England; and his 
scholarship was recognised in the bestowal of the degree of D. C. L. 
by the universities of Oxford and , Cambridge. He returned to 
America in 1845, and was chosen president of Harvard College, 
which office he resigned in 1849. For a short period, he lived in 
retirement at Boston, employed upon his promised "Treatise on the 
Law of Nations." Upon the death of Mr. Webster, in the latter 
part of 1852, Mr. Fillmore tendered the post of secretary of state 
to Mr. Everett. He accepted the honour, and during his short term 
of service, distinguished himself by a splendid vindication of Ameri- 
can policy, in a reply to Lord John Russell, who had proposed a 



» Men of the Time. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 625 

tripartite treaty securing Spain in the possession of Cuba. A re- 
joinder was written after the close of Mr. Fillmore's administration, 
which displayed equal ability. Soon afterward, Mr. Everett was 
elected to a seat in the senate of the United States, in which body 
he has been distinguished as an eloquent and powerful debater and 
a dignified legislator. Mr. Everett has been called the Cicero of his 
country, and, perhaps, no other American has so many of the quali- 
ties of the great Roman. But he has a firmness and decision of 
character of which Cicero could not boast. 



THOMAS CORWIN. 

Thomas Corwin, secretary of the treasury under Mr. Fillmore, 
was born in Bourbon county, Kentucky, in 1801. His parents were 
poor, and he enjoyed no educational advantages. In early life, he 
removed to Ohio, where he served for a time as a wagon-boy. But 
he possessed great natural powers of mind, and an unquenchable 
thirst for knowledge. By the most incredible exertions, he obtained 
a scanty education, and then turned his attention to the study of the 
law. On being admitted to the bar, his genius as an advocate and 
orator shone forth, and soon placed him in the front rank of Western 
lawyers. While still young, he was elected a member of the Ohio 
legislature, where he was a leading spirit. In 1831 he was elected 
from the Warren district a representative in Congress. He con- 
tinued to be among the most eloquent members of the house until 
1840, when he was elected governor of Ohio by a large majority. 
In 1842, 'Mr. Corwin was again a candidate, but Wilson Shannon, 
his opponent, was then successful. In 1845 he was elected to a seat 
in the United States Senate. While in that body, he made an elo- 
quent speech against the prosecution of the Mexican war. In 1850 
he accepted the post of secretary of the treasury, tendered him by 
President Fillmore. Since his retirement from that department, he 
has taken no active part in politics. Mr. Corwin is a man of power- 
ful talents. As a pleader in criminal cases, it is questionable if he 
has a superior in the United States. In his early life, he was re- 
markable for firmness and indomitable energy ; but latterly he has 
been content to rest on his laurels. 

40 



626 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



ALEXANDER H. H. STUART. 

It is not surprising that the large numher of able and accom- 
plished men who have owed their birth to the State of Virginia should 
have confirmed that commonwealth in the title which she has so long 
borne, of the Ancient Dominion. Every administration of the govern- 
ment, from the organization under the federal constitution to the 
present time, has sought to strengthen itself by the appointment of 
A^ginians to important executive offices ; and every administration 
has felt the benefit of this course. 

Mr. Stuart is a native of the Ancient Dominion. He was born in 
Westmoreland county, in the western part of Virginia, where he rose 
to distinction as a member of the bar. He served for a considerable 
time as a member of Congress, and soon after Mr. Fillmore's ac- 
cession to office he was appointed secretary of the interior. This 
department of the government had been recently created by act of 
Congress, in 1849, and Mr. Stuart was the fourth to take his sfeat as 
a member of the cabinet in the capacity of secretary of the interior, 
on the 12th of September, 1850. On his retirement from office, he 
resumed the practice of his profession at Staunton, Virginia, where 
he now resides. 



CHARLES M. CONRAD. 

The post of secretary of war was oifered to a number of distin- 
guished Whigs by President Fillmore. But all declined the honour 
except Charles M. Conrad, then a distinguished member of the 
house of representatives from Louisiana. This gentleman was born 
in Louisiana, about 1800. He was the son of a wealthy planter, 
from whom he afterward inherited one of the finest estates in the 
whole South. He received a classical education, and then studied 
law. After being admitted to the bar, he acquired a large practice. 
He took an active part in politics, and after the accession of General 
Jackson to the presidency, became known in his section of the coun- 
try as a member of the Whig party. In 1847, he was elected to a 
seat in the national house of representatives, in which body his talents 
and oratorial powers were creditably displayed. In July, 1850. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 627 

President Taylor died ; and when the melancholy event was announced 
in the house of representatives, Mr. Conrad arose and delivered an 
eloquent eulogy, from which we quote a specimen of his talent for 
oratory. Alluding to General Taylor's well-known aversion to po- 
litical controversy, he said — 

" The excitement of politics had no charm for one who had always 
been extremely averse to political controversy. The pomp and 
splendour of the presidential mansion had no temptations for one 
who was always remarkable for the simplicity of his tastes and the 
frugality of his habits. Add to this, that his unaffected modesty and 
inexperience in public affairs led him sincerely to distrust his ability 
to discharge the duties of this high and responsible station. 

"At no period of our history, indeed, was the executive chair sur- 
rounded by more difficulties than those which encompassed it when 
he was called on to occupy it. Party spirit was still raging with 
unabated fury ; a dark cloud was visible on the horizon, which por- 
tended that a storm of unusual violence was approaching, and would 
shortly burst forth. Under such circumstances, a man even of 
stouter heart than his might well hesitate before he consented to 
embark on this 'sea of troubles.' Yielding, however, to the public 
voice, and to the arguments and persuasion of his friends, he did 
embark. The tempest arose ; and in the midst of its fury, while the 
vessel of state was tossed to and fro, and all eyes were turned with 
a confidence not unmingled with anxiety on the pilot who, calm and 
collected, guided her course, that pilot was suddenly swept from the 
helm! 

" Here let us pause ! Let us avail ourselves of the momentary calm 
which this sad event has produced, and calmly survey the perils that 
surround us — the lowering heavens above, the raging billows below, 
the breakers on our right, the shoals on our left. Let us prepare to 
meet these dangers like men, and like patriots to overcome them. 
Let us not despair of the republic. On the contrary, let us determine 
that she must be saved, and she will be saved. The clouds that over- 
hang us will be dispersed, and the glorious stars of our Union will 
again shine forth -w-ith their wonted splendour." 

Soon afterward, Mr. Conrad was called to preside over the depart- 
ment of war. He discharged the duties of that office faithfully until 
the expiration of Mr. Fillmore's term of office, after which he retired 
to his beautiful house in Louisiana. Mr. Conrad is a fine specimen 
of the Southern gentleman, and enjoys the reputation of being amiable 
and agreeable in social intercourse, as active and able in public life. 



628 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



^ WILLIAM ji GRAHAM. 

William Jf. Graham, secretary of the navj under Mr. Fillmore, 
was born in North Carolina in 1800. After receiving an excellent 
education, he studied law, and, being admitted to the bar, soon rose 
to distinction. He was elected to the legislature, and served from 
1841 to 1843. In August, 1844, he was elected governor of the 
State, to which office he was re-elected in 1846. At the expiration 
of his second term in January, 1849, he retired from public life for 
a short time. But upon the accession of Mr. Fillmore to the presi- 
dency, he was chosen on account of his ability and popularity to fill 
the position of secretary of the navy. In 1852, he was nominated 
as the candidate of the Whig party for the vice-presidency, but was 
unsuccessful. Since that event, he has lived in retirement. 



JOHN P. KENNEDY. 

John Pendleton Kennedy, of Maryland, succeeded Mr. Graham, 
of North Carolina, as secretary of the navy. He was born in Balti- 
more, October, 1795. He studied law and practised in that city 
until 1838, when he was elected to the house of representatives in 
the federal legislature, and served in that body through the twenty- 
fifth, twenty-seventh, and twenty-eighth Congresses. Elected in 
1846 to the house of delegates of Maryland, (of which he had been 
a member in the sessions of 1820-22,) he was made speaker, and 
took an active part in the measure which was then adopted to resume 
the payment of the State debt, and the restoration of the public 
credit. In 1849 he was chosen by the regents of the university of 
Maryland, to preside over that institution as provost. Among 
various political tracts, speeches, reports, and addresses of his which 
have been published, we may mention, as among the best known, 
«A Review of Mr. Cambreling's Free-trade Report, by Mephis- 
topheles," in 1830; "The Memorial of the Permanent Committee 
of the New York Convention of Friends of Domestic Industry," in 
1833; an elaborate report on "The Commerce and Navigation of 
the United States, by the Committee of Commerce," (of which Mr. 
Kennedy was chairman,) in 1842, and a report from the same com- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 629 

mittee on "The Warehouse System," in 1843; "A Defence of the 
Whigs," being a history of the twenty-seventh Congress, and of the 
manifesto against the Tyler administration, (of -which manifesto Mr. 
Kennedy was the author,) in 1844. Besides these, he has published 
several pamphlets and tracts, in defence of the protective system, of 
which he is a strenuous and zealous advocate. In the field of gene- 
ral literature, he is known to the public as the author of "Swallow 
Barn, a Sojourn in the Old Dominion," "Horse-Shoe Robinson," 
"Rob of the Bowl," " Quod Libet," "Memoirs of the Life of William 
Wirt, late Attorney-general of the United States," sundry historical, 
biographical, and literary discourses, essays, and reviews, which have 
not yet been collected into volumes. Mr. Kennedy is an active mem- 
ber of the Historical Society of Maryland, of which he is the vice- 
president, and is an occasional contributor to the periodicals of the 
day. On the resignation of Mr. Graham, in July, 1852, Mr. Kennedy 
was appointed secretary of the navy.* He continued in that position 
until the close of Mr. Fillmore's administration. Mr. Kennedy is a 
brilliant writer and an effective speaker. 



NATHAN K. HALL. 

Nathan K. Hall, postmaster-general under Mr. Fillmore's ad- 
ministration, was born on the 28th of March, 1810, in Onondaga 
county, New York. He studied law in the office of Mr. Fillmore, and 
became his law-partner at Buffalo, New York. He soon became dis- 
tinguished, and was successively elected to the legislature and to Con- 
gress. On Mr. Fillmore's accession to the presidency, Mr. Hall 
was appointed postmaster-general. He now practises his profession 
at Buffalo. 

* Men of the Time. 



Jiks of i\t ^Ksihnts of i\t ItiiM Bkits, 

AND SKETCHES OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIONS, 



TOGETHEE WITH 



§i0pa]^l2its 0f % Wm-^ixmkwU m\)i "^mkn at t\t CaMiuts. 



FRANKLIN PIERCE. 



Franklin Pierce, the fifteenth President of the United States, 
was born at Hillsborough, New Hampshire, on the 23d of November, 
1804. His father, a man of the most energetic character, and pos- 
sessing great natural abilities, had been a soldier of the Revolution, 
and, in 1827, was elected governor of New Hampshire. 

Entering Bowdoin College, at Brunswick, Maine, in 1820, young 
Pierce graduated with high honours as a scholar in 1824. By his 
classmates he is remembered as an officer of a college military com- 
pany, and as an occasional teacher of a country schogl, where no 
regular tutor could be obtained. 

After leaving college, he entered upon the study of the law, in the 
office of Judge Woodbury, at Portsmouth. In 1827 he was admitted 
to the bar, and began to practise in the town of his nativity. In his 
first case, he met with marked ill success. But this failure, instead 
of discouraging, did but animate him to greater exertion. The latent 
strength of his mind was brought out by it, and all the energy and 
perseverance of his character called into play. Many years, how- 
ever, went by, before he arrived at that distinction at the bar which 
was the object of his efi"orts. 

Meanwhile, he entered actively into the arena of politics, being a 
warm admirer and enthusiastic friend of General Jackson, then a 
candidate for the presidency. His political life soon became notice- 
able. In 1829 he was chosen to represent his native town in the 
legislature of the State. He remained in that body four years, 
during the two latter of which he served as speaker of the house. 

In 1833, Mr. Pierce was elected to Congress from his native dis- 
trict. Continuing a very retiring but yet active and laborious mem- 
ber of the house of representatives for two successive terms, he was, 
630 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 631 

in 1837, when scarcely of the age required by law, elected to a seat 
in the senate of the United States. 

At that period, the senate was graced by the active presence of 
an unusual number of statesmen, whose combined wisdom and elo- 
quence it would have been difficult to match by any similar body of 
legislators in the civilized world. His native modesty kept down the 
oratorical efforts of Mr. Pierce in so brilliant an assembly, yet he 
more than once displayed excellent abilities as an eloquent and 
judicious speaker. 

In the month of June, 1848, he resigned his seat in the senate, 
and withdrew to private life, there to repair by the practice of his 
profession, the inroads which had been made upon his means during 
thirteen years of indefatigable labour in the public service. 

Taking up his residence at Concord, the capital of New Hampshire, 
Mr. Pierce soon became celebrated as one of the first men of the bar 
of his native State. Legal knowledge, self-possession, and an ac- 
quaintance with human nature, were qualifications he possessed in an 
eminent degree. His language was copious and select, his gestures 
graceful and appropriate, his voice flexible and sonorous, and well 
under command, and his argumentation convincing and logical. 

In 1846 he declined the post of United States attorney-general 
offered him by President Polk. Previously, the position of United 
States senator had been tendered him by the chief executive of New 
Hampshire; but this he also declined, as well as the subsequent 
Democratic nomination as a candidate for the gubernatorial chair of 
the State. 

In 1847, when a call was made upon New Hampshire for volun- 
teers to participate in the war with Mexico, Mr. Pierce hastened to 
enroll himself as a private in the first company formed at Concord. 
His patriotism, however, soon met with the reward it deserved. Being 
presently appointed colonel of the 9th regiment, he was, in March 
of the same year, commissioned by President Polk as a brigadier- 
general in the United States army. 

Embarking at Newport, Rhode Island, on the 27th of May, Gene- 
ral Pierce and his command reached Vera Cruz after a voyage of 
thirty days. Here he found the most violent form of yellow fever 
raging, and was himself taken very ill. But his nature was benevo- 
lent, and his own sickness, however distressing, did not deter him 
from seeing to the wants and to the health of his men, whom he had 
conveyed, partly at his own expense, to the most healthy point on 
the coast. 

At length, after a delay of some three weeks, he was enabled to 



632 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

push on to reinforce General Scott, whom he joined at Puebla — hav- 
ing passed through a rugged region, strong in natural defences, and 
swarming with wily and ferocious enemies, whose attacks he suc- 
cessfully encountered six times, without the loss of a single wagon 
of his immense train. In one of these engagements, which took 
place at the celebrated National Bridge, on the main road to the city 
of Mexico, he made a narrow escape from death, a musket-ball having 
carried away the rim of his hat. 

Being joined by the troops under General Pierce on the 9th of 
August, Scott immediately broke up his encampment and began his 
march against the Mexican capital. On the 19th, the sanguinary 
conflict of Contreras took place. Here General Pierce signally dis- 
tinguished himself by his bravery and perseverance. Leading his 
column through a tremendous fire of the enemy's artillery, his horse 
fell under him upon a ledge of rocks. Crushed and severely bruised 
though he was, the general, at his own earnest request, was presently 
assisted to mount another horse, and continued in the saddle until 
eleven o'clock that night, in the midst of a most severe storm of rain. 
At early dawn of the 20th he was again in the field, and, with his 
command, assisted materially in completing the defeat of the enemy, 
which had been but partially accomplished by the successes of the 
previous day. 

The flying remnant of the Mexican forces, having reached Churu- 
busco and San Antonio, took up a position within shelter of the 
strong works at those places. Continuing the pursuit, the Ameri- 
cans came up with the enemy, about one o'clock in the afternoon of 
the 20th, when the great conflict, known as the battle of Churubusco, 
was begun. 

The Mexican line was in good array and made a brilliant ap- 
pearance. It was assaulted with energy and broken. Reaching, at 
the head of his troops, a ditch which his horse could not leap. Gene- 
ral Pierce, forgetful of his injuries dismounted, and hurried into the 
midst of the enemy's fire. Turning suddenly upon his knee, which had 
been badly sprained the day before, he fell faint and almost insensi- 
ble. Some of his soldiers approached and proposed to bear him ofi" 
the field. Having partially revived, he forbade them to do so, and 
there lay under a deadly fire until the Mexicans were completely routed. 

After his defeat at Churubusco, Santa Anna, the Mexican com- 
mander-in-chief, proposed an armistice, with a view, as was supposed, 
to the arrangement of a treaty of peace. Being appointed one of 
the commissioners to arrange the terms of this armistice. General 
Pierce, though he had not slept an hour for two nights, and was 



AND OF MEMCEKS OF THE CABINETS, G33 

unable to mount his horse without assistance, immediatclj rode two 
miles and a half and joined the conference, where he remained till 
the articles were signed at four o'clock the next morning. 

" General Pierce's next service was in connection with the battle 
of Molino del Rey, September 8th. His brigade was ordered into 
action by General Scott, who commended the zeal and rapidity of 
his movement. Though the battle had been decided before it reached 
the field, yet General Pierce brought his command under fire in such 
fine order as to win praise from the old officers. Here he was for 
some time engaged in the honourable service of covering the removal 
of the killed and wounded from the field. While so occupied, the 
2d infantry — temporarily under the orders of General Pierce — 
became engaged with the enemy's skirmishers at the foot of Chapul- 
tepec. It was in these skirmishes that he exhibited the gallantry 
that called forth the encomiums of his brother officers, and excited 
the enthusiasm of the men." 

Sinking, at length, beneath his injuries and the fatigue he had 
undergone. General Pierce was for thirty-six hours confined to his 
bed. During that time the battle of Chapultepec was fought and 
won by the American army. The storming of the city of Mexico 
was then contemplated. When told of this. General Pierce attempted 
to rise from his bed ; but, seemingly acquiescing to the entreaties of 
his brother officers, he consented to remain quiet. Yet, in the night, 
he arose and reported himself to General Quitman, who was then 
under the guns of a formidable citadel within the city, and which 
was yet to be conquered. At that time there was none in the army 
who did not expect that an assault would be ordered at daylight. 
But Santa Anna had abandoned the city, and, during the next day, 
which was the 14th of September, the victorious Americans took 
possession of it. 

Remaining in Mexico till the following December, General Pierce 
returned home, resigned his commission, and again took up the prac- 
tice of the law. In the course of 1848, he was presented with a 
sword by the legislature of his native State, who thus signified their 
esteem for him as a gallant officer and patriotic citizen. Paying 
considerable attention to political aifairs, he presently became quite 
influential as a politician; and in 1850, acted a distinguished part 
as the presiding officer of a convention called to revise the constitu- 
tion of New Hampshire. 

In January, 1852, the Democracy of his native State expressed 
their desire that he should be nominated as a candidate for the presi- 
dency. Though General Pierce intimated his earnest wish not to 



634 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

* 

leave the scenes of private life, the National Democratic Convention 
■which met at Baltimore in the month of June then following, nomi- 
nated him on the forty-ninth hallot, by a vote of two hundred and 
eighty to eleven, as the candidate of their party for the presidential 
chair. The canvass that ensued was a spirited and exciting one ; 
but General Pierce was elected to the highest office in the gift of the 
American people, by a larger majority of electoral votes than had 
ever been received, except by Washington and Monroe. 

Not long after his election to the highest office in the gift of the 
people. General Pierce met with a severe affliction. By an accident 
on a New England railroad, his only child — a boy of about eleven 
years of age — was killed. This was a striking illustration of the 
manner in which the proudest of human joys are often darkened by 
the shadow of death. 

On the 4th' of March, 1853, General Pierce was inaugurated 
president of the United States. His inaugural address was brief, 
but clear and decisive on all important questions, and characterized 
by a tone of conciliation and compromise. After acknowledging his 
indebtedness to the people for his elevation, the president referred 
to the rapid expansion of the territories of the United States, and 
to the discussions which it had produced both at home and abroad. 
"The policy of my administration," said President Pierce, "will not 
be controlled by any timid forbodings of evil from expansion. In- 
deed, it is not to be disguised that our attitude as a nation, and our 
position on the globe, render the acquisition of certain possessions 
not within our jurisdiction eminently important for our protection, 
if not in the future, essential for our preservation of the rights of 
commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it 
will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national 
interest and security, and in a manner entirely consistent with the 
strictest observance of national faith." In the opinion of the presi- 
dent, the United States had better not concern herself with the 
politics of Europe. "Our country," he said, "has spoken and w^ill 
continue to speak, not only by its words but by its acts, the lan- 
guage of sympathy, encouragement, and hope, to those who desire 
rational liberty ; but her policy ought to be pre-eminently peaceful, 
and with the neighbouring nations on this continent she should culti- 
vate friendly relations. If we should open new channels of com- 
merce with foreign nations, we shall require a prompt reciprocity." 
It was proper to add, that "the rights, security, and repose of this 
confederacy, reject the idea of interference or colonization on this 
side of the ocean by any foreign power beyond present jurisdiction 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 635 

as utterly inadmissible." Not only are our national rights to be re- 
garded, but those which pertain to every citizen in his individual 
capacity at home or abroad must be sacredly maintained. We must 
realize that upon every sea, and on every soil, where our enterprise 
may rightfully seek the protection of our flag, American citizenship 
is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. 

In the administration of domestic affairs a devoted integrity of 
principle will be maintained, and the most rigid economy in every 
department of public service. As office can confer no prerogative 
and an importunate desire for it, no claim, considerations of public 
interest with reference to the duties performed can only influence 
the president in his selection of applicants. Special care will be 
taken that the federal government does not encroach upon the rights 
of the States. In thus preserving the just line of separation in the 
president's opinion is to be sought, the basis of future concord in 
regard to those questions which have the most seriously disturbed 
public tranquillity. The president believes that involuntary servi- 
tude as it exists in the United States is recognised by the constitu- 
tion ; that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the 
States where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce 
the constitutional provisions. He declares that to every theory of 
society or government calculated to disturb the bonds of law and 
affection between the States, he will oppose a ready and stern re- 
sistance. He holds the compromise measures of 1850 to be strictly 
constitutional, and that they ought to be respected and obeyed, noi 
with a reluctance, the result of abstract opinions as to their pro- 
priety, but cheerfully, according to the decisions of the tribunal to 
which their exposition belongs. 

The vice-president elect, William R. King, of Alabama, took the 
oath of office, but did not live to enter upon the performance of his 
duties. 

On the 7th, President Pierce organized his cabinet as follows : — 
William L. Marcy, of New York, secretary of state; Robert 
McLelland, of Michigan, secretary of the interior; James Guthrie, 
of Kentucky, secretary of the treasury; Jefferson Davis, of Mis- 
sissippi, secretary of war ; James C. Dobbin, of North Carolina, secre- 
tary of the navy; Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, attorney-gene- 
ral; and James Campbell, of Pennsylvania, postmaster-general. 
The members of the cabinet were selected to harmonize the various 
sections of the Democratic party. 

On the 9th, Mr. Clayton, secretary of state under President Tay- 
lor, and, in conjunction with Sir Henry Bulwer, one of the negotia- 



636 LIVES OF THE presid|:nts and vice-presidents, 

tors of the Treaty of Washington of April the 9th, 1850, rose to 
address the senate. He entered upon a vindication of the treaty 
between himself and Mr. Bulwer, by which it was mutually agreed 
to construe the stipulations of that instrument, as not affecting 
British territorial claims in the vicinity of the Bay of Honduras ; 
he also contested the Monroe doctrine of excluding European powers 
from any further colonization on this continent, insisting that it 
had never received the sanction of the government. On the 
14th, Mr. Mason replied to him, and the subject was subsequently 
discussed by various members of Congress until the 21st, when Mr. 
Everett reviewed the arguments on both sides, traced the history, 
and explained the importance of the Central American States, vin- 
dicated the action of the government in regard to them, and recom- 
mended peace and forbearance as the best policy, and the only 
means of attaining an increase of prosperity and power. The sub- 
ject was then dropped. 

The diplomatic corps at Washington paid their respects to Presi- 
dent Pierce, and in a brief address tendered him their congratula- 
tions. Mr. Bodisco, the Russian minister, being the senior member, 
was appointed to express their sentiments. He declared their 
conviction that the prosperity of the United States, though largely 
due to the national energies, was mainly attributable to the con- 
tinuance of peace, one of the most essential elements for the ex- 
pansion of the productive capacities of any country. He concluded 
by saying, that the different governments whom he represented 
earnestly desired a continuance of the good understanding now so 
happily existing. The president after reciprocating these expressions 
of national amity, said that in the conduct of our relations with 
foreign governments he should of course, "look in the first instance 
to what the interests and honour of the United States might require, 
which necessarily included a strict observance of national engage- 
ments, and a faithful adherence to those sacred principles of justice 
which are the common law of Christendom." 

In Mexico another political revolution was consummated, and 
Santa Anna is again president of the republic. The votes of the 
several departments were officially counted on the 17th of March, 
and showed eighteen for Santa Anna, and five for all others. Senor 
Escobar had been previously despatched by the authorities of Vera 
Cruz to invite his return. After two days' deliberation, Santa Anna 
told him that his heart could only be Mexican, that he did not wish 
that history should one day say that he had been deaf to the calls 
of his country; but that he had desired to end his days in the spot 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 637 

which he had chosen for his family. Although history taught him 
to place no confidence in the passing enthusiasm of the masses, he 
was willing to return and give his countrymen a last proof of his 
patriotism. "Return," said he, "in the next packet, and in giving 
an account of your mission to those who sent you, tell them from me 
that in the next month of March I will leave this port for the shores 
of Mexico. On my arrival there I will call around me those persons 
of influence who are true lovers of their country. I will confer with 
them ; and if I find co-operation, sincerity, and a willingness to 
reject capricious and mistaken opinions, if I find men of heart to 
make an obstinate defence of our rights against the aggressors from 
the north, and that the only cry is independence or death; then 
will I cheerfully lend myself to new sacrifices. In truth, I cannot 
survive the disappearance of the Mexican nationality, and I desire 
to bury myself in its ruins, if, after the Mexicans have done their 
duty, the Ruler of the destinies of the nations should order for us 
such a fate." 

On the 13th of March, Governor Lane of New Mexico, upon his 
own ofiicial responsibility, and without orders from the cabinet at 
Washington, issued a proclamation taking possession of the Mesilla 
Valley, a tract of land one hundred and seventy-five miles long by 
thirty or forty broad on the frontiers of New Mexico. Under the pro- 
visions of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, this tract was claimed 
both by the United States and Mexico, but the joint boundary com- 
mission assigned it to Mexico. Governor Lane demanded the aid 
of the United States troops to carry his proclamation into efiect; 
but it was refused. 

Santa Anna was conveyed from Carthagena to Havana in an 
English steamer; from thence he sailed for Vera Cruz, which he 
reached on the 1st of April. On the 3d he was entertained by the 
authorities of Vera Cruz, on which occasion he ofiered the simple 
toast : — " Under the shadow of the Mexican flag, may there be but one 
cry, independence or death.'' Santa Anna forthwith set out for the 
capital, being everywhere received with the utmost enthusiasm. He 
entered the city of Mexico on the 17th of April amidst the re- 
joicings of the populace. Upon the reception of the intelligence 
of the proceedings of Governor Lane in relation to the Mesilla 
Valley, a delegation of the authorities waited on Mr. Conklin the 
American minister, and presented an earnest protest against the 
whole proceeding. 

On the 20th, Santa Anna was inaugurated president of the repub- 
lic of Mexico. The oath was administered to him in the chamber 



638 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

of deputies by which he swore to "defend the independence and in- 
tegrity of the Mexican territory, and to promote the welfare and 
prosperity of the nation, in conformity with the basis adopted by 
the plan of Jalisco, and the agreement made in Mexico on the 6th 
of February last by the united forces." 

On the 22d, Santa Anna issued a proclamation settling the basis 
of public administration as established provisionally, until the pro- 
mulgation of a new organization. Decrees were subsequently issued 
imposing restrictions on the press, forbidding the circulation of 
foreign money, and ordering the remains of those who fell in the 
late American war to be disinterred, and buried in a manner worthy 
of those who had deserved well of their country. Arista, the late 
president, received orders to betake himself first to Vera Cruz and 
from thence to Europe in the next packet. As this order was backed 
by a troop of horse the ex-president obeyed. 

On the 17th of May, a serious disturbance broke out in Vera 
Cruz in which three of the government troops and forty of the rebels 
were killed. The riot was speedily quelled, and several persons have 
been tried, convicted, and shot, for participating in the rebellion. 
The governors of the several States received orders to seek out all 
seditious persons who are in favour of annexation to the United 
States and to punish them as traitoi'S. 

On the 22d of July, the government of Santa Anna still continued 
to be popular, but appeared to be steadily tending toward arbitrary 
rule. Indications daily appeared of an alliance between church and 
state. The penalty of death had been established against all de- 
fraud ers of the revenue. 

Letters of recall having been addressed to Judge Conklin, the 
American minister at Mexico, in presenting them to Santa Anna 
he addressed him at some length on Mexican affairs. Judge Conk- 
lin said, " he knew that the suppression of the spirit of insubordina- 
tion, so long prevalent in Mexico, was indispensable to the attain- 
ment of the ends at which she aimed. Santa Anna in the exercise 
of his momentous responsibilities had seen fit temporarily to resort 
to strong measures. But government, however severe, is better than 
anarchy. It was this conviction which had reconciled the people 
of France to the arbitrary rule recently established in that country." 
Santa Anna in reply said, " that the desire of the Mexican govern- 
ment was to establish order on the basis of respectful and prompt 
submission to the laws, without which the best political institutions 
are unavailing, and the well-being of any people utterly impossible." 
He acknowledged the friendly spirit in which the departing minister 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 639 

had performed his duties, and expressed the warmest estimation for 
his character and abilities. 

Mr. Gadsden, the newly appointed American minister at Mexico, 
presented his credentials to the president of the Mexican Republic 
on the 18th of August, and also a copy of the inaugural address of 
President Pierce, and renewed the assurances which it contained of 
the friendly feelings cherished toward Mexico by the United States. 
In reply, Santa Anna expressed his entire concurrence in the senti- 
ments advanced, and his ardent desire that the friendly relations of 
the two republics might be preserved. 

Commodore Perry, who had been sent out by the United States 
government to Japan in order to invite or compel the formation of 
a commercial treaty, arrived in the harbour about twenty-five miles 
from Jeddo, and cast anchor on the 8th of July. Hundreds of 
boats immediately gathered around his ships. A Japanese officer was 
admitted on board to an interview with one of the subordinate 
officers of the squadron, who informed him that no Japanese boats 
would be allowed within a certain distance from the vessels, and 
demanded that an officer of high rank should be sent on board to 
receive the president's letter to the emperor. Urgent objections 
were made to all these demands, but the American officer cut them 
short peremptorily by saying, that if the boats were not withdrawn 
they would be fired upon ; and that, if proper officers were not sent 
to receive the letters, the vessels would go to the capital and the 
American commodore would deliver them himself. Inquiries were 
then made as to the contents of the letters, the number of men on 
board the ships, &c., all which questions were repelled as imperti- 
nent. The next day all the boats were withdrawn, and troops were 
observed mustering along the shore. After about a week's delay, 
it was announced that the emperor was willing to receive the letters. 

On the 14th, the steamers proceeded to Jeddo, and, by appoint- 
ment, the commodore and staff, escorted by about five hundred men 
armed to the teeth, went on shore, and had an interview with the 
commissioners appointed by the emperor to receive them. No less 
than twenty thousand Japanese troops were drawn up in line, and 
an immense concourse of people were present. The interview was 
friendly, and it was insinuated that the requests of the president of 
the United States in reference to trade would probably be granted. 
An answer was deferred until next spring, when the squadron was 
to return to receive it. 

During the period of the congressional recess, the following events 
took place which are worthy of historical notice : — Spain evinced the 



640 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

utmost anxiety about Cuba ; Great Britain contested the right of 
the New England fishermen to catch fish within three miles of the 
coast of British iVmerica, and much ill-feeling between the two 
countries grew out of the seizure of American fishing-smacks ; Mar- 
tin Koszta, a citizen of the United States, having been seized by 
Austrian agents, claimed the protection of the American flag, and 
was forcibly rescued by Captain Ingraham from an Austrian brig-of- 
war. All these matters were brought before Congress at its next 
session. 

Congress again met on the 5th of December. Senator Atcheson 
took his seat as presiding officer in the senate, and Hon. Linn Boyd, 
of Kentucky, was chosen speaker of the house of representatives. 
The president's message was submitted to Congress on the sixth, in 
substance as follows : — 

In reference to our foreign relations the president said — 

"For some years past, Great Britain has so construed the conven- 
tion of 1818 in regard to the fisheries, as to exclude our citizens 
from some of the fishing-grounds, to which before that time they had 
freely resorted. The United States have never acquiesced in this 
construction, and a negotiation has been opened to remove all diffi- 
culties with a fair prospect of favourable results. Embarrassing 
questions have arisen between Great Britain and the United States 
in resard to Central America which our minister is instructed to 
negotiate upon. A commission is sitting in London to adjust the 
claims of citizens of each country against the government of the 
other. 

" With France we still continue on the most friendly terms, some 
progress having been made in the formation of a new commercial treaty 
with that country. 

" Since the last meeting of Congress no attempt has been made 
against the liberties of Cuba and Porto Rico by unauthorized expedi- 
tions organized within the United States. Should any such move- 
ment take place, all the means in the powei* of the president will be 
employed to suppress it." 

The president declared that, after a careful investigation of the 
facts respecting the seizmx of Koszta by Austrian agents, and his 
forcible liberation by Captain Ingraham, he has come to the con- 
clusion that Koszta was illegally seized, wrongfully detained, and 
that he was clothed at the time of his seizure with the nationality 
of the United States. The conduct of Captain Ingraham is there- 
fore fully approved by the American government which declines a 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 641 

compliance witli the demands of the emperor of Austria in relation 
to this case. 

"The commissioner to China has been instructed to avail himself of 
all occasions to open and extend our commercial relations not only 
with that people but also with the other Asiatic nations. Intelligence 
has been received of the arrival of Commodore Perry in Japan, but 
it has not yet been ascertained to what extent the emperor will be 
induced to abandon his restrictive policy, and open the ports of that 
populous country to American commerce. 

With Mexico, a dispute has arisen as to the true boundary line 
between our territory of New Mexico and the Mexican State of Chi- 
huahua. Negotiations are in progress for an amicable adjustment 
of all differences between the two governments. A minister was 
sent in July last to the States of Central America; as yet he has 
had time to visit Nicaragua alone, where he met a most friendly 
reception. 

In regard to our domestic relations, we are at present exempt from 
any serious cause of disquietude. The controversies which have agi- 
tated the country are passing away with the causes which have pro- 
duced them. The president referred to the compromise measures 
of 1830, as having restored a sense of repose and security to the 
public mind throughout the confederacy ; which repose should not 
receive a shock during his administration if it was in his power to 
prevent it. The United States has been steadily expanding and 
acquiring new territories by proceedings universally allowed to be 
wise in policy and just in character. The president regards the 
proper sphere of action for the Federal government, as being in those 
things in which the States have a common interest in their relations 
to each other and to foreign governments, and recognises the effective 
democracy of the nation in the general reserved powers of the peo- 
ple of the several States. The revenue goes on from year to year 
increasing, beyond the prospective wants of the government. The 
president does not ask appropriations for works of internal improve- 
ment, because such appropriations have hitherto provoked constant 
strife, suspended the powers of local enterprise, and have proved 
totally inadequate to the accomplishment of the objects sought. The 
president thinks that the fact of the present policy having produced 
such deplorable effects, should suggest the inquiry whether a 
better plan of public proceeding might not be adopted. The presi- 
dent submits, whether it may not be safely anticipated, that if the 
policy were once settled against appropriations by the general 
government for local improvements, localities requiring such expendi- 

41 



642 LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

• 

tures would not by legitimate means raise the necessary funds for 
such constructions. He asks Congress deliberately to reconsider 
this question. In reference to the construction of a railroad to the 
Pacific, the president says, that the poAver to construct military 
roads as incidental to the general defence, cannot be denied to Con- 
gress, but that the peaceful policy and advancing prosperity of the 
country impose on us no immediate necessity for such preparations. 
All experience shows that whenever private enterprise will avail, 
government should let such matters alone. The connection of 
government with such a line of communication, even in the terri- 
tories, should be incidental rather than primary. Surveys have, 
however, been undertaken to determine the most practicable and 
economical route from the Mississippi River to the Pacific. While 
the heavy expense, great delay, and difficulty in reaching the Pacific 
serve to exhibit strikingly the importance of such a work, neither 
these nor all other considerations combined can have the slightest 
appreciable value when weighed against the solemn obligation strictly 
to adhere to the constitution, and faithfully to execute the powers 
which it covers. The president appreciates the magnitude of the 
undertaking, and would willingly see the Atlantic and Pacific shores 
of this republic connected with each other by the common tie of a 
reciprocal interest, which should be productive of fealty and attach- 
ment to the Union ; but no grandeur of enterprise, no inducements 
however urgent, promising popular favour, will ever lead him to 
depart from that path which experience has proved to be safe, and 
which is now radiant with the lights of prosperity and constitutional 
progress. The message concludes by announcing the death of Vice- 
President King on the 18th of April, 1853. 

On the 8th of December, the death of Vice-President King was 
announced in the senate, and appropriate eulogies were pronounced 
by senators Hunter, Everett, Cass, Douglass, and Clayton. Bills 
were introduced providing for a railroad to the Pacific, but no action 
was taken on them. On the 13th, in the house, a resolution by Mr. 
Washburne of Illinois, declaring that the power to construct rail- 
roads through the territories of the United States is indispensable 
for the proper discharge of the duties imposed on Congress, to pro- 
vide for the common defence and the general welfare, was laid on 
the table, by a vote of one hundred and eighteen to seventy-four ; 
and a similar disposition was made of several other resolutions of 
the same character. On the 14th, a resolution directing the com- 
mittee on commerce to report a bill for the completion of public 
works, for which appropriations were made by the last Congress, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 643 

was laid on the table by a vote of one Imndred and two to seventy- 
five. On the 20th, a bill was reported by the naval committee, 
authorizing the construction of six first-class steam frigates, and 
appropriating three millions of dollars to that object. Mr. Dean, 
of New York, also offered a resolution to present a sword and the 
thanks of Congress to Captain Ingraham. The subject was referred 
to the committee of the whole. 

In Mexico, all the political tendencies pointed to the restoration 
of the empire. A paper called the plan of Guadalaxara had been 
drawn up, formally placing Santa Anna at the head of the army, 
and permitting him to prolong the term originally fixed as the limit 
of the duration of the executive power to such an extent as he may 
adjudge to be necessary. This act was signed by over seventy 
prominent persons, and has received the assent of a great many of 
the departments, cities, and large towns. On the 1st and 2d of 
December it was agreed to by the civil and military authorities 
of Mexico. General Santa Anna, when officially informed of these 
proceedings, in a brief speech declared that the sacrifices which he 
had made for the country, ought to convince not only the capital 
but the entire nation, that his consecration to its service could not 
recognise any limits ; that he should know how to respond to the 
mark of confidence with which he had been honoured. The financial 
and general condition of the country still continued deplorable. 
Three commissioners had been appointed to consider propositions 
made by the American minister for a settlement of the differences 
concerning the Mesilla Valley. On the 10th of December, General 
Santa Anna issued a decree, declaring that the power of the presi- 
dent should be prolonged at his OAvn pleasure, that he should have a 
right to designate his successor, and that his official title should be 
"Most Serene Highness." A manifesto issued by him on the 17th, 
after rehearsing the circumstances which led him to return from 
exile, declares that he had again determined to retire from public 
life, when the voice of the nation demanded the enlargement of his 
powers and the prolongation of his official term. He accepted the 
powers conferred, simply because he believed them necessary to the 
good government and prosperity of Mexico. 

The state of the financial department of the Mexican government 
ultimately changed the warlike policy of Santa Anna. He offered 
to yield the Mesilla Valley, and to cede in addition an immense 
region embracing part of Chihuahua and about one-third of Sonora, 
covering in all about thirty-nine millions of acres, for the sum of 
twenty millions of dollars; provided also that the United States 



644 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

■would prevent Indian incursions upon Mexican territories. This 
treaty was negotiated with General Gadsden, the American minister, 
and by him sent into the senate for confirmation. 

In October, 1853, a company of about forty men left San Fran- 
cisco, and on the 4th of November, landed at La Paz, in Lower 
California. After taking possession of the town, driving out the 
few Mexicans that opposed them, and making the Mexican governor 
prisoner, they went through the formality of declaring the country 
independent of Mexico, electing their leader, Captain Walker, presi- 
dent of the new republic. This invasion of their territory created a 
great deal of excitement in Mexico. On the 30th of November, 
Captain Walker published an address to the people of the United 
States, defending his proceedings. He alleged that Mexico had 
failed .to afford proper protection to the people of the territory, that 
she had done nothing to develope its wealth or promote its prosperity, 
and that, having thus abandoned it herself, she could not justly com- 
plain if others should take it and make it valuable. On the 3d of 
December, Captain Walker issued a proclamation declaring Lower 
California free and independent of Mexico, abolishing all duties 
upon her exports and imports, and adopting the civil code of 
Louisiana as the code of the republic. On the 4th, the invaders 
were attacked by a large body of Mexicans, twelve or fourteen of 
their number were killed, and the remainder were closely besieged 
in a house which they had fortified. On the 20th of December, the 
Anita steamer arrived from San Francisco with two hundred and 
fifty recruits, to the great relief of President Walker, who issued 
another proclamation to the people of Lower California on the 24th, 
declaring that the object of the new government was to relieve them 
from the manifold evils which they had sufiFered under Mexican rule, 
and fully to protect life and property. He wished to repress crime, 
encourage industry, and ensure them the enjoyment of religious 
worship. Colonel Nequete, a Mexican officer, who had been driven 
out of California, however went to San Francisco, to oppose the 
fitting out of any more expeditions, and turned the tide of public 
feeling against the invasion. 

In the United States senate, on the 4th of January, 1854, Mr. 
Douglas, from the committee on territories, reported a bill for the 
territorial government of Nebraska. One of its sections provides 
that whenever Nebraska shall be admitted into the Union as a State, 
it shall be with or without slavery, as its constitution at the time 
may prescribe ; and another extends over the territory the provisions 
of the existing laws for the surrender of fugitive slaves. The presi- 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 645 

dent, on the 18th, issued a proclamation having special reference to 
the invasion of the Mexican department of Lower California by 
Captain Walker. 

In the house of representatives on the 11th of January, the reso- 
lution of thanks to Captain Ingraham was adopted by a vote of one 
hundred and seventy-four to nine. It tenders him the thanks of 
Congress, "for his judicious and gallant conduct on the 22d of 
July last, in extending the protection of the American government 
to Martin Koszta, by rescuing from forcible and illegal seizure and 
imprisonment on board the Austrian brig-of-war, Hussar." 

On the 23d of January in the senate, Mr. Douglas, from the com- 
mittee on territories, reported a substitute for the Nebraska bill 
introduced by him on the 4th. The new bill provides for the esta- 
blishment of two territories, one to be called Nebraska, and the 
other Kansas, and extends over both the constitution and all the 
laws of the United States, except the 8th section of the act for the 
admission of Missouri into the Union passed in 1820, which section 
it declares to have been " superseded by the principles of the legisla- 
tion of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and is 
consequently inoperative." Mr. Douglas said, that the object of 
the bill, as amended, was not to introduce or to exclude slavery, but 
remove whatever obstacles Congress had placed in the way of it, and 
to apply to the territories the doctrines of non-intervention. On 
the same day a discussion of some interest took place on a resolution 
offered by Senator Cass, calling on the president for copies of corre- 
spondence showing the official character and position of Archbishop 
Bedini, generally understood to be the pope's nuncio. His visit to 
some of the cities in the Western States had been productive of 
popular riots, it being alleged by those who originated these dis- 
turbances that he was connected with the execution of the dis- 
tinguished champions of Italian independence during the revolution 
of 1848. Several of the senators spoke warmly in condemnation 
of all personal assaults upon a foreign visitor, and in vindication 
of the right of peaceable assemblages, and of the free expression of 
popular opinion. The president, a few days after, sent in a com- 
munication from the secretary of state, covering the correspondence 
called for. The pope, under date of March 31, 1853, certifies that 
Monseignor Bedini was the accredited nuncio of the apostolic see in 
Brazil, and that he was sent to the United States to express to the 
president, in the warmest language, the sentiments of respect enter- 
tained for him by the pope. The letter also entreats the president 



646 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

to protect the Catholics in the United States witli the shield of his 
authority and power. 

On the 31st of January, Mr. Douglas spoke at some length in 
vindication of the principles of the Nebraska bill; and on the od of 
February, Mr. Chase, of Ohio, spoke in reply, insisting that the 
repeal of the compromise of 1820, would be a violation of the good 
faith by which the North and South had pledged themselves to 
abide by that act, as an adjustment of the controversy to which it 
put an end. On the 4th, Mr. Dixon, of Kentucky, spoke in defence 
of the bill, urging that Southern slaveholders ought to be permitted 
to emigrate to the new territory with their negro property, and that 
the Missouri act, the operation of which would be to prevent them, 
was unconstitutional. Mr. Douglas, on the 7th of February, moved 
another amendment on that reported on the 23d of January, which 
declares that the Missouri compromise act, being "inconsistent with 
the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the 
States and territories as recognised by the legislation of 1850, com- 
monly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inopera- 
tive and void, it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not 
to legislate slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it 
therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and 
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only 
to the constitution of the United States." On the 8th, Mr. Everett, 
of Massachusetts, spoke in opposition to the bill. The condition of 
the territory over which this bill proposed to extend a government 
was now wild and barren ; but it would before many years, become 
the seat of a large, enterprising, and industrious population. He 
thought the bill unjust to the Indians, and that government ought not 
to drive them from off the lands of their fathers without treating 
them with the utmost liberality. He objected to the repeal of the 
Missouri compromise, and denied that it was at all inconsistent with 
the compromise of 1850. He regretted the introduction of the bill, 
because it could do no good, and would renew the agitation and 
controversy on the subject of slavery. On the 14th, the amendment 
offered by Mr. Douglas, declaring the Missouri compromise to be 
inoperative and void, was adopted by a vote of thirty-five to nine. 
On the 20th of February, Mr. Pettit, of Indiana, spoke in support 
of the bill, urging the absolute and hopeless inferiority of the negro 
race, and the consequent necessity of keeping them in slavery, and 
advocating the repeal of the Missouri compromise as necessary to 
remove an odious and unjust restriction from the Southern States. 
Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, on the 21st, replied to the senator 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 647 

from Indiana. He showed that the bill was a departure from the 
original policy of our fathers, who looked steadily forward to the 
time when slavery might be safely abolished, and who kept that end 
in view in all their legislation. He closed by declaring his faith in 
the ultimate universal triumph of justice and freedom. On the 27th, 
senator Cass spoke on the bill, asserting that all political sovereignty 
over the territories belonged to the people thereof and not to Con- 
gress, and denying that Southern slaveholders had the right to carry 
their slaves into the new territories. He declared his intention to 
vote for the bill, although he disliked many of its provisions. On 
the 3d of March, Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, made a speech in opposi- 
tion to the bill. He considered it to be a clear violation of Indian 
treaties, and he was surprised that this feature of it had not excited 
more attention: the whole philanthropy of the senate had been 
engrossed by the African race ; there had been no word of pity for 
any but them. Mr. Douglas replied, the vote was taken, and the 
bill passed by a vote of thirty-seven to fourteen. 

On the 10th of March, Senator Gwin, from the select committee 
in the senate appointed to consider that subject, reported a bill pro- 
viding for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific. Its main 
features are, that it gives every alternate section of land, within 
twenty miles on each side of the road, to companies who will con- 
tract to build it, and appropriates not less than six hundred dollars 
per annum, per mile, for carrying the mail daily. The road is to 
be commenced within three years, and to be completed within ten. 
The contractor must deposit two millions of dollars as security for 
the performance of his work, and forfeit one hundred thousand 
dollars for every month of delay in its completion. The company 
shall own the road for forty years, and then surrender it to the 
United States. Congress may buy it at any time, by paying the 
cost and twelve per cent. The location of the initial points and the 
route is to be fixed by the company contracting. 

In the house of representatives, on the 21st of April, the bill for 
the organization of the territory of Nebraska, which the senate had 
passed on the 3d of March, was, on motion of Mr. Cutting, of New 
York, referred to the committee of the whole, in order that it might 
be fully debated before action should be taken on it. During the 
month of April, the treaty negotiated with Mexico by General 
Gadsden came before Congress, and underwent some very im- 
portant alterations. The extent of territory offered for sale by 
Santa Anna, was reduced one-half, the portion purchased including 
the country through which it is intended that the great Pacific rail- 



648 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

■• 

road should pass. The sum to be paid to Mexico is also reduced to 
from twenty to ten millions of dollars, and the eleventh article of 
the treaty of Guadalupe, by which the United States agreed to pro- 
tect Mexico from the Indians, is abrogated. 

On the 8th of May, the discussion of the Nebraska bill was again 
resumed in the house of representatives, and continued until the 12th, 
when Mr. Richardson, the chairman of the committee of the Avhole, 
by whom it had been reported, offered a resolution to terminate the 
debate on the bill the next day at noon. He said the Pacific rail- 
road bill was a special order for the 16th, and it was desirable to 
dispose of this matter as speedily as possible. The opponents of 
the bill resisted taking a vote on this proposition, and the debate 
was again resumed. Various efforts were made to amend the ob- 
noxious clauses in reference to slavery, and votes were taken on 
each amendment, but without success ; and the bill was finally passed 
on the 22d, by a vote of one hundred and thirteen to one hundred. 

The "Gadsden Treaty" with Mexico, as amended in the senate, 
was accepted by Santa Anna. The first article relating to the new 
boundary between the United States and Mexico is as follows : — 
"The Mexican Republic agrees to designate the following as her 
true limits with the United States for the future ; retaining the 
same dividing line between the two Californias as already defined 
and established according to the 5th article of the treaty of Guada- 
lupe Hidalgo, the limits between the two republics shall be as 
follows : — Beginning in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, 
opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, as provided in the 5th article 
in the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ; thence, as defined in the said 
article, up the middle of that river to the point where the parallel 
of 31° 47' north latitude crosses the same ; thence due west one 
hundred miles; thence south to the parallel of 31° 20' north lati- 
tude ; thence along the said parallel of 31° 20' to the 111th 
meridian of longitude west of Greenwich ; thence in a straight line 
to a point on the Colorado river, twenty English miles below the 
junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers ; thence up the middle of 
the said river Colorado, until it intersects the present line between 
the United States and Mexico." The United States are released 
from the obligation imposed by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to 
protect Mexico from Indian attack; and in consequence of this 
release and for the territory ceded by Mexico, they agree to pay 
the sum of ten millions of dollars, of which seven millions is to be 
paid on the ratification of the treaty, and the remainder as soon as 
the boundary line is established. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 649 

The invading expedition of Captain Walker was a complete 
failure. The inhabitants of the country refused to recognise his 
authority. The secretary of state, Mr. Frederick Emory, was 
arrested at San Diego on the 9th of March, by the oiBcers of the 
United States ship Portsmouth, on that station ; and Captain Wat- 
kins, who had returned to San Francisco, after having taken part in 
Captain Walker's expedition, was sentenced to pay a fine of fifteen 
hundred dollars. 

On the 26th of April, a Mexican party of about ninety men made 
an attack on Walker's force at Guadalupe. After repeated skir- 
mishes with this party, with losses on both sides, Walker reached the 
State line on the 7th of May, and surrendered himself and command 
to a detachment of the United States troops, by whom they were 
taken to San Francisco, to be tried for a violation of the neutrality 
laws of the United States. 

In reference to the fisheries, a treaty was negotiated between the 
United States and Great Britain, providing for commercial reci- 
procity between America and the British provinces. It provides 
that the fisheries of the provinces, with the exception of those of 
Newfoundland, shall be open to American citizens ; that disputes 
respecting citizens shall be settled by arbitration ; that the British 
shall have a right to participate in the American fisheries as far as 
the 36th degree of north latitude ; that there shall be free commerce 
between the provinces and the United States in flour, breadstuff's, 
fruits, fish, animals, lumber, and a variety of natural productions 
in their unmanufactured state. The St. Lawrence and the Canadian 
canals are to be thrown open to American vessels ; and the Ameri- 
can government is to urge upon the States to admit British vessels 
into tlieir canals upon similar terms. The treaty is to be submitted 
to the provincial legislatures of the British provinces, as well as to 
the governments of the two countries. 

The Japan expedition was attended with favourable results. The 
negotiations throughout were conducted in a friendly spirit. A 
treaty of amity, preparatory to a commercial treaty, has been 
negotiated. It contains the important stipulations that two ports 
on the Japanese islands shall be open to American vessels ; that the 
steamers from California to China shall be furnished with supplies 
of coal; and that sailors shipwrecked on the Japanese shores shall 
receive hospitable treatment. A correspondent on board the United 
States steamship, Mississippi, thus writes under date of June 28, 
1854:— 

"The expedition is finished. What has it accomplished? Our 



650 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

sliipwrecked sailors will find aid on whatever point of the Japanese 
coast thej may be cast ; the harbours of Simoda, Hakostado, Napa- 
kiang, and another which we have a year to select, are opened to 
American ships ; Japanese pilots take them safely to anchor at 
established prices; wood, water, provisions of all kinds, and coal ia 
sufficient quantity, will be given for money or for goods, and Ameri- 
cans can travel to a distance of ten miles from each of the above 
cities. "We have buried our dead according to Christian usages, and 
Buddhist priests have united their prayers with ours. Our railroad, 
telegraph, and other machines, have been put in practice upon 
Japanese soil, and the Imperial Council is now busy with a law per- 
mitting Americans to instruct Japanese in their operation. One of 
our transports is filled with rich presents, and letters full of devo- 
tion, are sent to the president in answer to his own. All this has 
been secured through the firmness and moderation of our commodore. 
He needs no praise." 

Subsequent accounts of the conduct of the Japanese authorities 
after the visit of Commodore Perry would seem to indicate that the 
friendly spirit in which they conducted the negotiations, was in some 
measure owing to fearfulness of the consequences which would have 
followed a direct refusal. It appears that the American clipper- 
ship. Lady Pierce, arrived with her owner, Mr. Silas E. Burrows, 
in Jeddo Bay, fifteen days after Commodore Perry had left. Mr. 
Burrows describes his visit as having been attended with the most 
satisfactory and pleasurable results. The Lady Pierce was fitted 
up in San Francisco in a most costly manner for a "peace expedi- 
tion," and floated in the waters of Jeddo Bay without any thing 
warlike about her appearance. The following extracts from the 
journal of her proprietor are worthy of notice : — 

"The high Japanese officers said the visit was much more pleasing 
to them than that of Commodore Perry, who had with him < too 
many big guns and fighting men.' The Japanese, however, ex- 
pressed the utmost regard for the commodore and his officers. 

"Large presents of silk, porcelain, lacquered ware, &c. were made 
in the name of the emperor to Mr. Burrows, who was requested to 
give publicity to his determination, that henceforward, in accordance 
with stipulations in the treaty, no foreign intercourse whatever 
would be permitted with Jeddo, but that all vessels must proceed 
either to Simoda or to the other ports thrown open to American 
trade. 

"From Jeddo Bay, therefore, the Lady Pierce proceeded to 
Simoda under the pilotage of three men sent on board by the 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 651 

authorities, and escorted by a government cutter, manned by two 
officers and twenty men, who had received orders to render every 
assistance that might be required. During the entire stay of the 
vessel no guard was placed over her, nor was any restriction put 
upon landing, of which Mr. Burrows twice took advantage while in 
Jeddo Bay, and on both occasions were received with every mark 
of courtesy. He is, however, of opinion, with the officers of the 
United States squadron, that no extensive foreign commerce can 
possibly, at least for many years to come, be carried on with Japan. 
He says he applied for coal, and was told at first that 'government 
had determined not to dispose of their sea-coal;' but, after reference 
to Jeddo, he was informed he might have as much as he required at 
$1.65 per picul, or $28 a ton — such coal as he saw at the depot 
being of a very inferior description to that sold in Oregon at $8 
a ton." 

Mr. Burrows says the Japanese are fully aware of the present 
disturbed state of China, which they impute entirely to the effects 
of foreign intercourse ; and considers the enormous prices fixed upon 
such commodities as he desired to purchase, a certain index that 
fear alone dictated their emperor's acquiescence in the demand made 
by Commodore Perry. 

Difficulties have arisen witb the United States and Cuba. There 
is yet no probability of their immediate settlement, and it is possi- 
ble that they may lead to results somewhat serious. A faithful 
record of the origin and present state of these difficulties is there- 
fore desirable. 

In the early spring of the present year, the American steamer, 
Black Warrior, touched at the port of Havana on her way from New 
Orleans to New York. The officers of the port noticed that she had 
cotton on board, although her manifest certified that she had no 
cargo; and declared the cargo confiscated on that account. The 
owners of the steamer urged that it had never been usual for the 
manifest to mention cargo not intended for Havana — that all vessels 
touching at that port had uniformly made up their statements in the 
same way, and that the Cuban officials had never before intimated 
any objection to it. Moreover, if there was an error in the mani- 
fest, they claimed the usual privilege of twelve hours to correct it. 
This was peremptorily refused, and the cargo declared confiscated. 
The captain of the steamer therefrom hauled down the United States 
flag, and surrendered the vessel to the Spanish government. 

This transaction created a general feeling of indignation through- 
out the United States, and on the 1st of May, Senator Slidell intro- 



352 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

duced a resolution authorizing the president to suspend the opera- 
tion of the neutrality laws, so far as Spain is concerned, Avhenever 
in his judgment such a measure should be expedient. This resolu- 
tion was referred to the committee on forei2;n relations. 

On the 31st of May, President Pierce issued a proclamation, 
stating that information had been received that sundry persons in 
the United States were engaging in organizing and fitting out a 
military expedition for the invasion of Cuba. The honour of the 
national flag can only be legally vindicated by the general govern- 
ment, and all persons are warned that they will be punished if, un- 
mindful of their own and their country's fame, they presume thus to 
disregard the laws of the land and to violate the faith of treaties. 
The officers of the United States and all good citizens are also 
exhorted to look out for persons so offending, and bring them to 
condign punishment. 

On the 1st of August, a message was received from the president 
by the senate, stating that the formal demand for indemnity in the 
case of the Black Warrior, instead of having been satisfied, had led 
to a justification on the part of the Spanish government of the action 
of the Cuban authorities ; and that therefore the responsibility of 
those acts were now tranferred to the Spanish government. Nothing 
had been done to remove past grounds of complaint, or to afford any 
security for justice and tranquillity in the future. The message was 
referred to the committee on foreign relations, which reported on the 
3d, that they agreed in the opinion that full reparation for the past 
and adequate guarantees for the future can alone satisfy the public; 
and that they would not hesitate to recommend to the president the 
adoption of such provisional measures as would effectually insure the 
observance of our rights and the protection of our interests, but for 
the fact that only four months are to elapse before the next session 
of Congress. As the interval is so brief, the committee deem it 
advisable to leave the matter in the hands of the executive. 

During this month, several treaties negotiated with foreign powers 
have been confirmed and accepted by Congress. The treaty ne- 
gotiated with Japan by Commodore Perry has been ratified, as also 
the treaty negotiated at Washington by Lord Elgin, for establishing 
reciprocity of trade with the British provinces. A treaty has also 
been negotiated with Russia, and ratified by the senate, guaranteeing 
the neutrality of the United States in the present war, and recog- 
nising, as a doctrine of international law, the principle that free ships 
make free goods, and that the property of neutrals, unless contraband 
of war, shall be respected, even if found on board enemies' vessels. 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 653 

The diplomatic correspondence in regard to the rights of neutrals 
between the United States and the European belligerents has been 
recently'' published. Under date of April 28th, 1854, Mr. Marcj, 
secretary of state, in a letter to the British ministry, acknowledges 
the receipt of the queen's declaration, that, during the present w^ar, 
the principle will be recognised that free ships make free goods; and 
adds, the expression of the wish on the part of our government, that 
the principle might be unconditionally sanctioned by France and 
Great Britain, as such a step would cause it to be recognised 
throughout the civilized world as a principle of international law. 
Our government has always contended for its neutral rights, and 
has had them incorporated in several of its treaties with foreign 
powers. Mr. Marcy affirms that the United States, while claiming 
the full enjoyment of their rights as a neutral power during the 
present European war, will observe the strictest neutrality toward 
each of the belligerents. The laws already forbid the equipping of 
privateers, or the enlistment of troops within our territories against 
powers Avith whom we are at peace ; and those laws will be strictly 
enforced. 



WILLIAM R. KING. 

William Rufus KIng was elected vice-president of the United 
States, upon the same ticket with Franklin Pierce. He was born 
in North Carolina. After receiving a thorough classical education, 
he studied law, and soon rose to eminence. He was representative 
in Congress from 1811 to 1816, and then secretary of legation to 
Russia. Removing to Alabama, he was elected a senator of the 
United States, and held that office from 1819 to 1845. He Avas then 
appointed minister plenipotentiary to France, which position he held 
until 1849, when he was again elected a senator in Congress. He 
was for many years president of the senate. In 1852 he was elected 
vice-president of the United States. But in the mean time the fatal 
hand of disease had been placed upon him, and he was forced to re- 
linquish all official duties. Mr. King died at Selma, Alabama, on 
the 18th of April, 1853, aged sixty-six. 



654 LIVES OF TEE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 



ROBERT McClelland. 

Robert McClelland, secretary of the interior in the cabinet of 
President Pierce, was born at New Castle, Franklin county, Penn- 
sylvania. Graduating from Dickinson College, he was admitted to 
the bar in 1831. After practising two years in his native State, he 
removed to Monroe, in the then territory of Michigan, and there 
established himself in his profession. In 1835 he was a prominent 
member of the convention which framed the constitution of Michigan, 
preparatory to its admission as a State into the confederacy. Elected 
to the legislature, he there distinguished himself as a Democratic 
leader, and in 1843, was chosen speaker of the house. In 1843, and 
in the two following canvasses, he was elected to the house of repre- 
sentatives of the United States. Leaving Congress in 1849, Mr. 
McClelland, in 1851 and 1852, was elected by large majorities to 
the gubernatorial chair of Michigan. When General Pierce assumed 
the duties of president in 1853, he selected Governor McClelland to 
fill the post in his cabinet of secretary of the interior. 

Mr. McClelland is a brilliant and powerful speaker, and a lawyer 
of reputation. Yet, however brilliant and effective, his oratory is 
not rendered so by flight of fancy or rhetorical flourishes ; but by its 
sincerity, simplicity, and originality. As a private citizen, Mr. 
McClelland may be said to have no enemies, such is the uniform in- 
tegrity, benevolence, and purity of his life and manners. 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 

James Guthrie, secretary of the treasury under President Pierce, 
was born in Nelson county, Kentucky, in the year 1793. Having 
finished his academical course at Bardstown, Mr. Guthrie, though 
quite a young man, commenced life as a trader on the Mississippi, but 
he found this business a toilsome and perilous one, and very slightly 
remunerative, and therefore relinquished it for the study of the law, 
which he had once previously begun. In 1820 he established him- 
self in the profession he had chosen in Louisville, where he soon 
became known as a lawyer of the most solid attainments and strictest 
conscientiousness. In a few years he acquired by his practice alone, 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 655 

sufficient means to form the foundation of his present large 
fortune. 

Though never neglectful of the duties of his profession, Mr. Guthrie 
entered warmly into the political contests which agitated his native 
State, for some six or eight years subsequent to 1821. In his po- 
litical course, he does not seem to have been led on by ambitious 
motives. Though frequently solicited to become a candidate for the 
chief executive office of the State and for a seat in Congress, he has 
invariably declined the invitation, accepting only the comparatively 
humble post of a member of the Kentucky legislature from the 
county of Jefferson, which he has been frequently called upon to 
represent. His political principles for the past twenty years have 
been thoroughly Democratic. 

As a speaker, Mr. Guthrie is straightforward and earnest, seeking 
rather to overpower by an impassioned utterance of the truth, than 
to captivate his hearers by a glittering display of rhetorical orna- 
ments. With an iron will, he possesses a benevolent disposition ; as 
a husband and father he is most affectionate and devoted; in the 
social circle, he is affable and easy of access ; and, as his colloquial 
powers are fine, his company is always desirable. 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 



Jefferson Davis, secretary of war in the cabinet of President 
Pierce, is a native of Kentucky. While he was yet an infant his 
family removed to the Mississippi Territory, where he received an 
academic education. Entering Transylvania College, in Kentucky, 
he studied there till appointed as a West Point cadet in 1824. After 
graduating in 1828, he served several years as an infantry and staff 
officer. Promoted in 1833 to a lieutenancy in the dragoons, he 
served Avith distinction through the celebrated contest with the In- 
dians, most commonly known as "Black Hawk's War." During the 
two subsequent years he was engaged on the Western frontiers, and 
accompanied the first expedition that compelled the Pawnees and 
Camanches to beg for peace on any terms. 

Resigning his commission in 1835, Mr. Davis retired to the privacy 
of an agricultural life in Mississippi. Ten years afterward he was 
elected to Congress. After a few months of congressional service 
he resigned his seat in July, 1846, and joined the famous first regi- 



656 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

ment of Mississippi volunteers, of whicli he had been chosen colonel. 
In the battles of Monterey and Buena Vista, he took a distinguished 
part, Avinning for himself a deathless reputation as a brave and 
accomplished officer. When the term for which his regiment enlisted 
had expired it was ordered home. Returning with his now handful 
of war-worn troops, Colonel Davis was met at New Orleans by a com- 
mission from President Polk as brigadier-general ; but this he refused 
to accept, on the ground that the authority to make such commissions 
did not rightly belong to the president, having been usurped from the 
States by Congress, and then vested by them in the chief executive. 

Shortly subsequent to his return home, Colonel Davis was ap- 
pointed to fill a vacancy in the United States Senate. His term 
having expired, he was unanimously elected by the legislature to fill 
the same important station for the ensuing six years. In September, 
1851, only a few weeks before the election day, he resigned his seat 
in the senate, to accept a call of the State-Rights Democracy of 
Mississippi to fill the gubernatorial candidacy rendered vacant by 
the withdrawal of General Quitman. He was defeated, however, 
by less than a thousand votes. From the quiet of his plantation, to 
which he then retired. President Pierce called him in 1853, to execute 
the responsible duties of secretary of war. 

Colonel Davis is a clear-headed, strong-minded, common sense 
man. As an orator he is earnest and fluent, yet always concise. 
His manners are frank and courteous. In stature, he is of middle 
height, slender and erect, and of a dignified and military carriage. 



JAMES C. DOBBIN. 

The secretary of the navy under General Pierce — James C. Dob- 
bin — was born in 1814, at Fayetteville, North Carolina. Having 
rapidly acquired a rudimentary education, he entered the university 
of North Carolina at the age of fourteen, and in 1822 graduated 
with the highest honours. Immediately commencing the study of 
the law, he finished his course, and was admitted to practice at the 
bar in 1835, just as he had turned his twenty-first year. lu 1845, 
after many refusals to become a candidate to represent his native 
county in the State legislature, he finally accepted the nomination 
of the Democratic party to run for a seat in Congress. He was 
elected. In Congress he distinguished himself for his activity, his 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. (357 

honourable fairness, and as an orator of rare merit. In the summer 
of 1848, Mr. Dobbin, at the earnest solicitation of his friends, became 
a candidate for the lower house of the North Carolina legislature, 
and was elected. Here he rendered himself conspicuous by his 
touchingly beautiful and nobly successful speech in favour of a bill 
for the relief of the insane, introduced in consequence of a memorial 
from Miss Dix, In 1852, he was a prominent member of the con- 
vention by which General Pierce was nominated for the presidency, 
and it is said that his "eloquence swept the flood" which led to that 
nomination. Upon the inauguration of President Pierce he received 
an appointment to the responsible station of secretary of the navy. 

In private life, Mr. Dobbin has no enemies. All who know him 
regard him with esteem and affection. Of an unobtrusive and re- 
tiring disposition, he is eminently a domestic man, yet still a pleasant 
addition to the social circle. His countenance is strongly marked, 
and indicative of great penetration and shrewdness, with an intellect 
of the most commanding character. He is yet a young man, but 
one of the most promising of which our country can boast. 



CALEB GUSHING. 

Caleb Gushing, attorney-general of the United States under 
President Pierce, was born in January, 1800, at Salisbury, in Essex 
county, Massachusetts. Graduating from Harvard College in his 
eighteenth year, he commenced the study of law at Cambridge. For 
two years, while engaged in his legal studies, he held the place of 
tutor of mathematics and natural philosophy in the college from 
which he had graduated. He then commenced the practice of his 
profession at Newburyport, speedily acquiring reputation and a 
lucrative business. In 1825 he was elected to represent the town 
of Newburyport in the lower branch of the Massachusetts legislature. 
In the following year he was sent to the State senate. For several 
years subsequent, he continued in the practice of his profession, and 
occasionally engaging in literary pursuits. In 1835 he acquired no 
little reputation as the author of a " Historical and Political Review 
of the Revolution in France." In 1833 and 1834 he was again 
elected to the legislature. Elected to the Congress of the United 
States in 1835, he continued to be chosen as a representative in that 
body for four successive terms. In 1843 he was nominated to a seat 

42 



658 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS AND VICE-PRESIDENTS, 

in the cabinet of President Tyler. But the senate having refused 
to confirm this nomination, the president secured his appointment as 
commissioner to China, where, in 1844, he negotiated a treaty, 
which, for the first time established diplomatic relations between the 
United States and the empire of the "Celestials." 

Soon after his return home in 1846, Mr. Cushing was again elected 
to the legislature of his native State. In the mean time war had 
broken out with Mexico. The majority in the legislature of Massa- 
chusetts having refused to appropriate twenty thousand dollars to 
equip the State volunteers, Mr. Cushing advanced the money from 
his own means, and in the spring of 1847, accompanied the regi- 
ment as colonel to the Rio Grande. Being soon after appointed a 
brigadier in the United States service, he was presently attached to 
the forces under Scott, but had not the fortune to participate in any 
important battle. , 

Returning home, General Cushing was nominated by the Massa- 
chusetts Democracy as their candidate for governor. He failed, 
however, in secm'ing a majority of the popular vote. In 1850 he 
was chosen for the fifth time to represent the town of Newburyport 
in the legislature ; and in 1852, he was appointed one of the justices 
of the supreme court of Massachusetts.. In the following year, he 
was selected by the newly-inaugurated president. General Pierce, to 
fill the important station in the cabinet of attorney-general for the 
United States. 

As a debater. General Cushing stands high. He possesses great 
energy and vigour both of mind and body. His attainments are as 
various as they are extensive. With the farmer, he can converse 
freely upon farming matters ; with the soldier he is equally at home ; 
and as a lawyer, legislator, and diplomatist, his abilities are de- 
servedly regarded as eminent. 



JAMES CAMPBELL. 



James Campbell, postmaster-general in the cabinet of President 
Pierce, was born in the District of Southwark, in Philadelphia, in 
the year 1813. His father — a native of Ireland — by the exercise 
of industry and thrift, was enabled to give him a thorough educa- 
tion. Resolved upon success, he became a student of law, was ad- 
mitted to the bar, and by a prompt, energetic, pei'severing, and 



AND OF MEMBERS OF THE CABINETS. 659 

intelligent course of action, soon rose to distinction in his profession. 
At the age of twenty-nine, he was appointed judge of the court of 
common pleas for the city and county of Philadelphia. Judge 
Campbell having faithfully and satisfactorily discharged the various 
and exacting duties of this station for nine years, the judiciary, at 
the end of that period, in 1850, was made elective by the people. 
In 1852, Governor Bigler appointed him attorney-general of Penn- 
sylvania. During the presidential campaign of that year, he sup- 
ported General Pierce, who was successful. When on the 4th of 
March, 1853, President Pierce formed his cabinet, he offered Judge 
Campbell the position of postmaster-general, which he accepted, and 
continues to fill to the satisfaction of the chief magistrate. 

Judge Campbell is in all respects a self-made man. He is the 
youngest member of the cabinet, having fought his way to this high 
position by the age of thirty-five years. As a private citizen, his 
character is unexceptionable. 



f ibts of \\t Cljttf lustitts d % B^xmt Canrt 
0f t\t Itmttb State. 



JOHN JAY. 



John Jay was born in the city of New York, December 1, 1745, 
Old Style. After receiving the elements of education at a boarding- 
school, and under private tuition, he was placed, when fourteen years 
of age, at King's (now Columbia) College, in his native place. Here 
he devoted himself principally to those branches which he deemed 
most important in reference to the profession of the law, upon the 
study of which he entered after receiving his bachelor's degree. 

In 1768, he was admitted to the bar; and in 1774, was chosen a 
delegate to the first American Congress, which met at Philadelphia, 
and was placed on a committee with Mr. Lee and Mr. Livingston, 
to draft an address to the people of Great Britain. It was pre- 
pared by Mr. Jay, and is one of the most eloquent productions of 
the time. In the two following years he was re-elected, and served 
on various important committees. In 1776, he was chosen president 
of Congress. In 1777, he was a member of the convention which 
framed the constitution of New York ; and the first draft of that 
instrument proceeded from his pen. The following year, when the 
government of New York was organized, he was appointed Chief 
Justice of that State. In 1779, we find him again a member of Con- 
gress, and in the chair of that body. From this, however, he was 
removed in the same year by his appointment as minister plenipo- 
tentiary to Spain. 

The objects of Mr. Jay's mission were to obtain from Spain an 
acknowledgment of our independence, to form a treaty of alliance, 
and to procure pecuniary aid. With regard to the first two points, 
no satisfactory conclusion was obtained ; and in the summer of 1782 
Mr. Jay was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate a 
peace with England, at the same time that he was authorized to con- 
tinue the negotiation with Spain. In conjunction with Mr. Adams 
and Dr. Franklin, he resolved to disobey the instructions of Con- 
gress, to follow in all things the advice of the French minister, 
660 - 



CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT. 6G1 

Count de Vergennes, who was embarrassing the negotiation with 
England, in order to benefit France at the expense of the United 
States ; and, accordingly, they signed a treaty with the British 
minister, without his knowledge. 

The definitive treaty having been signed in September, 1783, he 
soon afterward resigned his commission as minister to Spain, and, 
in May, 1784, embarked for the United States. He was then placed 
at the head of the department for foreign affairs, in which oflSce he 
continued until the adoption of the present constitution, when he 
was appointed Chief Justice of the United States. In 1787, he re- 
ceived a severe wound in the forehead from a stone, when acting as 
one of a volunteer corps to preserve the peace of the city at the 
time of the Doctors' mob. He was, in consequence, confined to his 
bed for some time, a circumstance which obliged him to discontinue 
writing for the Federalist, to which he had already contributed the 
second, third, fourth, and fifth numbers. The only other number in 
the volume from his pen is the sixty-fourth, on the treaty-making 
power. 

In 1784, Mr. Jay was sent as envoy extraordinary to Great Bri- 
tain, and concluded the treaty which has been called after his 
name. Before his return, in 1795, he had been elected governor 
of his native state — a post which he occupied until 1801. In that year, 
he declined a re-election, as well as a reappointment to the office of 
Chief Justice of the United States, and retired to private life. The 
remainder of his days was passed in devotion to study, particularly 
theological, and to practical benevolence. He died May 17, 1829, 
universally honoured and beloved. 

Mr. Jay was a man of inflexible firmness of mind in the perform- 
ance of duty, of great discernment, extensive information, and fine 
talents as a writer. Although rather cautious with strangers, with 
friends he was affable and frank ; economical in his expenses, he 
was at the same time generous toward every object worthy of his 
bounty. The letters between him and Ceneral Washington — various 
extracts of which are contained in the fifth volume of Marshall's 
History — exhibit the elevated place he held in the confidence and 
esteem of that illustrious man. 



662 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 



JOHN RUTLEDGE.* 

At a late session of Congress, it was, on motion of Mr. Westcott, 
that the Senate of the United States directed the Committee on the 
Judiciary to report a bill for a bust of Mr. John Eutledge, of South 
Carolina. On the 17th of July, 1846, a bill was accordingly re- 
ported for this purpose from that committee. It passed to a second 
reading, but was not again recurred to during the session, and now 
remains in abeyance, to be called up at some future opportunity. 
The more exciting and absorbing character of the events now in pro- 
gress — foreign war, and the conflicts of rival parties — naturally con- 
tributed still further to delay the tribute of a tardy propriety and 
justice. 

This resolution of the Senate necessarily provokes an inquiry into 
the claims of the individual thus honourably distinguished among his 
contemporaries. Millions have sprung into existence since the ser- 
vices of John Rutledge, in the Revolution, won for him the admira- 
tion of his associates, who have scarcely heard his name. The Ame- 
rican people have hitherto shown themselves strangely remiss in 
preserving memorials of their great men. Their history has been 
one of performances rather than memorials. They have been pre- 
paring history rather than recording it; and what is true of the 
nation, is still more appropriately applied to the people of the 
Southern States. It is their peculiar fortune to be agricultural in 
their pursuits ; and agriculture is seldom known to leave its monu- 
ments. The sparseness of population in agricultural countries, and 
the unexciting nature of their occupations, preclude that lively attri- 
tion of mind with mind which, in commercial communities, provokes 
a continual impatience of the staid, and, by exciting a perpetual 
restlessness of mood, leads naturally to the development of all the 
resources of society. In this way reputations are fixed; memorials 
raised and preserved with care ; proofs are sought for wherever they 
may be found, and the becoming tribute to past worth is honourably 
ofiered by that veneration which, in the enjoyment of present bene- 
fits, is not forgetful of the obligations due to ancient benefactors. 
The South has not shown their proper degree of veneration. Its 
gratitude has not declared itself in trophies to the past. A tardy 



* This sketch of the life and public services of Judge Kutledge, copied from the American 
Review, is attributed to Dr. Sims. 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 663 

zeal, in recent periods, has done little more than discover how irre- 
mediable is this neglect and indifference, since it shows us how 
inadequately we should now offer to perform those duties which we 
never thought to attempt at the proper season. The documents 
necessary to our memorials now escape our search. The proofs of 
our performances daily elude our grasp and inquiry. The records 
of private families are now unfrequently to be procured, and the 
papers and correspondence of the fathers of the Revolution have 
been profligately consigned to waste and ruin by the ungrateful 
improvidence of children, who have but too imperfectly realized, in 
their thoughts, the wondrous value of their inheritance. The states- 
men of the South — a region which has always been numerously pro- 
lific of this class of public benefactors — have, with few exceptions, 
been suffered to die almost entirely out of the public mind ; to be 
obscured by the names of others, in other sections, the painstaking 
and solicitude of whose descendants have been the chief sources of 
their distinctions ; and have thus temporarily incurred a forfeiture 
of those rights, or, at least, of that place in the national regard and 
history, which none might more confidently assert and assume than 
themselves. The South produces but few authors, in the ordinary 
sense of the word. Their intellectual men are politicians, states- 
men, and lawyers. They do not live in the past, but in the present. 
They do not work for the future, but the day. Their business is not 
so much to do justice to those who transmitted the torch to their 
hands, as to hurry with it onward to the hands of others. Their 
thoughts are spoken in the assembly, and along the thoroughfares — 
seldom through the medium of the press ; they speak rather than 
write, and, in due degree as they attain freedom, grace, and jjower 
in oratory, is their reluctance to undergo the laborious manipula- 
tions of authorship. Hence it is that, when the sounds of their 
voices subside from the ears of their auditors, there remains no 
record by which to save them for the justice and the judgments of 
the future. The manufacture of their histories, their biographies, 
their books generally, is yielded almost wholly to their brethren of 
the North; and these naturally incline to choose for their subjects 
the great events and the great men in their own more immediate 
precincts. Hence it is that a great wrong is wrought, without being 
designed, to a portion of our historical character, and to many of 
the master memories of the nation. The South has no reason to be 
ashamed of the place which she has held in the performances of the 
country, whether as states or colonies. Virginia and South Caro- 
lina, like Massachusetts, were the noble nursing-mothers of a great 



664 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

family of republics. They always possessed that individuality of 
character which is sometimes unwisely censured under the name of 
sectionality ; as if this very sectionality did not constitute those indi- 
vidualizing characteristics of a people, by which alone their nation- 
ality could be determined. Their sons have written their names with 
pride upon every page of our progress. It is not altogether too 
late to make their memorials; and though these must still necessa- 
rily be very imperfect, something may yet be done toward acknow- 
ledging, by proper tributes, the great debt of gratitude and affec- 
tion which we owe to those sires of states, who, by bold eloquence, 
counselling bold deeds, achieved the precious possession of liberty 
and country in which it is our pleasure daily to exult. 

The Senate of the United States deserve the thanks of the nation 
for thus recalling to its memory the name of John Rutledge. Mr. 
Rutledge was the Patrick Henry of South Carolina, and a states- 
man, orator, and patriot, quite worthy to take rank, not only with 
the great Virginian — to whom he has been frequently compared — 
but with any of the statesmen which the American Revolution pro- 
duced. Henry himself acknowledged, with the generous ardour of 
a noble spirit, the claims of this distinguished Carolinian. He 
declared that, in the first Congress of the nation, John Rutledge 
« shone with superior lustre." When asked, on his return to Vir- 
ginia, after that first convention, what was the degree of talent, and 
what was the sort of persons composing that illustrious body, and, 
in particular, whom he thought its greatest man, he answered : " If 
you speak of eloquence, John Rutledge, of South Carolina, is the 
greatest orator." Such a tribute, alone, from such a source, would 
suffice to justify us in demanding all that can now be delivered of 
the career of its subject; but when, in addition to this reputation, 
we are told that his patriotism, resolve, high charactei', and saga- 
cious judgment were conspicuous in maintaining the tone and spirit 
of the Southern States during the Revolution, in keeping up the 
courage of Georgia and the Carolinas, and in directing and counsel- 
ling their performances, we feel that his history is necessary to that 
of the country, and must contribute to that national stock of charac- 
ter, the value of which must necessarily increase with every year in 
our progress to maturity. We propose, in this paper, to contribute, 
in some small degree, to repair our deficiencies, to revive what we can 
of the past in the career of Mr. Rutledge, and to make eligible to 
popular readers what remains to us of his achievements. This, now, 
can only imperfectly be done. The private records are wanting. 
There are no family memorials, or very few. The voluminous cor- 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 665 

respondence of Mr. Rutledge, as President of the Colony of South 
Carolina, Governor of the State, its Representative in Congress, 
and Chief Justice of the United States, seems now to be irrecover- 
able; and but a few letters remain to us, which are yet unpub- 
lished,* and from which, where they serve to illustrate the progress 
and character of public events, or to indicate the mind and temper 
of the writer, we propose to detach for our narrative. 

The father of John Rutledge came from Ireland. He reached 
Carolina, with a brother, Andrew, somewhere about the year 1735. 
Here he commenced the practice of medicine, and soon after mar- 
ried a Miss Hexe, who, at the early age of fifteen, gave birth to the 
subject of our sketch. He was born in 1739. His father died not 
long after, and the domestic training was thus left entirely to the 
young mother, who did not lack in the necessary endowments for 
this difficult duty. Devoting herself to her offspring, she left him 
but little reason to feel or to regret the paternal loss, of which he 
was comparatively unconscious. His early education was confided 
to David Rhind, an excellent classical scholar, and, in his day, one 
of the most eminent and successful teachers of youth in the Caro- 
linas. The progress of John Rutledge was highly satisfactory. 
He was soon possessed of the degree of classical knowledge which 
was supposed to be requisite for the career designed him, and what 
was wanting to the finish of his education in Charleston, was derived 
from his transfer to superior institutions in England. The prepa^ 
ratory studies over, he was entered a student of the Temple in Lon- 
don, and proceeding barrister, came out to Charleston, where, in 
1761, he commenced the practice of the law. 

He was soon to fix the attention of the public in his profession. 
This is one, in which, ordinarily, it requires some considerable time 
before the professor can work his way into public confidence and 
business. Mr. Rutledge was subjected to no such delay. His mind, 
at once ready and exact, was equally solid and precocious. His 
great general abilities, particularly the ease, freedom, strength, and 
directness of his eloquence, were especially calculated to fix and 
charm the regards of an eager and enthusiastic people. His first 
case at the bar was one of peculiar interest. The subject was one 
of uncommon infrequency in the South. It was one of all others 
most likely to excite attention and feeling among a proud and sen- 
sitive people. It was an action sounding in damages, for a breach 



* From the private collection of the late General Peter Horry, now in the possessioa 
of Dr. R. W. Gibbes, of South Carolina, and from the papers of the Laurens familj'^ 



QQ6 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

of promise. The Southern people do not tolerate such actions. A 
Southern lady would be ashamed of being a party to them. Her 
philosophy and theirs would teach them to rejoice rather than regret 
in the escape from any connection with the treacherous. The case 
was one, therefore, which afforded to our young lawyer an admirable 
occasion for the display of his abilities. He did not suffer it to 
escape him ; and the tradition was carefully treasured up by his ad- 
mirers, that he equally charmed and confounded by his eloquence. 

The event was not without its fruits. The ice once broken, an 
extensive field of usefulness and power soon opened upon the eyes 
of our youthful orator. His was no tedious probation ; he rose in 
his profession at a bound. He had shown himself equal at once to 
the boldest flights of passion and fancy, and to the strictest and 
severest processes of ratiocination. His reason and his impulse 
wrought happily together. His enthusiasm was never suffered to 
cripple his induction, nor the severity of his analysis to stifle tho 
ardour of his utterance. A happy combination of all the essentials 
of the lawyer and the orator was soon acknowledged to be in his 
possession, and business grew rapidly upon his hands. The diffi- 
culty and importance of the cases brought before him, declared the 
public persuasion of his sagacity. The liberal fees by which his 
services were retained announced his singular successes. It became 
customary to think that his clients were necessarily to be successful, 
'and, no doubt, a foregone conclusion of this sort did much toward the 
further conviction of judge and jury. Such a conviction could not 
readily have been reached until repeated triumphs had impressed upon 
the popular mind the most perfect assurance of his powers. It was 
highly fortunate for himself and the country that such were his suc- 
cesses, and so rapidly acquired, since but few years were allowed 
him for the acquisition of his private fortunes, when the growing dis- 
contents and difficulties of the country demanded his services for 
the public cause. The first faint throes were now about to take 
place whose final but remote issue was revolution ; the sundering of 
one mighty empire, and the birth of another, destined, with God's 
blessing, to be still more mighty. John Rutledge was one of the 
chosen men in our Israel, whose hands were to assist from the be- 
ginning in bringing into existence this grand conception. 

The beginning of the Revolution may, in all the States, be traced 
much farther back than it is common for our popular historians to 
pursue the clues. We are of opinion, that, in spite of all disclaim- 
ers, many of the great men of America conceived the independence 
of the country even before the year 1760; but the question shall 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 667 

not arrest us now. In 1764, Governor Boone, of South Carolina, 
refused to administer to Christopher Gadsden the oaths which all 
persons were required to take who were returned to the Commons 
House of Assembly. This was, in other words, to deny him the 
seat, since the performance of the legislative functions depended 
upon a compliance with the laws in relation to the preliminary 
oaths. The asserted ineligibility of Gadsden was in consequence 
of the freedom of his opinions, and the supposed licentiousness of 
his wishes in regard to the colonial rights and privileges. He, too, 
was one of the remarkable men of that day in the South — a man 
of sterling integrity and singular sagacity, and one of the first to 
scent tyranny from afar, and to prepare the popular mind to loathe 
and to resist it. It became necessary, accordingly, to disfranchise 
him, and to visit the sins of his opinion with the frowns of the royal 
representative. But the step taken for this purpose was one of the 
most unlucky for its object. The House of Assembly kindled with 
indignation at this assault upon their constitutional privileges. 
They claimed to be the only, sole, and proper judges of the quali- 
fications of their members, and resented in proper language, and 
with a becoming spirit, the usurpations of the royal governor. It 
was in arousing this spirit, as well among the people as in the as- 
sembly, that John Rutledge first distinguished himself in his politi- 
cal career. He urged upon both people and assembly to resist 
promptly and with a determined hostility every interference of the 
royal agent with their rights and privileges. These were the sacred 
proofs, and the only sure essentials of their safety, and not to be 
surrendered but at the last peril of life and fortune. He kindled 
the flame on this occasion, and soon had the satisfaction to see it 
burning brightly and triumphantly on the altars of public liberty. 

Scarcely was this domestic controversy at an end, and while the 
feeling which it had provoked was still lively at work in every 
bosom, when the passage of the ever-memorable Stamp Act opened 
the way to another of like character, but of more general applica- 
tion, and of more imposing and permanent results. This measure 
led to the first social and political organization among the colonies, 
and to their first distinct connection for a common purpose. Hith- 
erto their existence had been purely and singularly individual. 
They were so many severalities, without any common bond, though 
sitting side by side on the same continent. Their affinities, prior to 
this event, appear to have been very few. Almost entirely officered 
from the mother country, the intercourse between their public men 
was exceedingly slight — confined to official matters wholly, and only 



668 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

in relation to such business as resulted from their momentary exi- 
gencies. It was not the policy of Great Britain that they should 
become more intimate, since that intimacy must necessarily have 
taught them, better than any thing else, the secret of their own 
strength. The old French war had something to do with the Revo- 
lution, which it did not promise. It was in the final overthrow of 
French power in America that the colonists first arrived at some 
knowledge of their own. With the continued pressure of a foreign 
enemy upon their coasts and borders, the colonists would still have 
looked to Great Britain for support and sympathy, and their depend- 
ence might have continued for half a century longer; but this dan- 
ger withdrawn, they had an opportunity not only to grow and to 
increase, but to reflect upon the fact, which failed to impress them 
in the hour of their danger, that it was their own men and money 
mostly by which their deliverance had been achieved. Great Britain 
had simply ofiicered their troops from among her favourites, and 
levied their resources by which to sustain them, wdiile she continued 
to monopolize their trade, tax their gains, and abridge their com- 
mercial successes. They ripened rapidly for independence from the 
peace with the French and Spaniards of 1763. From that moment 
began the Revolution, and the wretched agency of the Stamp Act 
gave a fatal blow to all the morale of British ascendency on our 
continent. That ascendency once discovered to be purely and arro- 
gantly selfish, the next natural question was, whether it might be 
dispensed with. 

South Carolina was one of the first of the colonies to declare her- 
self in regard to this offensive measure. The proposition of Massa- 
chusetts to the provincial assemblies, to send committees from their 
bodies to a common congress, with regard to their united working 
in the common cause, was a suggestion that might well startle com- 
munities whose local authorities — by no means in harmony with the 
people — had, for some time before, been busy in the inculcation in 
the royal mind of suspicions and jealousies in regard to the popular 
passion in America for independence. An act of union, no matter 
how innocent the obvious purpose, was one to increase and confirm 
those suspicions. It was one, accordingly, for which the mind of the 
country was but partially prepared. The proposition of Massa- 
chusetts met with great opposition. It was discussed anxiously in 
all quarters, and nowhere with more warmth and uneasiness than in 
South Carolina. That colony had been, in a very large degree, the 
pet and favourite of the British government. It had been largely 
patronized by the crown, supplied with men and money in its emer- 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 669 

gencies, and there was no rivalry in trade, commerce, or manufac- 
tures between the parties, such as existed between the people of 
England and Massachusetts, which could justify or account for the 
activity of the Carolinians in any overthrow of the royal authority. 
But they had their wrongs also, which they resented deeply, though 
these differed in a large degree from those of which the Northern 
colonies complained; and the sympathies of the leading men of 
Carolina, particularly such as had been educated in Great Britain, 
were mostly with the cause of Massachusetts. A passionate love 
of liberty in their bosoms proved superior to any considerations of 
mere security and profit. John Rutledge at once threw himself into 
the conflict of opinion among his people, and contended with all the 
might of his eloquence against their doubts, their fears, and that 
prescriptive loyalty which a blind veneration alone could cherish in 
spite of an obvious necessity. He conciliated the prejudices, dis- 
armed the apprehensions, answered the doubts, strengthened the 
hopes, and fortified the courage at once of the people and the assem- 
bly. The popular mind expanded instantly beneath his earnestness, 
cogency, and vehemence, to a due appreciation of the policy and im- 
portance of the proposed congress ; and the result was, that the 
vote for sending deputies to the Continental Congress was carried in 
South Carolina the first of all the colonies south of New England. 
This was truly a great triumph in the case of a province settled ori- 
ginally and chiefly by the Cavaliers, and which for so long a time had 
enjoyed the peculiar smiles and the protection of the crown. Mr. 
Rutledge was one of the three delegates chosen to represent her in 
the first congress of the nation ; the other two were Christopher 
Gadsden and Thomas Lynch. Of these, Mr. Rutledge was the 
youngest — but twenty-five years old — with his feet still lingering on 
the happy threshold of youth, but lifted freely and boldly to step 
forth and advance in the arduous walks of manhood. This appoint- 
ment took place in 1765, immediately after the receipt of the news 
of the passage of the Stamp Act. The congress met first in New 
York, a memorable meeting and a most remarkable body — remark- 
able at once for strength of character and various ability. It was 
with something of a sensation that the delegates from the northern 
colonies listened to the eloquence of Mr. Rutledge — eloquence which, 
with much of the impetuous force and fulness of Demosthenes, com- 
bined the polished graces and freedom of the Roman Tully. Their 
knowledge of the remote colony of the South had not prepared them 
for such a powerful exhibition. In those days the means of educa- 
tion in South Carolina were exceedingly few and inferior. The 



(570 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

sister provinces knew her chiefly by her merely physical productions 
— by rice, and indigo, and silk, and possibly tar and turpentine. 
We have already instanced the small amount of social intercourse 
existing between the colonies. They regarded South Carolina as a 
region chiefly of slaves and slaveholders — the former in overwhelm- 
ing disproportion to the latter, and these distinguished rather by a 
voluptuous and haughty languor and self-indulgence than by any 
of the higher aims of the imagination or the intellect. They ex- 
pected neither wit nor wisdom from such a quarter ; and the appear- 
ance of Mr. Rutledge among them in debate was a surprise calcu- 
lated greatly to disturb all their previous conceptions of the colony 
from which he came. They had not taken into allowance the cus- 
tom of the more wealthy in the colony, by which their sons were 
mostly educated in Europe. It is very likely that they knew nothing 
of this fact, though many of the South Carolinians who subsequently 
became leaders in the struggle which ensued were graduates of Eng- 
lish universities. 

Of the impression made upon Congress by Mr. Rutledge, the^ 
opinion so handsomely expressed by Patrick Henry will aff"ord us 
some idea. Henry was an admirable judge, not less than a generous 
rival. His estimate was confirmed by that of others, who, in their 
own large endowments, had a right to speak. The style of Mr. Rut- 
ledge, as a debater, was vehement and impetuous, but clear, direct, 
and manly. His foresight and boldness were the secrets of the 
force; his admirable common sense and order were the efi"ective 
agents in the transmission of his ideas; while his passionate empha- 
sis, and earnest but graceful manner, struck with timely application 
upon the sensibilities, and carried his convictions, with irresistible 
effect, into the souls of his audience. The dignity, courage, can- 
dour, and noble character of Gadsden ; the gentlemanly demeanour, 
polish, and good sense of Lynch ; with the eloquence of Rutledge, 
did more for the reputation of South Carolina, at the incipient 
assemblage of the States, than had been done during her whole 
previous history by the spirit of her warfare and conduct against 
the Indians, French, and Spaniards, and by all the value of her ex- 
ports in rice and indigo. It was a lesson to herself, not less than 
to her neighbours, and she will not be the first of the Confederacy 
to forget how much nobler and more essential to national character 
are mind and virtue, than all other mortal possessions. 

The history of that Congress, and the fruits of its session, are 
everywhere on record. The repeal of the Stamp Act necessarily 
diminished the active participation of the colonists in political affairs, 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 671 

and Rutledge returned to his native state and to his profession — 
mingling no farther in public affairs than was incident to his posi- 
tion as a prominent member of the provincial legislature. He con- 
tinued to win golden opinions from all sorts of people, both as a 
lawyer and public speaker. Dr. Ramsay, a contemporary, describes 
his mode of speaking and thinking, at this period, in a brief pas- 
sage, which we quote: "His ideas," says Ramsay, " were clear and 
strong — his utterance rapid but distinct — his voice, action, and 
energetic manner of speaking forcibly impressed his sentiments on 
the minds and hearts of all who heard him. At reply, he was 
quick — instantly comprehending the force of an objection, and saw 
at once the best mode of weakening or repelling it. He success- 
fully used both argument and wit for invalidating the observations 
of his adversary: by the former, he destroyed or weakened their 
force ; by the latter, he placed them in so ludicrous a light that it 
often convinced, and scarcely ever failed of conciliating and pleas- 
ing his hearers. Many were the triumphs of his eloquence at the 
bar and in the legislature ; and, in the former case, probably more 
than strict, impartial justice would sanction — for judges, juries, 
counsel, and audience hung on his accents." 

But the repeal of the Stamp Act did not prove a satisfactory con- 
cession — was a temporary one only — to the roused apprehensive 
spirit of American liberty. Her politicians and patriots, once 
awakened to suspicion, were not easily to be lulled into repose and 
confidence. The year 1774 opened the field anew to Mr. Rutledge, 
in the passage of the Boston Port Bill — tidings of which, when they 
reached Charleston, kindled afresh the apprehensions of the intelli- 
gent, and produced almost as much excitement as prevailed in Bos- 
ton. A general meeting of the inhabitants was instantly invoked, 
by expresses despatched to every quarter of the province. The per- 
sons then brought together in convention opened the deliberations 
with a general survey of the proceedings of the British parliament. 
This survey, however, did not result in much unanimity of opinion. 
The excitement grew with the discussion. The projects of the poli- 
ticians varied according to the degree of indifference which they felt, 
when they came to consider the inverse power of that authority 
whose anger they were now likely to provoke by their proceedings. 
Several schemes of action, or of opinion, were presented for their 
consideration, but none of a kind to obtain more than a partial and 
feeble support. In the appointment of delegates to a general con- 
gress, no objection was made. But this appointment was trammelled 
with proposed restraints and a limitation of powers, which must 



672 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

have ended in rendering the delegation utterly impotent for good. 
Here it was that the absence of domestic sympathies, arising from 
mutual intercourse between the colonies, was clearly perceptible. It 
was insisted that the delegates so chosen should be instructed as to 
the extent which they might go in pledging the colony to the sup- 
port of the Bostonians. This was equivalent to a repudiation of 
that community of cause and interests which alone could bring 
about a hearty co-operation of the colonies against the power of the 
mother country. It was merely a complimentary expression of sym- 
pathy to a sister colony, which implied neither risk nor sacrifices. 
The convention was likely to prove abortive, and the friends of 
mouvements, and of the common cause, were in despair on every 
hand. It was while the doubt and confusion were greatest, that Mr. 
Rutledge rose to the crisis. He looked beyond the immediate occa- 
sion, and, in the case of Massachusetts, beheld that of South Caro- 
lina and of every other colony, should like circumstances bring 
about a like collision between the parent state and its progeny. He 
succeeded in conveying his convictions to his audience. He knew 
that South Carolina had been a favourite, simply because she was 
not a rival. Let the occasion but occur when an independent trade 
should become her policy — when she should embark in manufactures, 
and claim to share with the British people, at home, the equal advan- 
tages of the Constitution — and he clearly described her fate as cer- 
tain to be that of Massachusetts in the day of her present exigency. 
It is one of the essential proofs of genius, that it argues for future 
generations. Mr. Rutledge was prepared to peril the present for 
the future. He submitted resolutions, the amount of which was, 
that the delegates from South Carolina should take their part in the 
Continental Congress with minds untrammelled — should go without 
instruction — and be left to their own wisdom and penetration to 
determine what was to be done, and what Carolina should pledge 
herself to do in the common struggle with the parent empire. Ho 
enforced his resolution with a powerful speech. He argued with 
successful force, and keen sarcasm, against any such absurdity as 
that of sending puppets, mere dumb waiters, to a deliberative assem- 
bly which called equally for the highest courage and wisdom. Dele- 
gates were supposed to be chosen with some regard to their capacity 
and honesty, particularly where they were sent to consult with asso- 
ciates upon propositions of which no one in the primary assemblies 
could possibly know anything. Mr. Rutledge demonstrated that 
any trust short of the most plenary discretion would leave the 
representative in a wretched impotency, and defeat utterly the ends 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 673 

of the appointment. There was a crisis of tremendous issues to be 
encountered, and he was for meeting it with all the wisdom and the 
energy of manhood. When it was objected by some of the advo- 
cates for instruction, that such a discretion was obnoxious to abuse — 
that the delegates might betray their principals, and usurp a judg- 
ment inconsistent with the authorities conferred upon them — his 
answer was equally laconic and vehement: "Hang them! hang 
them!" 

He carried his measures and his audience. On this occasion he 
made a powerful impression on the multitude. They acknowledged 
the justice of his opinions. His courage stimulated them. His 
energies infused themselves into the popular heart, and lifted the 
common sentiment to a first consciousness of that revolution which 
had now, in the eyes of far-seeing men, became unavoidable ; and 
which, so far as Carolina was concerned, received its great impulse 
on that day and by that proceeding. The resolution itself was free- 
dom. It was a vital stab to the foreign government. Every thing 
was confided to the discretion of the delegates, and the colony 
pledged itself to sustain them. Five persons were authorized to do 
in the premises whatever the exigency required. These five persons 
were John Rutledge, Edward Rutledge, (his brother,) Christopher 
Gadsden, Thomas Lynch, and Henry Middleton. Their names 
deserve to be remembered. They were choice specimens equally 
of the talents, the virtue, and the character of the people. Fur- 
nished with such ample powers, they took their seats in Congress 
under peculiar advantages. The proceedings of that famous body, 
then assembled in Philadelphia, are well known to our histories. 
Resolutions, restricting the business intercourse between the colo- 
nies and the mother country, were passed ; imports from Great Bri- 
tain, Ireland, and the West Indies were to be forborne; the case 
of Massachusetts was declared to be that of all America; the con- 
duct of the people of that province was cordially approved, and the 
colonies were all pledged to their support; a declaration and re- 
solves were passed, asserting the rights and grievances of the colo- 
nies; and in these, as by other proceedings which we need not 
enumerate. Congress made a considerable stride in the path of 
revolution. The merit of these proceedings was necessarily and 
largely shared by Mr. Rutledge. They embodied his spirit, and 
were evolved with his energies. He participated industriously in 
their details, and their principles were illustrated by his eloquence. 
We have seen the estimate of his powers as made by Patrick Henry. 
It was one which seems to have been generally allowed. Already, 

43 



674 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

indeed, had the epithet Demosthenean been employed to describe 
the characteristics of his oratory. 

The Congress terminated its sittings in October, 1774, and Mr. 
Rutledge returned to Charleston to meet his constituents. Some 
of his proceedings were the subject of cavil. The Commons House 
of Assembly sat in Charleston in January, 1775, and the delegates 
of the colony to Congress appeared before them to render an account 
of their proceedings. These were taken up for consideration seria- 
tim. The articles of association determined upon by Congress 
were, of course, particularly scrutinized. The four last words of 
the fourth article of that instrument, which, while interdicting ex- 
ports to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, makes an espe- 
cial exception in favour of "Wee to Europe^" occasioned no little 
disquiet and disgust. The people of the interior, who dealt in corn, 
hemp, pork, butter, and lumber, in whose behalf no similar exception 
had been made, deemed themselves sacrificed to the wealthy rice- 
planters. They were suspicious and angry accordingly. A more 
noble feeling of self-sacrifice prompted others, at the head of whom 
was Christopher Gadsden, one of the delegates, to regret that any 
reservation whatever had been made in favour of any article, by 
which a doubt could be thrown upon the patriotism of the colony. 
But Mr. Rutledge had his reasons ready, and the defence of himself 
and his three associates — Mr. Gadsden having voted against the 
exception — was devolved upon him. The substance of the speech 
which he made upon this occasion shows his sagacity. The outline 
of his argument may be condensed in a paragraph. He said that at 
an early period he and the other delegates from South Carolina had 
warmly pressed upon Congress resolutions equally of total non- 
importation and non-exportation^ to go into immediate eSect; — that 
as a non-importation act in regard to Great Britain and Ireland was 
to withhold from them the advantages which their people might 
derive from the receipt of American commodities, so the end was 
most certain to be efi"ected by retaining those commodities altogether 
in America. Such restrictions, however, he soon found, could not 
be carried; — the northern colonies resolving to remit to England as 
usual, to pay their debts, by a circuitous trade in flour and fish with 
the rest of Europe. The commodities which they shipped to the 
mother country were really of little value — and the rival trade 
would be little afi'ected by the terms of the association as proposed 
by them. For example, he remarked, that Philadelphia carried on 
a trade of export to the amount of £700,000 sterling; of which 
scarce £50,000 ever sought the markets of the mother country. 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 675 

Not to export, therefore, to Great Britain, would be no sacrifice or 
loss on the part of Philadelphia. It was evident that the colonies 
thus and similarly circumstanced, would really less annoy the mother 
country by resolves of non-exportation in the matter of trade, than 
promote and preserve their own. Seeing this, he thought it but due 
to the interests of Carolina to preserve her trade as entire as possi- 
ble. In rice and indigo consisted her main values. These sought 
no other markets than the British; and he thought it neither politic 
nor liberal to allow the trade of one colony to suffer and be destroyed, 
while that of others, making really no sacrifice, was to be built up at 
her expense. If the cause of American liberty required that bur- 
dens should -be borne by the people, it was only proper that such 
burdens should be equally distributed. He, at least, was not pre- 
pared to yield to such inequalities in the restrictions as should ope- 
rate a gross injustice upon some sections, while others had no hurt. 
«' Upon the whole," said Mr. Rutledge, "this whole proceeding had 
rather the aspect of a commercial scheme among the flour colonies, 
to find a better vent for their flour through the British Channel, by 
preventing, if possible, any rice from being sent to those markets. 
For his part," he added, " he should never consent that his consti- 
tuents should become the dupes of any people. He was not willing 
to yield them to the unreasonable expectations and exactions of the 
North," &c. 

It does not need that we should pursue this discussion, which had 
no other result than to prove the equal vigilance and sagacity of the 
speaker. He triumphantly re-established himself and his associates 
in the confidence of his constituents, and the delegation were re- 
elected to Congress without opposition : an honourable acquittal, 
which included the cordial " well done" of an approving people. 
This decision was reiterated in a public vote of thanks from the 
assembly, when, at the close of the next session of Congress, they 
made their report, and Avere again rechosen to fill the position they 
had maintained so well. Successive elections had thus continued 
Mr. Rutledge in this oflBce till the opening of the year 1776. At 
this time he returned to Charleston with Mr. Middleton, one of his 
associates. They were addressed by the president of the Provincial 
(local) Congress in a very complimentary speech, in which their per- 
formances, and those of the body with which they wrought, were re- 
viewed at large and honourably distinguished. A resolution having 
been introduced into the Provincial Congress, declaring the existing 
mode of conducting public affairs to be inadequate to the well-being 
and government of the country, a committee of eleven, of whom Mr, 



676 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

Rutledge was the second, was appointed to prepare and to report a 
plan of government. The new scheme of organization, intended for 
the emergency, was presented on the 5th of March; and Avhile its 
measures were yet under consideration, new acts of aggression on 
the part of Great Britain silenced its opponents, and proposed such 
an amendment of some of its provisions as was more in accordance 
with the bolder spirits of the hour. On the 24th of the month, Mr. 
Rutledge, from the committee to prepare the constitution, made a 
further report, greatly enlarging the objects and strengthening the 
tone of the former. This suspended much of the preceding per- 
formance, and arrested the discussion. The whole of the preamble 
to this report was from the pen of Mr. Rutledge. We have little 
doubt that to his activity and grasp of mind, his political acuteness, 
and great legal knowledge, we are indebted for most of the provi- 
sions of this instrument. We should like to give this preamble to 
our readers, not less because of its compactness and comprehensive- 
ness, than because it embodies, in nearly the same order, and some- 
times in the same phraseology, the very matter which, in a more 
condensed form, was subsequently employed by Mr. Jefferson in the 
famous Declaration. But our limits will not suffer us to do so. The 
curious reader will find it in the Appendix to "Drayton's Memoirs," 
second volume, p. 186. 

The agency of Mr. Rutledge in the preparation of this first con- 
stitution of South Carolina was duly acknowledged by the assem- 
bly, whose first act, after the adoption of the new organization, was 
to elect him, under its provisions, to the presidency of the state. 
It does not appear that his nomination met with any opposition. In 
a brief extemporaneous speech — which has been reported — he re- 
turned his thanks for this compliment and distinction. " I have," 
said he, " the deepest sense of this honour. The being called, by 
the free suffrages of a brave and generous people, to preside over 
their welfare, is, in my opinion, the highest that any man cau re- 
ceive. But, dreading the weighty and arduous duties of this station, 
I really wish that your choice had fallen upon one better qualified to 
discharge them; for, though in zeal and integrity I will yield to no 
man, I yet know that in ability to serve you I am inferior to many. 
Yet, as I have always thought every man's best services due to his 
country, no fear of slander, no difficulty or danger, shall deter me 
from yielding mine." In reply to an address of both houses ten- 
dering their sympathy and support, he answers, among other things: 
"Be persuaded, that no man would embrace a just and equitable 
accommodation with Great Britain more gladly than myself; but 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. Q'J'J 

until SO desirable an object can be obtained, tbe defence of my coun- 
try, and preservation of that constitution which, from a perfect 
knowledge of the rights, and a laudable regard to the happiness of 
the people, you have so wisely framed, shall engross my whole 
attention." 

His pledges, thus solemnly made, were amply carried out in per- 
formance during his subsequent career. His first speech was deli- 
vered to both houses of the General Assembly, on the 11th of April, 
1776. It discussed, briefly, the relations of the contending coun- 
tries — the condition of the dispute — and was supposed at the time 
so ably to express the rights and wrongs of America, that it was put 
forth by the assembly in handbills, as well as in the newspapers. 
Reduced to writing, it is not such a performance as would command 
attention now. The subject then was a new one — the arguments 
were to be sought; new governing principles were in progress, 
and the phraseology, which has now become proverbial among us, 
was then naturally crude, in due degree with the freshness and 
difficulty of the occasion. Besides, Mr. Rutledge was an orator, 
and not a writer. The subtleties of eloquence — those exquisite 
snatches of thought, fancy, and feeling, beyond the reach of art, 
which so completely ravish in delivery — usually evaporate from the 
speeches of the best orators, as in the case of Sheridan, when car- 
ried to the press ; and we shall be astonished — we, even, who have 
heard — to find how common-place shall be the oration which has filled 
our hearts with delight, as the well-rounded periods of passionate 
flights have flown from the lips of the speaker to our ears. 

The post which Mr. Rutledge had consented to accept was by no 
means a sinecure. Events were ripening rapidly to explosion. The 
British government resented, in particular, the course taken by 
South Carolina. A colony which had been so much a favourite, and 
which was supposed to be so equally rich and feeble, at once invited 
aggression. Resentment and appetite equally prompted an early 
and decisive demonstration against her, the more particularly as she 
too had flung the teas into the river, and bombarded the king's ships 
in her waters. The new constitution was adopted on the 26th of 
March. President Rutledge was inaugurated on the 27th, and, 
early in May, tidings reached the colony that Sir Peter Parker, 
with a heavy British squadron, was already at Cape Fear in North 
Carolina. All now was preparation for the enemy in Charleston. 
Levies were soon raised in Virginia and North Carolina for the suc- 
cour of the threatened colony and city, and the Continental Con- 
gress furnished an experienced general in the person of the more 



678 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

notorious than renowned Charles Lee — a man of rare talents, but of 
an eccentricity that rendered them very uncertain, and greatly im- 
paired their value and efficiency. It was fortunate for South 
Carolina that she had placed at the head of her affairs a man so 
resolute and prompt, and a statesman so sagacious as John Rut- 
ledge. When Lee looked at the fortress on Sullivan's Island, by 
which the approaches from the sea were defended, he was for its 
immediate abandonment. He had great faith in British frigates. 
" They will knock your fort about your heads in half an hour," was 
his remark to Moultrie, to whom its defence had been assigned. He 
diminished the number of troops on the island, as he had no confi- 
dence in the ability of the fort to sustain itself against assault; 
declared it to be " a mere slaughter-pen;" and, writing to Moultrie, 
when the enemy was almost coming on, went so far as to say, "X 
would order the whole body off the island, but apprehend it might 
make your garrison uneasy." But for Rutledge, this step would 
certainly have been taken, and thus would have been lost to the 
American arms one of the most glorious exhibitions of valour and 
fortitude that our annals have to boast. How different were the 
views and resolves of the civilian Rutledge! How fortunate that 
he was in authority, and capable of exercising a will which could 
control the caprices of the continental general. He writes to 
Moultrie from the city, on the very morning of the battle, and just 
as the conflict was about to open: 

i'Creneral Lee wishes you to evacuate the fort. Tou will not do so 
without an order from me. I would sooner cut off my hand than 
write one. J. Rutledge." 

This note is brim-full of character. The Spartan brevity which 
it displays, speaks volumes for the Spartan resolution which dic- 
tated it. The issue of this' first battle, June 28, 1776, is well known 
to our history. An overwhelming British fleet was beaten off with 
immense slaughter by militiamen who had never before seen the 
smoke of an enemy's fire — entrenched behind an unfinished fortress 
of palmetto logs and sand. While the battle is yet raging, and 
after it had continued for two mortal hours. General Lee writes to 
Moultrie: — "Dear Colonel: If you should unfortunately expend 
your ammunition without beating off the enemy, or driving them on 
ground, spike your guns and retreat with all the order possible." 
Lee seems to have had but the one idea in his head on this occa- 
sion, — retreat, retreat, nothing but retreat. How different, again, 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. G79 

the tone and spirit of Rutledge's instructions, written about tlie same 
moment: 

" I send you five hundred pounds of powder. Our collection is 
not great. Honour and victory to you, and your worthy countrymen 
with you ! Do not make too free with your cannon, — cool, and do 
mischief." 

Never did commander-in-chief, not actually in the battle, do more 
toward the attainment of the victory. But for Rutledge, there 
had been no victory. Lee was wholly opposed to risking the 
encounter. Yet Lee received the thanks of Congress for the tri- 
umph of the day, as if it had been the result of his wisdom and his 
courage. Suum quique trihuito. 

The result of this admirably conducted conflict was of immeasur- 
able importance to South Carolina. It gave her a partial respite 
for three years from the horrors of invasion. She might well esti- 
mate the amount of evil and misery which she escaped in this period, 
by a reference to what she had to endure after the fall of the State, 
in 1780. She was then doomed to drink to the very dregs that cup 
of wrath and bitterness which the noble firmness, courage, and intel- 
ligence of her sons enabled her, on this occasion, to avert untasted 
from her lips. 

Mr. Rutledge continued in the office of the president of the colony 
until March, 1778, when he resigned. Dr. Ramsay remarks: "The 
occasion and reasons of his resignation are matters of general his- 
tory. This did not diminish his popularity." Their general history 
is, at this day, a somewhat obscure one. The occasion of his resigna- 
tion was the adoption of a new constitution, to which he was op- 
posed, as quite too Democratic; annihilating, as it did, the council, 
and reducing the legislative authority from three to two branches. 
His administration had been highly fortunate and successful. We 
have seen the glorious result of the first British invasion. Beside 
this, with the exception of an Indian war in the interior, fomented 
by British agents and the local loyalists. South Carolina enjoyed a 
condition of almost uninterrupted repose — order prevailed through- 
out the province, and the machine of government, newly adapted as 
it had been to the condition of the country, worked as regularly as 
if it had been a thousand years in operation. Still, it had been con- 
ceived and planned in a moment of emergency, to answer a tempo- 
rary purpose ; had served its turn ; and now gave way to another, 
which was supposed to be better suited to the necessities and genius 
of the people. Though opposed, as we have seen, to this constitu- 
tion, Mr. Rutledge soon received a fresh proof of the esteem in 



ggO LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

whicli bis talents and worth were held, being reinstated in 1779, in 
the executive oflSce of the state, but with the title of governor in 
place of that of president. This compliment was heightened in 
value by the fact that it was in a moment of alarm and danger, and 
with a special view to the exigency, that he was thus called upon to 
resume the chair of the executive. He had scarcely taken the oath 
of office when the state was penetrated by a British army under 
Brigadier-General Provost. Georgia, by this time, had fallen into 
the hands of the enemy, and Carolina was easily invaded through 
the sister colony. Governor Rutledge instantly addressed all his 
energies to encounter the emergency. To him and to his council it 
was delegated by the legislature "to do everything that appeared to 
him and them necessary for the public good." He again proved 
himself worthy of his trust. At the first tidings of danger he had 
collected a considerable militia force, which he had cantoned at 
Orangeburg — a spot conveniently contiguous to the most assailable 
points. It was not known from what direction the enemy would 
make his approaches. The long line of the Savannah Biver pre- 
sented a thousand points, in all which his ingress might be easy. 
General Lincoln, in the mean time, had been sent on by Congress to 
the South to take charge of the Continental forces in Carolina. 
This gentleman, by penetrating into Georgia with all the regulars, 
and pressing for some distance into the interior, had, in some degree, 
opened the door to his enemy, and invited his entrance. The op- 
portunity was encouraging, and, hoping to capture Charleston by a 
coup de main, the British general, with a select body of three thou- 
sand light troops, unencumbered by unnecessary baggage or artil- 
lery, dashed across the Savannah by a lower route, and began his 
advance toward the metropolis. Moultrie, with twelve hundred 
militia, threw themselves across the track of Provost, and, retreat- 
ing slowly before him, continued to retard his progress, by impress- 
ing upon him the necessity of a caution which he might not else 
have been disposed to observe. This obstacle took from the inva- 
sion its original character. Its conquests were no longer to be 
made by a single and hidden blow. Time was given to the country. 
The alarm was spread. Lincoln was recalled from Georgia, and 
Butledge pressed down from Orangeburg at the head of the militia. 
Charleston was thus relieved at the moment of its greatest peril, 
and the British, a second time, defrauded of their prey when almost 
within their talons. Afraid of being enclosed between two fires by 
the approach of Lincoln and Rutledge, of which he was apprised by 
means of an intercepted letter, Provost disappeared as suddenly as 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 681 

he came. He retired upon Stono, "where lie was encountered bj the 
Americans in a bloody battle, ■which was, however, indecisive. He 
finally left the State, and returned to Savannah, which the united 
forces of France and America were now preparing to beleaguer. 
The failure of this siege and assault, in which the troops of Caro- 
lina suifered severely, precipated the fall of Charleston. With the 
departure of the French fleet from the coast, which followed imme- 
diately after the defeat of the attempt on Savannah, Sir Henry Clin- 
ton projected a grand expedition against Carolina. It was in a 
moment very inauspicious to her hopes that he did so. The fruit 
was now ripe and ready for his hands. The bills of credit of the 
State had sunk enormously from the standard set upon them, and 
could no longer be redeemed. With a want of money there was a 
corresponding deficiency of the men and munitions of war. The 
resources of the country in all these respects had been greatly ex- 
hausted and consumed, in carrying on a twofold struggle in the 
adjoining provinces of Georgia and Florida, against the British the 
Royalists, and Indians; and within the borders of Carolina, in the 
upper country, against the two latter united. The worst misfortune 
was in the extreme difierence of feeling and opinion by which the 
country was torn and divided. Its numerical force was thus lost in 
the conflict, while its moral was emasculated of all its virtue. To 
defend Charleston with troops from the interior was scarcely pos- 
sible, from the circumstances of the city. The small-pox, which had 
made its appearance in the metropolis, was one of the worst terrors 
that could be presented to the imagination of the forest population. 
The country militia shrunk from this enemy, who never would have 
feared the British; and but few of them could be persuaded to 
march toward the seaboard. It was under these inauspicious cir- 
cumstances that the State was called upon to encounter the best ap- 
pointed army that was ever brought against it. The British troops, 
amounting to near twelve thousand men, had effected a landing 
early in February, 1780, within thirty miles of Charleston. The 
assembly then closed its session; its last act being to clothe Governor 
Rutledge with full powers to see that the Republic sustained no harm. 
He immediately ordered the militia to rendezvous, but they came in 
slowly. We have shown the adverse fortunes with which he had 
now to contend. If mere mortal effort might have availed to save 
the State, thus straitened in its resources and enfeebled by evil cir- 
cumstances, the labours of John Rutledge must have done so. But 
the fate was written. The British crossed the Ashley, and the 
investment of the city was begun on the 1st day of April, 1780. 



682 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

It is not necessary to our purpose to follow the progress of the 
siege. Enough that we mention that, under the discouraging cir- 
cumstances by which he was surrounded, the governor lost no jot of 
heart or resolution, and relaxed none of those energies for which he 
had been always distinguished. Contingents from Virginia and 
North Carolina had swelled the militia force within the city to 
something over four thousand men. The fortifications of the place 
were field-works only, badly served with artillery, and of an extent 
too great for the defenders properly to man. The British army, 
nearly thrice their number, were the best troops in the service, and 
picked for the occasion. A powerful fleet of men-of-war and trans- 
ports accompanied the expedition. It was at the beginning of the 
investment that the following letter was written. It was addressed 
to the Hon. Henry Laurens, late President of Congress, who was 
then preparing to depart on a foreign mission. The contents of the 
letter are unimportant, except as they afford a glimpse of the tone 
and temper of the writer. The handwriting of Mr. Rutledge is bold, 
free, capacious, eloquent. The letters are large, as if the hand, in 
writing, had been lifted from the paper; and the letters seem struck 
rather than described or traced — they are flowing and graceful, with 
a uniform dip forward — denoting eagerness, a character very frank 
and sanguine, and at the same time very decisive. 

" Chakleston, March 26, 1780. 

" Dear Sir — Inclosed you will receive a letter for the general at 
Martinique, which you will be pleased to present. The enemy's 
naval force in the harbour and at Wappoo, consists (according to 
Timothy's account this afternoon, when he reckoned 'em very dis- 
tinctly) of one 50, two 44, six 28 to 32, and five twenty gun ships;* 
the [name illegible] of 18 guns; two brigantines, of 16 guns; one 
sloop of 10, and four galleys. Including vessels of all sorts, they 
have 121 sail. Among them are, it is believed, the Hancock, Ra- 
leigh, and Delaware. Of their land force we have no authentic ac- 
count, but it is said to be between 7 and 8000 men, who are between 
Fort Johnson and Wragg's Barony. The troops from Georgia, about 
5 or 600, and who were yesterday morning at the 13 mile house, on 
the road from Jacksonborough to Stono, I presume effected a junc- 
tion with them last night. Major Young can, I suppose, give you 
any further material information relative to matters here. I can't 
say that I flatter myself with any expectation of relief from the 

* Peter Timothj, editor of a newspaper. 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. ggS 

French islands. I doubt not, and request, that you will make such 
representations as may be most proper, and use the most effectual 
means to obtain it. With my best wishes for a pleasant voyage, a 
successful issue to your negotiations, and a speedy and happy return 
to us, 

"I am, with great esteem, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

"J. RUTLEDGE. 

" P. S. — The vessel which has been reckoned a 64 is not; but is 
the Renown, of 50 guns. 

" The Uon. Henbt Laubens." 

In this letter was an inclosure addressed to the Marquis deBouilld. 

" Charleston, So. Carolina, March 20, 1780. 

" Sir — The Honorable Mr. Laurens, late President of Congress, 
and appointed by them to execute an important commission in 
Europe, will do me the favour of presenting this letter to your Excel- 
lency, and I flatter myself that you will readily accommodate him 
with the means of facilitating his voyage. This gentleman will 
give you full and authentic information of the strength and opera- 
tions of the enemy in this State ; and as speedy succors to it would 
render essential service to the United States of America, I persuade 
myself that you will with pleasure afford them, if they may be 
spared from the forces under your command, consistently with the 
safety of his most Christian majesty's islands. 

"With great esteem, &c., J. Rutledge." 

The assistance thus solicited was never accorded, or it came too 
late to be of any service. The British investments were pressing to 
completion, when General Lincoln insisted upon the departure of 
Governor Rutledge from the town, in order not only that he might 
escape the danger of captivity, but that he might be more at liberty 
to operate in the interior in the collection of levies for the assist- 
ance of the place. He left Charleston, accordingly, on the 12th of 
April, and on the 12th of May the city was surrendered. Famine 
had made its appearance, in alliance with the British arms, and, 
after a stout resistance of six weeks, the spirit and firmness of the 
garrison succumbed: a misfortune which, in its influence upon the 
popular mind as well at home as in other States, left it very doubt- 
ful, whether it had not been better, following out the policy of Wash- 
ington, to have left the city to its fate at first, without oftering to 
defend it — thus economizing the physique of the country for those 
open fields in which they might have been more successfully and 



684 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

hopefully employed. The history of Governor Rutledge is, hence- 
forth, that of the State. 

The fall of the city of Charleston, though at the time an almost 
fatal blow to the strength and resolution of South Carolina, — 
exhausting her materiel, and greatly lessening her personnel for 
war, — did not diminish the hopes, nor paralyze the exertions of 
Governor Rutledge. The first effect of the disaster was to discou- 
rage and disappoint the militia of the interior. Failing, as we have 
seen, in consequence of the sickness in the capital, to collect them 
in sufficient numbers for its relief, he was perforce compelled to 
attempt a stand against the enemy on the north side of the Santee. 
But circumstances still fought against his purpose of performance. 
The rapid transit of the British light troops through the interior — 
the murderous and wretched tragedy in which the wanton and sav- 
age partizan, Tarleton, butchered the contingent of Colonel Beaufort 
— the surprise of the American cavalry under Colonels White and 
Washington — and other similar disasters occurring about the same 
time, completed the panic among the militia which the surrender of 
the metropolis had begun, and most effectually defeated the exertions, 
however earnestly and honestly urged, by which the governor endea- 
voured to give them consistency and form. The progress of the Bri- 
tish eagerly urged, and in a force too powerful for any serious oppo- 
sition, found the province prostrate. The spirit of the country 
appeared subdued, the energies of the people lay dormant, and 
patriotism, crouching in the thicket and the swamp, held its breath 
for a time, imploring, but waiting a more auspicious season. 

There was but one course of action in this gloomy interval. That 
was, to raise troops in the States of North Carolina and Virginia. 
To this work Governor Rutledge addressed all his great abilities. 
He proceeded to the former state as soon as he became hopeless of 
present action in his own; but he did not take his departure before 
he had shown himself a sagacious judge of endowment and resource 
in others. His first act before leaving South Carolina was to pro- 
mote to high military rank, and to the special guardianship of par- 
ticular localities, three of the most remarkable of the military cha- 
racters by which the revolutionary warfare in the South was illustrated. 
This admirable discernment, which singled out Marion, Sumter, and 
Pickens, among the first, and conferred upon them the highest discre- 
tion, was of itself a most admirable service to the cause of the State 
and nation. It alone would suffice to indicate the judgment of Rut- 
ledge, his singular discernment of character, and his just appreciation 
of the constituents of first-rate military endowment. It is equally 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. G85 

in proof of his unselfish desire and honourable anxiety to employ 
the capacity wherever it might be found. The career of Marion, 
Sumter, and Pickens, forms a valuable and vital portion of American 
history. They contributed greatly to the establishment of our mili- 
tary character, in proof of the national genius for war, and of its 
ability to render secure the vast interests for which it was then 
making the first great struggle. But never did men commence their 
labours at a more discouraging period. As, perhaps, no man but 
John Rutledge would have so readily perceived their merits, and so 
frankly confided to their discretion, so, perhaps, none but he could 
have encouraged them to persevere in the hour of the State's ex- 
tremity. The disasters already mentioned succeeding the surround- 
ing of Charleston, the destruction or dispersion of the State cavalry, 
the defeat of Buford, &c., were soon followed by another and a more 
fatal disaster, that seemed to put a final extinguisher upon every 
hope that patriotism had entertained. This was the mortal defeat 
of General Gates, at Camden, on the 16th of August, 1780: decid- 
edly the most unmitigated disaster of the whole war, and due almost 
wholly to the, rashness and morbid self-esteem of the commander. 
On the 3d of October, six weeks after this event, a letter from Go- 
vernor Rutledge shows him to be at Hillsborough, N. C, whither 
General Gates had fled, and where he was busy in collecting the 
debris of his scattered forces. Here, mournfully contemplating the 
wreck of a gallant army which, properly conducted, might have 
rescued the country from the grasp of her enemies, but which was 
wretchedly sacrificed by the hot haste of arrogance, Rutledge pa- 
tiently waited the arrival of a very different captain. General 
Greene had now been designated by Washington for the command 
of the Southern army, and the recommendation had received the 
sanction of Congress. Greene was a cool, resolute, energetic, but 
cautious chieftain, whose resolves were not the less certain because 
they were tempered by discretion. He reached the encampment, 
and took command early in December. His arrival was distin- 
guished by several unlooked-for and highly encouraging symptoms. 
Sumter had beaten Tarleton at Woodstock ; Morgan had given him 
another severe drubbing at the Cowpens ; and the battle of King's 
Mountain had been gloriously achieved by the native guerilla forces 
of the neighbourhood, at the cost of a select body of Bright's troops, 
under the lead of a most able oflBcer. The spirit of the land had 
shown itself fast recovering from its recent prostration, not only in 
these performances, but in the frequent, beautiful little partizan 
successes of Marion, and other captains of militia. But the re- 



686 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

sources of the country were not of a sort to improve these pros- 
pects. Thej were wholly inadequate to the most absolute necessi- 
ties of the war. Greene writes, immediately after the battle at the 
Cowpens, in the following language: " The situation of these States 
is wretched, and the distress of the inhabitants beyond all descrip- 
tion. Nor is the condition of the army more agreeable. We have 
but few troops that are fit for duty, and all those are employed upon 
different detachments, the success of which depends upon time and 
chance. We are obliged to subsist ourselves by our own industry, 
aided hy the influence of Groveryior Rutledge, who is one of the first 
characters I ever met with. Our prospects are gloomy, notwith- 
standing these flashes of success," &c. 

This slight paragraph will suflBce to show what were the difficulties 
in the way of patriotic, civil, or military performance in the South 
at this melancholy period, and will equally indicate the wonderful 
merit which could yet succeed in spite of them. The honourable 
tribute thus passingly paid to Rutledge, was honourably deserved. 
Never was public man more constantly, or courageously, or ingeni- 
ously busy, in all this time, to meet the emergency, to clothe and 
encourage the militia, to stimulate the officers to exertion, and to 
bring out all the resources of the State. He was particularly and 
eagerly on the look out, always, to secure and employ persons of 
talent and courage, and showed himself, as we have seen, singularly 
discerning in the choice of favourites, assigning to each the per- 
formance of just such duties as lay most properly within the sphere 
of his ability. One of the letters which he wrote about this period, 
relates to a person who afterwards proved himself one of the boldest 
and most hardy partizan captains of the time ; who, in fact, occupy- 
ing but a moderate rank, acquired a high local celebrity, and has 
become, in some degree, an historical personage. It is in a letter 
to Marion, which now lies before us, that Mr. Kittredge recommends 
that Captain Snipes be honoured Avith an independent command, his 
men to be raised south and west of the Santee. 

Governor Rutledge seems to have mostly accompanied the army, 
from the moment he joined the broken cohorts of Gates, to the 
arrival of Greene at the camp, and his subsequent and admirable 
manoeuvring against Cornwallis, in North Carolina. It was now 
deemed necessary that he should employ his energies in other quar- 
ters, with the view to his procuring for the army those supplies 
without which it was scarcely possible to keep the troops together. 
A letter which we give, addressed to Marion, is dated from " The 
camp at Haw River, March 8, 1777." 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 687 

" Dear Sir — The present situation of affairs rendering it imprac- 
ticable for me to return immediately into South Carolina — not see- 
ing any prospect of being able to go thither very soon ; and it being 
impossible, if we could penetrate the country, to re-establish the 
civil government for some time — and my remaining here being of 
no service to the state, — I have determined to set off, in a few days, 
for Philadelphia, with a view of procuring, if possible, some supplies 
of clothing for our militia, whose distress for want of it gives me 
great concern, and of obtaining such effectual aid as may soon 
restore both the town and country to our possession. My utmost 
endeavours for these purposes shall be exerted; and I flatter myself 
that I may succeed by personal applications. I am persuaded of 
the continuance of your utmost attention, and hope you will culti- 
vate a good understanding with Generals Sumter and Pickens, and 
do every thing in your power to forward the former's views. I shall 
be glad to hear from you when any thing material offers, under 
cover, to General Greene; and shall write to you, under cover to 
him, when I have any thing material to communicate. I have not 
yet received the blank militia commissions, which I expected. If I 
do not get them before I arrive at Richmond, I will have some 
printed there, and transmitted to you. In the mean time, you will 
give brevets; and, in order that you may carry sufficient authority 
over the several officers in your brigade, you may remove any of 
them, and appoint others in their stead, from time to time, as you 
think proper. I have sent some linen to be distributed among the 
militia of your's, Generals Sumter's, and Pickens' brigades, as a 
free gift, from the States, according to their number and services. 
I wish it was more worth their acceptance. Without doubt you 
must want many articles of clothing, &c. for you own use. I there- 
fore request that you will send me a list, per express to General 
Greene, and you may depend on my obtaining them at Philadelphia; 
but don't delay this matter, as I, perhaps, may stay but a little time 
there. I hope it will not be necessary for me to remain long. 

" I am, with great regard, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 

"J. RUTLEDGE." 

This letter justifies and shows the reason for the journey to Phila- 
delphia, which has somewhere been censured. There is no doubt 
that the matter was urged by General Greene himself, and the com- 
mission undertaken by Rutledge, from whose personal influence with 
Congress much was hoped in the way of obtaining supplies, which 
were quite too frequently promised to be often provided. It may 



688 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

be proper to mention, that he had experienced this influence satis- 
factorily, but a little while before, in urging successfully the claims 
of Colonel Morgan to be made a brigadier. The effect of Rutledge's 
journey was soon apparent. A large supply of clothing was expe- 
dited from Philadelphia; but its progress was disastrous. Twelve 
wagon loads were captured by a British detachment, and a large por- 
tion of the militia in Grreene's army remained for some time longer 
almost as naked as the hour they ivere horn. Crreeii moss, tvrapped 
about their loins and shoulders, protected them from the galling effect 
of knapsacks, bayonets, and belts. Yet with these soldiers the Ame- 
rican general penetrated into South Carolina, though the province 
everywhere was still in possession of their enemy. Assailed by 
this naked soldiery, and by the partizan militia who were quite as 
destitute, the British forts, one after another, were yielded to their 
enterprise and courage. Such were the successes of the separate 
commands of Marion, Sumter, and Lee, while the main army under 
Greene kept the superior strength of the enemy in check. To the 
policy of Greene, Rutledge accorded his counsels, and the saga- 
city which dictated the progress of the former, was in some measure 
due to the wisdom of the latter. 

Meanwhile, the drawn battle of Hobkirk's Hill had taken place, 
and this and preceding conflicts, though seldom decisive of the final 
victory, were yet significant of a continual rise in the moral and 
numerical strength of the patriots. The siege of the British post 
at '96 followed, and resulted in failure. The place, after a very 
spirited attempt by assault, was relieved by Lord Rawdon with supe- 
rior forces. The war gradually descended to the lower country of 
Carolina, leaving the country, however, in commotion everywhere. 
Traversed by opposing armies, the people, more or less in arms in 
every quarter on one side or the other, gave one another but little 
respite from a strife which had now become too familiar, to offend 
by its bloody and merciless exhibitions. To bring order into this 
chaos, to restore harmony, and bring peace to follow in the foot- 
steps of war, was the arduous task to which the energies of Rut- 
ledge were now chiefly directed. We find him in Carolina early in 
August. Here the first resumption of his civil authority was by a 
proclamation issued on the 5th of that month. This document was 
meant to arrest the career of mere plundering and marauding par- 
ties, by invoking against them the whole vengeance of the commu- 
nity. But the spirit of rage and retaliation were abroad, and not 
easy to be pacified. Carnage desolated the face of the land, and, in 
the day of his declining power, the enemy contributed still further 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 689 

to darken the horrors of the scene and times by wanton and peev- 
ish persecutions of his victims. The citizen prisoners, taken at the 
capitulation of Charleston, and who, till this time, had been left in 
partial possession of their property, were now, after their exchange 
as prisoners, ordered to withdraw with their families from Carolina. 
This measure necessarily left their possessions to the considerate 
keeping of those whose interests lay in despoiling them. The wrong 
called for a remedy. Governor Rutledge was prompt in the appli- 
cation of a stern one. He instantly employed a measure of retalia- 
tion, the severity of which was due wholly to the wanton aggression of 
the British authorities. He ordered all the families of Loyalists to 
repair to Charleston, which was in possession of the enemy. They 
were thus crowded upon the British, leaving their plantations in the 
interior in a condition precisely parallel to that which the procla- 
mations of the invaders had forced upon the patriots. Retaliatory 
measures are matters always of very doubtful propriety. It is only 
in particular cases, and for the correction of some enormous evil, that 
they can be resorted to, — and it is then proper to know that they 
will be reasonably productive of the results aimed at. It is difficult, 
at this late day, to say in how far the proceedings of Governor Rut- 
ledge availed for his objects. It is enough, however, for his justifi- 
cation, to know that the provocation was one of great bitterness 
and of pernicious and ruinous consequences; and that something 
was necessary to be done to satisfy the enemy that they could not 
trample with impunity upon the people whom they had so unsuccess- 
fully striven to bring to their knees. The following letter of Rut- 
ledge will relate this proceeding. It is addressed to Marion, and 
dated at Camden, September 3, 1781 : 

" Sir — On full consideration of the matter, I think that justice to 
our friends whose wives and families the enemy have sent out of 
the State, and policy, require that we should send into the enemy's 
lines the wives and families of all such men as are now with, 
and adhere to the British. I lament the distresses which many 
innocent women and children may probably suffer by this measure ; 
but they must follow the fate of their husbands and parents. Blame 
can only be imputed to the latter, and to the British commanders, 
whose conduct, on the principle of retaliation, justifies this step, — 
which, all circumstances considered, is an indispensable one. You 
will, therefore, give the necessary orders for enforcing this measure 
within the district of your brigade, without delay or exception. I 
am much dissatisfied with the present allotment of the several brig- 

44 



690 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

ades in this state, and think that a fourth might be formed to the 
southward, and that the other three might be better divided. I wish 
you would consider this matter well, and give me your sentiments, as 
soon as convenient, on the best manner of establishing four brigades. 
I also request that you will furnish me, as soon as you can have it 
made out, with an accurate alphabetical list of all persons having 
property within your brigade, who come under the following heads 
or descriptions — distinguishing under which head they respectively 
fall. 1st. Such as have held, or hold British commissions ; remark- 
ing what the commission is. 2d. Such as have gone over, and 
adhere to the British government, or whose conduct has mani- 
fested them to be notorious and dangerous enemies to their country. 
3d. British subjects residing abroad." 

Three days after another letter occurs on the same subject, which 
concludes with certain queries, the satisfaction of which would greatly 
help the progress of the modern historian.* 

The measures of British wrath which provoked the retaliatory 
proceedings of Butledge, and, as we claim, justified them, were fol- 
lowed up by one instance of atrocious judgment, which furnishes an 
appropriate catastrophe to their career of wantonness and crime. 
This was the execution of Colonel Isaac Hayne, an event well known 
in our annals, and forming, with the case of Captain Hale of Con- 
necticut, the offset to that of Major Andre. On the 7th of August 
Governor Butledge writes to General Marion, from the High Hills 
of Santee. He has still, since his return from Philadelphia, kept 
pace with the movements of the army. The Congaree lay between 
the British forces and those of Greene, soon to be crossed by the 
latter, seeking the opportunity for battle. The enemy having 
destroyed Georgetown by fire when abandoning it, Rutledge writes 
thus : 

'< Dear Sir — I am very sorry for the affair of Georgetown ; and 
am inclined to think that if the enemy leave Charleston, they will 



* A sample of these inquiries, which were desirable to the executive, upon which to justify 
and ground his proceedings, may be given : — 1. When did you begin, and what methods did 
you take, to form a party ? 2. What public measures increased, and what decreased, your 
force? 3. How did you get ammunition? How support your troops? 4. What are the 
particulars of your late action ; the prisoners; and your leaving the State after the battle 

of • ? Your return to it? House burnings and murders, how many on both sides? 

What particular expedition have you undertaken when alone — your force when co-operating, 
your number at diiferent times," &c. 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 691 

serve that place in the same manner. The orders you have given 
respecting the inhabitants who have suffered by the destruction of 
Georgetown are very proper. It is our duty to alleviate their dis- 
tresses as much as possible. I will speak to General Sumpter about 
adding the lower regiment to your brigade, and write you shortly on 
the point. ... If your information about the embarkation at 
Charleston be well founded, I think it probable that the enemy will 
soon leave this part of the country, and go to town. However, I 
hope we shall not suffer them to do so. I entirely forgot, when I 
saw you last, to mention what I intended before we met, that if a 
little hard money, 30 or 35 guineas, would be useful for getting intel- 
ligence, or other service, I have this sum ready for you," &c. 

Hard money was, indeed, a desideratum. We smile, in our times, 
at the idea of a governor of a state supplying a favourite general 
with thirty or thirty-five guineas, as a special boon; but we must 
remember that these thirty-five guineas were worth as many thou- 
sands, just then, in the famous continental currency. Rutledge 
brought with him from Philadelphia the scheme of those financial 
operations by which Mr. Morris hoped to raise cash and capital 
together, in order to meet the wants of the nation. But the hopes 
built upon these speculations were soon dissipated. The people of 
North and South Carolina had suffered much too painful experience 
in previous issues of paper promises, and not a shilling of money was 
raised by the expedient. Greene writes to Morris : 

" I am sorry to inform you, that the governor met with none who 
were willing to interest themselves in the bank. His route was 
through a tract of country where the inhabitants were little ac- 
quainted with commerce, and therefore not likely to become adven- 
turous in a measure of that sort." 

But the governor, satisfied of the inadequacy of the scheme for 
raising money, but fully conscious that money must be raised, if it 
was designed and desirable that the Southern States should be res- 
cued from the invader, proceeded to the adoption of measures much 
more decided, and which the dictatorial powers which had been con- 
fided to him by the Assembly were made to sanction. He deter- 
mined to impress for State service a quantity of indigo, the produce 
of the middle country, of which a large amount had been stored 
away in different places, awaiting the opportunity for secret sale and 
transit. This was an instantaneous means of raising money — it was 



692 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

SO much hard cash — and the indigo was immediately placed to the 
credit of the army. A timid man would have never ventured upon 
a measure so likely to result in hideous outcry, and to bring odium 
upon the authority by which it was attempted. But Rutledge was 
not the man to shrink from any responsibility in prosecuting the 
work of the country. He writes to Marion from Camden: "I have 
appointed Captain Richardson to procure indigo and specie for pub- 
lic use, and request that you will give him every assistance in your 
power, to aid him in this business. If he should want an escort, or 
any military aid, you will be pleased to furnish him," &c. Another 
letter to Marion is dated at the High Hills of Santee, August 13, 
1781. It relates to matters of considerable local interest, including 
the affairs of Colonel Hayne : 

<' Dear Sir — We really want a press so much, that I request you 
will lose no time in getting the paper and all other requisites for 
Walter, and sending him up here with them and his press, that he 
may go to work as soon as possible. It would be best to get the oil 
and lampblack where you procure the paper ; but if they cannot be 
got there, I am told the latter may be made here ; and so may neats- 
foot oil, which I suppose will answer the purpose. I have heard of 
Mr. Lewis Dutarque passing this way. He is one of the addressers 
to Clinton on the reduction of Charleston. I think we should be 
very cautious how we admit such people to join us. I dare say 
there are many of them who would gladly do so ; not for our sake, 
but their own. However, I wish to know from you upon what foot- 
ing this man stands, in consequence of any thing that may have passed 
between you. You will consider the militia between Charleston and 
your brigade as annexed to it; but I would not have any appointment 
which General Sumter may have made, of officers, revoked while 
they behave properly. The Governor of North Carolina writes — but 
with what truth I know not — that 2500 (men) had embarked in Vir- 
ginia for New York, (query, Yorktown ?) which was closely besieged. 
A man arrived at Camden last Friday, who landed at Jamestown in 
Virginia, with several other prisoners of war, who had gone thither 
from Charleston : so that we may soon expect to see several of our 
friends from thence. I request that you will send immediately to 
Colonel Harden, and get a full and authentic account of the execu- 
tion of Colonel Hayne, with every material circumstance relative to 
that unhappy affair. I am told that his son is possessed of copies 
of letters which passed between the Colonel and Balfour. Pray 
have them all transmitted to me as quickly as possible, with that ac- 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 693 

count, and copies of Colonel Hajaie's speech to liis regiment — which, 
I understand, was the matter laid to his charge ; and of the petition 
to the commandant of Charleston for his pardon, with the names of 
the petitioners. I think of appointing, immediately, an ordinary in 
each district, by whom wills may be proved, letters testified, and 
admininistration granted, and other business, within the ordinary's 
jurisdiction, transacted. The constitution directs that this shall be 
done ; and I think it a measure absolutely necessary for a number 
of reasons. I wish you would recommend proper persons who will 
undertake the office of ordinary for Georgetown, Cheraw, and 
Charleston districts." 

These extracts show that nothing escapes him in the way of busi- 
ness. His vigilance sees all necessities — his courage and intelli- 
gence prepares him instantly to apply the requisite agency. Here 
follows another proof of his decision. The " addressers to Clinton" 
were those residents of Charleston who, after its capitulation, ad- 
dressed certain adulatory congratulations upon his successes, assur- 
ing him, at the same time, of their loyalty. 

" Dear Sir — I understand there is, at Georgetown, a Mr. William 
Wayne, who, I find, was one of the ' addressers' to Clinton after 
the surrender of Charleston, and that he has brought a quantity of 
goods from thence, with which he is trading at Georgetown. I 
really am amazed at the impudence of these people, to dare, after 
such an atrocious act, to come out and reside among us, without 
making their applications to proper authority, and without knowing 
whether they would be received or not ; as if they had really been 
guilty of no offence whatever; though, in my opinion, they have 
acted in the most criminal manner. For my part, I do not desire to 
have them with us, and will not receive any of them ; for I should 
not believe them to be sincere, even if they pretended to conversion. 
They only come out to serve their own or the enemy's purpose, and 
even if they are sincere, I would not have them. We can do very well 
without them. Every one of us should lose all his property for sucl 
infamous conduct. I therefore desire that you will have this Wayne 
taken, and sent up to me under a proper guard; that you will 
make the necessary inquiries, and having discovered what property 
he has with him, or which may be come at, take the whole of it ; let 
it consist of whatever it may — money, goods, negroes, boats, or any 
other article whatever; and send to me all such as may be conveyed 
hither, and dispose of all the rest for the public account. Be pleased 



g94 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

to inform, per safe hand, quickly, -what is the result of your conduct 
in consequence of this order." 

Another letter of the same date relates to another addresser. We 
pass from these to more important matters. Two days after date of 
this letter was fought the celebrated battle of Eutaw, which virtually 
broke the arm of the British power in Carolina, and compelled them 
to fall down upon the metropolis with their shattered forces. Go- 
vernor Rutledge still attended the army, and was in the staff of 
Greene during the action. His pride was amply gratified at the 
behaviour of the State troops and militia on this occasions, as when 
he could write of the latter, that though in front of the battle, they 
were yet cool and resolute enough to deliver seventeen rounds before 
yielding to the pressure of British bayonets. This battle prompted 
the following letter to Marion, which was dated at Congaree, on the 
15th of September, 1781. It opens the door of amnesty for the 
repentant Tories : 

" Dear Sir — I think, after the glorious victory of Eutaws, it 
would be expedient to issue a proclamation, offering to all who have 
joined, and who are now with the enemy — excepting such as signed 
the congratulatory addresses to Clinton and Cornwallis, or have held, 
or hold commissions under the British Government — a free pardon^ 
and permission for their wives and families to return to and re- 
occupy their possessions ; on condition that such men shall appear 
at our head-quarters, or before a brigade, or the colonel of any 
regiment, and there subscribe an engagement to serve the State, 
faithfully, as militia-men, for six months ; declaring, in case of their 
deserting within that time, that their wives and families shall be 

sent into Charleston, or the enemy's lines I apprehend that 

such a measure would be well timed at this juncture, and might in- 
duce some — perhaps many — to return to their allegiance, and behave 
well ; Avhich would not only deprive the British of their services, 
but turn those services to our advantage. However, this is a nice 
point, and I don't know how it will be relished by our friends. You 
know, mankind generally judge of the propriety of measures from 
events. These we cannot foresee ; but it is our duty to consider 
what they probably will be, and take such steps as are most likely 
to produce the best effects. I now request that you will favour me, 
by bearer, with your opinion on these several points : — 1st, Whether 
you think it advisable to issue any proclamation or offer of pardon ? 
2dly, Would it be best to make any condition at all of the pardon : 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 695 

if a condition made, should it be that all persons [accepting should] 
enter the continental service for a certain time — (that I am afraid 
they would not like) — or would it be sufficient to require them to 
serve as militia for a certain time ? After the expiration they would 
be liable to do duty as the other inhabitants. Are six months' ser- 
vice long enough ? I think a time ought to be limited for their 
coming in, — suppose twenty days ; would that be long enough ? 
would it not be best that they should appear, and subscribe the 
agreement at one certain place, — say the head-quarters of the 
army, — or should it be either there, or before any brigadier, or 
colonel, or before a brigadier only ? Pray give me your sentiments 
fully and freely on this matter, also with respect to the allotment 
of the brigades, (about which I wrote to you yesterday,) by return of 
the bearer, and despatch him as soon as you can, for I keep Gen. 
Pickens only till I hear from you on these points, and he is very 
anxious to get away." 

Of his unremitted attention to the always difficult subject of mi- 
litia organization, we have the following, dated the 17th September, 
at Congaree : — 

<■<■ Dear Sir — I have allotted to your brigade the following regi- 
ments — viz.: Colonels Tartes, (?) McDonald's, Richardson's, Ervin's 
and Benton's, and the regiment formerly Maybank's. You will re- 
ceive, herewith, a number of blank commissions. Be pleased to 
have the regiment fully and properly officered, mustered, and classed, 
or drafted, as soon as possible ; and march one-third of them, with 
tbe utmost expedition, to head-quarters, or such other places as the 
Hon. Major-General Greene shall direct; — to do duty under his 
orders, for two months from the time of their arrival thereat. En- 
closed, are such extracts from several laws as are necessary to be 
made known to the militia. You will have each colonel furnished 
with a copy of them, and order that they be publicly read at the 
head of his regiment, and a copy taken by each of his field officers 
and captains, that none may pretend ignorance of them. The mi- 
litia laws may certainly be made much better than they are gene- 
rally supposed to be. You will therefore appoint the most proper 
men in your brigade for officers, and have the laws carried strictly 
and steadily into execution. You will direct that the men come on 
foot, for they are to do duty as infantry ; and their horses cannot 
be kept in camp, nor can any drafted men be spared to convey them 
back. If the number of commissions herewith sent are insufficient, 



696 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

let me know how many more are wanted, and I will send them as 
soon as they can be printed. In the mean time, you will give bre- 
vets to oflBcers for whom there are no commissions. I have written 
to Capt. A. Vanderhost to come and take command of the regiment, 
formerly Maybank's ; and will keep the commission of colonel open 
until I hear from him. You will appoint a lieutenant-colonel, and 
other necessary officers, for that regiment. I will send you printed 
copies of the three proclamations which are enclosed, as soon as a 
press can be got to work. In the interim, pray have a copy taken 
and delivered to each colonel, with orders to have it read at the 
head of his regiment and circulated through the district. Pray have 
the enclosed letter to Col. Hugh Horry, and the papers, forwarded. 
My proclamation of this date suspends, until ten days after the next 
meeting and setting of the General Assembly, the acts which make 
Continental and State money a tender in law. All fines must there- 
fore be paid in specie. By the militia law of 1778 and 1779, offenders 
are liable to be fined in sums not exceeding those which are therein 
mentioned. As they are imposed in current money, and the fines 
hereafter to be levied are to be paid in specie, it is necessary to 
ascertain to what amount in specie the court may fine. In 1776, 
militia were entitled to ten shillings current money a day. There 
was, at that time, no difference in the value of specie and paper 
money. In March, 1778, the pay of the militia continued the same. 
It is, therefore, to be presumed that no difference had then taken 
place between paper money and specie ; at least there is no legisla- 
tive acknowledgment of any depreciation. But in February, 1779, 
the pay of the militia was raised from 10s. to 32s. per day : the pa- 
per money having, and being admitted by the legislature, to be de- 
preciated in that proportion. From these observations we may fix 
the following rule as the most just and equitable for determining 
how far the country may fine in specie — viz. : for fines imposed by 
the act of 1778, to the amount of the sums mentioned in the law. 
Thus, lOOZ. in specie (according to the old current rate of gold or 
silver) for 100^. current. But for fines under the act of 1779, they 
must not exceed, in specie, the sums therein mentioned : as 1501. 
specie (according to the old current rate of gold and silver) for 500?. 
currency. You will order all offenders who may be condemned to 
the Continental service, to be sent under a sufficient guard to head- 
quarters. Persons against whose bodies executions issue, are to be 
committed to the jail at Waxsaws. You will give orders that no per- 
son be suffered to pass from this State into any other, through the 
district of your brigade, without a permit from me, — the general 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 697 

commanding the continental troops, — one of his aids, — or a briga- 
dier of militia ; — and that all persons taken prisoners, or stopped on 
suspicion, be thoroughly searched, to prevent the enemy's carrying 
on a correspondence by their means." 

We pass over numerous letters, which, in a work specially devoted 
to our subject, would possess undoubted interest. We propose to fur- 
nish samples only. These letters relate to suspected persons, to 
abuses in the militia, to their organization, to the gradual establish- 
ment of the civil authority, the supplies of troops, and the appoint- 
ment of officers. Here we find an authority granted to a favourite 
partisan, for the impressment of dragoon horses — next, letters com- 
plaining of the abuse of this privilege, and inveighing against the 
impressment of " plough horses, breeding mares, two-year-old, and 
yearlings." "I should not," he writes to Horry, "have given a 
press-warrant for procuring horses for your regiment, if I could have 
conceived that the power would have been so abused by any of your 
officers ; who certainly, upon reading the warrant, must have known 
better, if they did not before. The warrant extends only to horses 
fit for the dragoon service, which the creatures above described are 
clearly not," &c. The letter from which this extract is made, is 
alluded to in the following to Marion, which is interesting on many 
accounts, and not less so, as showing how wide was the extent of 
territory, and how numerous the objects which the vigilant eye of 
Rutledge had to keep within its survey. 

^^Oct. 10, 1781. 
" Dear Sir — I received your's yesterday, by Mr. Boone, and wrote 
in the most pressing terms to Col. Williams, (Gen. Greene being not 
yet returned from Charlotte, for which place he set off last Friday, 
for a supply of ammunition,) sending, at the same time, an extract 
of such parts of your letter as were material on that head. I am 
sorry to find, by Col. Williams' answer, enclosed, which he sent open, 
for my perusal, that it is absolutely out of his power to comply with 
your request immediately. I wish to God it was within my power 
to send you ammunition instantly ! but it is not. I shall not fail to 
have it sent to you as fast as any arrives at head- quarters ; and you 
will observe Col. Williams says he expects a sufficient stock every 
hour. Our situation, in this respect, being unknown to the enemy, 
they will not profit by it ; nor can I say that I expect they will at- 
tempt any measure against us. I rather think they will be appre- 
hensive for their own safety. However, I wish this circumstance had 



698 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

not intervened, to prevent your crossing the river, as I think your 
doing so, with your people, would have a good effect. This, I ima- 
gine, in the present situation of affairs you can't attempt : how- 
ever, I know you will do all that you can. If Mr. Withers had sent 
the schooner, which was [at] Patterson's, to Savannah, agreeably to 
my directions, which I sent to him, immediately on receiving your 
letter, by Patterson, we should have had a large stock of ammuni- 
tion for you and others, long ago ; but he has delayed the matter, 
I think, very long. However, I am taking, and shall continue to 
take, steps which I hope will be effectual, in several directions, for 
procuring ammunition for employ, without depending on the Conti- 
nental stock, which I find is, in general, small, and often exhausted. 
You certainly may clothe all the Continental soldiers of your line 
who join you. 

"From something I have lately heard about Dutarque, I am more 
anxious than formerly to have him taken. Lest he should escape, 
be pleased, therefore, to order this matter to be efiectually and speedily 
attended to. 

" I am also devising means for a supply of arms. However, you 
know it is an old trick for men, coming to camp, to pretend they 
have none. I need not give you a hint, that it would be well to be 
sure that men really have not, and that they cannot provide arms, 
before they are discharged for want of them. Indeed, although men 
without arms are not of use in the camp, yet they may occasionally 
be detached from it, on service, with the arms of some who remain 
in camp. 

"Enclosed is a brigadier's commision. I do not recollect the 
date of the former, but I dare say you do ; be pleased, therefore, 
to insert it. I think Col. Horry's conduct very extraordinary, and 
have enclosed a letter to him upon the subject you mention. I send 
the letter open for your perusal. When you have read it, be pleased 
to seal and forward it. He is not yet a Continental officer, and his 
regiment is not yet on the Continental Establishment ; but if he 
were, I know of no authority that any Continental officer or any 
other person (whoever he may be) has, to impress, in this State, 
without a power from me. Gen. Greene, it is true, did, before my 
return, direct him to impress ; but he has never, (I believe, and in- 
deed I am well persuaded of it,) since my return, given any such 
power to any one. He knows better. So far from it, that he re- 
quested me, if I approved the power which he had ordered Col. 
Horry to exercise, of impressing horses and articles necessary for 
the equipment of his regiment, to confirm what he had directed. I 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 699 

accordingly sent him a press-warrant, in which the power was par- 
ticularly confined to horses fit for the dragoon service, and not in 
public service ; informing him, also, that your regiment are to do 
duty on horseback. This, therefore, would give him no power to 
take breeding mares and yearlings, (in order to exchange them for 
horses,) such not being fit for his regiment ; nor the only horse that 
a man has, who is required to do militia duty on horseback. I am 

afraid, if all plough-horses were impressed, an exclusion 

would prevent our getting any horses at all ; for all may be brought 
under either description. However, it is certainly extremely hard, 
and ought not to be sufifered that the plough-horses, being necessarily 
employed to raise bread for the poorer kind of people, who use horses 
as a kind of substitute for negroes, should be taken. This would be 
very oppressive. I find every authority may be abused, and perhaps 
that which I have given on this head may be also. Therefore, to cut 
the matter short, wherever you find that it is wantonly exercised, 
and an oppressive and improper use is made of it, within the district 
of your brigade, I give you full authority to order the officer, at- 
tempting to impress such subjects, to cease from it, or to have them 
restored, if impressed. It would give me great pleasure to redress 
every encroachment on the liberties of the people ; and I shall cer- 
tainly do so, as far as my power extends, in any of the cases which 
you say you will mention to me when we meet. Col. Lee went up 
to Virginia last Friday. If he were here, I should immediately in- 
quire into Mr. Ravanel's case, and have it redressed. However, 
pray inform me, if you can, where the mare is, and I will endeavour 
to have her taken and restored. I shall, before I hear from you, 
and as soon as I see Gen. Greene, or any of Lee's officers, inquire 
into this matter. 

" I daily expected to hear, officially, of Cornwallis being reduced, 
and hope Charleston will be the next object of the combined army. 
It is not improbable that Count De Grasse may have sent, or will 
send, some ships, to block up the harbour. Pray give us what in- 
telligence you can from below, that you think may be depended on. 
I will send you that from Virginia, if good, (as it must be,) as soon 
as we can get it. 

" I am, with great regard, dear sir, youi' obedient servant, 

J. RUTLEDGE." 

A letter of the 11th October relates to militia penalties, and the 
right construction of the law upon this subject. Another of the 
12th may yet furnish hints, equally to the romancer and the histo- 



700 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

rian. It relates to a sort of picaroon business, which has not been 
much noticed by the chroniclers. 

" Dear Sir — The captains of several vessels, with commissions or 
letters of marque from Congress, having some • time ago made a 
practice of landing on our islands and sea-coast; and others of com- 
ing up the rivers, and taking away from plantations negroes and 
other property, under pretence of their owners being Tories, though 
several persons whose property has been so taken are well known 
to be friends of the United States; and this practice being highly 
illegal and unwarrantable, even as to Tories, whose property (if they 
have been guilty of a capital offence) is forfeited to the State, and 
not plunder to any freebooter who can lay hold on it, I desire that 
you will be pleased to give the necessary orders, and have the most 
effectual measures taken (within the district of your brigade,) for 
having all masters of vessels and their crews — Avho shall commit, or 
attempt to commit the offence above described — apprehended and 
sent under a sufficient guard to me, with the witnesses to prove the 
fact, that they may be properly tried for it. You will have the ves- 
sels in which such captains and mariners come, with their cargoes, 
secured until you shall receive directions from me what is to be done 
with them; and make reports to me of what the cargoes consist." 

Another of the same date, proposes to abridge the amount of aid 
and comfort which may be given to the enemy. Another of the 
25th of September, on the subject of militia substitutes, deserves 
to be put on record, as useful to future history. 

" Sir — I am informed that several persons liable to do militia duty, 
have found substitutes to perform it for them, and that others have 
paid money to officers, to procure men in the Continental or State 
service, by which means such men have been excused by their offi- 
cers from militia duty. As this practice has introduced, and must 
occasion great irregularity and confusion, I think proper to issue a 
special and particular order on this head, and to give reasons against 
the practice above mentioned, and for the propriety of this order. 
This law does not allow every man the privilege of sending a substi- 
tute ; nor does it exempt him from militia duty by paying such a sum 
as his officer may think proper to receive, either in lieu of personal 
service, to find a Continental or State soldier, or for any other pur- 
pose. Therefore, any officer taking on him to give an exemption 
from militia duty, to one who provides a substitute, or pays money to 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 701 

procure a regular soldier, acts illegally and unwarrantably. Such 
conduct never did, nor ever will receive my sanction or approbation. 
The militia are to be divided into three classes ; in one or other of 
which every man must appear. Each of these classes is liable to 
be called out for two months. This makes every militiaman liable 
to march twice a year. (I mean those who are above 80 miles from 
the enemy — for, if within that distance, the draught may be greater, 
and the term of service longer.) If he refuses, or neglects to march, 
he is liable to a fine not exceeding one hundred and fifty pounds, 
specie, being about the specie value (at the time when the militia act 
of the 13th of February, 1799, was passed) of five hundred pounds, 
current money ; and to a further fine, not exceeding a third part in 
specie, of treble the amount of his tax : such third part being about 
the comparative value (upon the principle laid down) between specie 
and paper money; in the latter of which he was liable to be fined, 
not exceeding treble his tax. The only alternative, then, is to do 
militia duty, or undergo his trial by a court-martial, and pay such 
fines in specie (not exceeding the amounts above mentioned) as they 
may adjudge, for his neglect or refusal. You will give the necessary 
orders for observing this rule within your brigade. No other regard 
is to be had to those who have found substitutes, or paid money to 
procure men, or for public purpose, than, if they do not choose to 
perform militia duty, to allow them credit on account of their fine 
for the specie value of what they paid to procure a substitute, or for 
public purpose. You will order a regular account to be kept of all 
moneys received, or to be received on the score above mentioned ; 
which is to be paid into your hands by those who originally received 
it. Be pleased to make a return to me of what money has been 
thus received ; and every two months, of all which may be received, 
that a proper disposition of it may be ordered. I hope these in- 
structions, and those of the 17th instant, are sufficiently clear and 
extensive. I will endeavour to make them so if any doubt should 
remain or arise, or any explanation be requisite, upon your commu- 
nicating them to me." 

A note to this letter covers a proclamation in which pardon is 
offered to the Tories ; in preparing which, Governor Rutledge ad- 
mits that he "has been very much puzzled." He concludes to make 
certain exceptions, which probably governed the Legislature at a 
subsequent period, in the indulgences which they accorded to the 
more favoured, and the denials of favour which they deserved, to the 
greatly odious among the offenders. On the 6th of October, ho 



702 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

again wrote to Marion about tlie organization of his brigade, and of 
the militia. 

These letters are all valuable, as they grow out of the experience 
of a time which tried militiamen's souls quite as much as other men's. 

" Dear Sir — I received your letter of the 2d instant, the day be- 
fore yesterday, and should have answered it sooner, but have been 
disabled by sickness. The order respecting the militia marching on 
foot, was general to all the regiments ; but as the movements and 
employment of your brigade are different from those of any other, I 
think the reasons good for your continuing to act on horseback. You 
will therefore order them to do so. By your order of the 2d instant, 
to Col. Richardson, I perceive you have mistaken my intention, which 
was not to bring to trial, by court-martial, (in order that they may 
be fined in specie,) such persons as have refused to do duty. My de- 
sire is that the regiment be mustered, and classed or drafted, and 
the extracts of the militia law, my orders respecting the militia, and 
the proclamation suspending the Tender Acts, be read at the head 
of each regiment, in order that they may be publicly notified, and 
no person hereafter pretend ignorance of them. This being done, the 
instructions are to operate against all future offenders, whether they 
have found substitutes in the militia, provided regular soldiers, or paid 
money for those or other purposes ; but until this be done, persons 
who have refused to do military duty are only finable in paper money ; 
and I am rather of opinion that it is most expedient not to inquire 
into past offences, but to begin upon the new plan which I have laid 
down. As to persons who have found substitutes, or done any other 
acts which they were made to believe would exempt them from militia 
duty, and who have therefore refused to perform it — the bringing 
them to a court-martial for such past offences would be extremely 
hard, if the court should fine largely, and might give umbrage to 
many ofiicers who probably conceived they had a right to receive 
money or substitutes for exemptions from duty, and that in so doing 
they were rendering the most effectual service to their country. But 
it is likely that under such circumstances, the court would either ac- 
quit, or fine them in a very small sum. For these reasons, I would 
recommend the overlooking all past offences, or neglect of duty: 
and you will therefore alter your orders to Col. Richardson, and any 
other similar orders which you may have given to other colonels, and 
make those orders conformable to this explanation; but enjoin the 
strictest and steadiest execution of these orders in future. 

" Gen. Greene informs me that he is much in want of a more 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 703 

choice corps of militia to patrol in the vicinity of his camp, and pre- 
vent the soldiers from strolling, or offering any injury to the inhabit- 
ants. You will be pleased to order Col. Richardson to go to the 
general, know from him what number of men he will want, and fur- 
nish them for that purpose out of the first draft. The performance 
of such a duty will exempt the men employed in it (whilst they are 
so employed) from any other. My idea is, though I presume no 
doubt has arisen with you on the point, that no man that is within 
the district of any regiment, out of Charleston, shall be excused from 
militia duty, under a pretence that he is on parole, or a British sub- 
ject, unless the former has been fairly taken in arms, and paroled 
as an officer. Any other men who are on parole, or insist upon be- 
ing British subjects, and therefore refuse to do militia duty, may take 
their choice either of doing it, or going into the enemy's lines; and 
if they will not go, and refuse to do duty, they must be tried and 
fined as it is directed with respect to other privates. You will not, 
however, consider this instruction — it being a general one — as any 
prohibition to you to sufi"er such persons in either of the predica- 
ments last mentioned, as you may think proper to permit, to remain 
out of the British lines, without doing any militia duty at all, for 
some more valuable purpose — this being a matter which I leave to 
your discretion. I find there are many gentlemen riding about the 
country under the description of volunteers, who render no service 
to it. This practice being very injurious, should be immediately 
suppressed ; and no man is to be excused from doing militia duty in 
the district of the regiment to which he belongs, unless he is actually 
enrolled and obliged for some certain time to serve in some regular 
corps of cavalry, not merely as a volunteer, but to do the same 
duty, and subject to the same articles, as the rest of the corps are 
obliged to do or are subject to. The blankets and cloth you men- 
tion, will certainly be wanted for public use ; you will therefore have 
them safely kept somewhere under your orders, and indeed we shall 
want more than you can procure. I shall therefore be glad that you 
obtain all that you possibly can, and have that also kept in the same 
manner. Be pleased to forward the enclosed letters to Colonels 
Horry and Mayham. There are several other matters which I will 
write to you about, as soon as I can consider and arrange them. I 
am unable at present to do so. Capt. Richardson informs me that 
he has not above three bushels of salt left. As three barrels, or 
twenty-four bushels, will be absolutely necessary for the use of my- 
self and the gentlemen of the Council, whom I daily expect here, I 
shall be much obliged to you to send, in your first letter to me, an 



Y04 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

order on any person who has the charge of any salt of yours, (the 
nearest to this place,) to deliver that quantity to such person as I 
may send for it." 

We pass over many letters of minor importance, and come to one 
of the 16th of October, 1781, which is of exceeding interest, be- 
traying a considerable exigency in State affairs, and showing at the 
same time the strong understanding and energetic resolves of the 
governor. 

" Dear Sir — I have just now received yours of the 13th inst. by 
the bearer. You were misinformed with respect to young Allston's 
business with me; but had it been what you were told, the Wacca- 
mites would have been disappointed ; for my sentiments corresponded 
exactly with yours on the point you mention. The orders that no 
substitutes be admitted, will answer the end you propose, and make 
them as well as others of the same stamp either go into the British 
lines, to militia duty, or pay such fines as a court-martial may inflict — 
unless you think proper to make use of my private instructions with 
respect to them. I am told that an offer is to come from the Wicca- 
maw men about furnishing a quantity of salt, in order to be excused 
from militia duty. If it should, I shall refer it to you to fix the mat- 
ter with them. Dr. Neufville was taken sick at Salisbury, on his way 
from the northward. He may probably be recovered ere now. I 
will write to him to come on directly in order to be your surgeon, and 
in the mean time will endeavour to get you one from camp ; though 
I fear I cannot, as the troops are exceedingly sick, and in want of 
doctors. Yours of the 15th is also just come to hand by Captain 
Greene, with Mr. Dutarque, whom I have sent to Sheriff Kimball. 
You will be pleased to consider the directions respecting Belin's es- 
tate, as extended to Dutarque, and give the same orders about the 
latter as you have done about the former. You will either confine 
Mr. Walter where you think proper, and he will be safe, or send him, 
with the proofs of the charges you mention against him, under guard 
to me; and pray send Mr. James Sinclair into the enemy's lines, 
and do the same with every man who is taken at home. I would 
make the rule general as to every man so taken. But it may hap- 
pen that good men will sometimes be taken at their own houses, and 
it would be hard to send them in to remain. This is no time to be 
trifled with. We must be in earnest. Therefore all men thus taken, 
who are reasonably suspected of not being friends to the State, are 
to be dealt with as above mentioned. I wish Mr. Peter Sinclair 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 705 

could be excliaiiged. General Greene is to be here to-day, and I 
■will speak to him on the subject, though I fear it cannot be done, as 
Major Berry is come up. He cannot, though a favourite, get ex- 
changed for Washington; and I presume from that circumstance the 
cartel is suspended for the present. I have the pleasure to inform 
you that Congress have at last, on the 18th ult., ordered the Board 
of War to have the mines at Simsbury, Connecticut, prepared for the 
reception of five hundred British soldiers, to remain there as prison- 
ers unexchangeably, until the American soldiers who were forced into 
the British service at Charleston and elsewhere are returned to the 
United States. This measure, or the putting these men on board 
the French fleet, as marines, is what I have often and strenuously 
recommended long ago ; but it could never be effected sooner. It is, 
however, better late than never; and though so long postponed, will, 
I hope, produce good consequences. The general writes to me that 
he has received a letter from the President of Congress, informing 
him that the French fleet had sunk a 74 gun ship, disabled five more, 
and drove the rest of the British fleet into the Hook, at New York. 
We have no later intelligence from Virginia than to the 25th ult. ; 
when General Washington had twenty-six thousand men, and half 
of them regulars, and was to begin his operations by regular ap- 
proaches on the 27th. God grant that he may be successful there, 
and soon give us peaceable and quiet possession both of our town 
and country !" 

Letters follow in relation to the seizure and storage of indigo, 
and minor details in relation to fines, exempts, and militia duty in 
general. A long letter to Marion discusses several topics which 
might be tributary in small respects, to our general history, but 
which is quite too long for our limits. The behaviour of some of 
Horry's ofiicers in the matter of impressments is again the subject, 
and prompts a sharp letter to the colonel, which is followed by 
others in a more indulgent temper. Meanwhile the progress of 
events and of the American arms has been gradually contracting 
the British operations to the immediate precincts of the capital. 
Charleston, and the isthmus called the Neck, was all that now really 
remained to them of their extensive conquests ; and this almost com- 
plete recovery of the State to the American arms naturally suggested 
the resumption of the business of government, by a call of the Le- 
gislature to their duties. Writs of election were accordingly issued. 
A letter to Marion, dated November 23, relates to this subject, and 
covers zvi'its for him to distribute. The Legislature was appointed 

45 



706 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

to convene at the village of Jacksonborough, on the 18th January, 
1782. The army of Greene, meanwhile, was set in motion, to take 
post between this position and the British post below. In the inte- 
rim. Governor Rutledge Avrites to Marion, under date of December 
4, 1781. The subjects are interesting — the militia, the tories, and 
the decline of British ascendancy. We omit some portions of this 
letter. 

"I am much of your opinion," says the writer, "that several 
scoundrels will quit the town and surrender themselves, in order to 
obtain a pardon, by serving six months in the militia; but it does 
not follow that they will be pardoned. Those whose conduct and 
character have been so infamous that they cannot, consistently with 
policy or practice, be admitted to the privileges of Americans, may, 

and probably will be sent back As General Greene 

set off last Tuesday for Four Holes and the lower part of the coun- 
try, I am in hopes you have seen each other before now; and I am 
inclined to believe that his position will be such, even before the re- 
inforcements arrive at head-quarters, that the enemy will not think 
it safe to venture far into the country. After the reinforcements 
arrive, I think he will keep them below the Quarter House, unless 
Charleston should be reinforced, which I do not think it will be im- 
mediately. The surrender of Cornwallis must perplex Clinton, as 
well as the Ministry; and I apprehend he will wait for their direc- 
tions what step to take next. I do not think, however, that the 
enemy will evacuate the town, until they see a force on our part suf- 
ficient to compel them to do so. They are under great apprehen- 
sions (and I hope with good reason for them) for their West India 
possessions." 

With another interesting letter, dated the 15th December, we con- 
clude our extracts from this collection of original correspondence. 

" Dear Sir — You will consider the Charleston regiment of militia 
as annexed to your brigade, and make the necessary appointments. 
I am told that the troops which are coming from the northward bring 
eight hundred stand of arms. If you apply to General Greene for 
arms, it is probable that on their arrival he may spare some of them 
to you. I have written to Philadelphia for arms and ammunition 
for the State's use, and expect them by return of the wagons which 
carried indigo thither, and which I think must be now about setting 
off to come back. On their arrival, I hope to give your brigade a 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 707 

good supply. I wish to procure twelve barrels of rice for the use 
of the Assembly at their intended meeting on the 8th of next month. 
Be pleased to have that quantity procured, as high up Santee River 
as it can be got, and let me know, as soon as possible, where it 
is, that I may order wagons down to fetch it from thence to Cam- 
den in time. I purpose setting out for General Greene's camp on 
the 7th of next month, and request that you will send me an escort 
of twenty-five men, with a proper officer, from Mayham's corps. Let 
them be here the day before, and well mounted, as I shall travel 
pretty expeditiously." 

With these selections we close our review of a correspondence 
which throws much light upon the domestic history of the South at 
a very difficult period, and sufficiently exhibits the devotion of the 
writer to the most various interests of his country. These letters, 
useful in themselves, were too much addressed to mere details, to 
suflFer the writer to rise to the exercise of those peculiar powers of 
generalization and utterance which constituted the foundation of 
his acknowledged eloquence. His speech at the opening of the As- 
sembly, so long suspended, will serve as a specimen of the compact- 
ness of his statements, rather than as a sample of his oratory. 

The Jacksonborough Assembly, as it was popularly called, pre- 
sented the appearance of a Parliament of feudal barons. Most of 
the members were drawn from the army, or had seen service at one 
time or other in the camp. Many of them hurried to and fro be- 
tween their commands and the Assembly, — now to strike at the 
enemy, and now to give a vote in civil affairs. It was a body highly 
distinguished by its talent, and, with one exception, by the mode- 
rateness of its measures. 

This was an act for amercing and confiscating the estates of some 
of the most obnoxious of the loyalists, and for banishing others ; — 
a measure highly and generally disapproved of, when the exigencies 
of the war were over, and when the tempers of the people had been 
mollified by the most ample concessions from their enemies. Gover- 
nor Rutledge countenanced and probably counselled this measure. 
It was carried by a large majority of votes, so that the odium of the 
proceeding, if deserved by any, must be shared among the many, 
and not cast exclusively upon the one. But censure was entirely 
undeserved. When the act was passed, the foreign enemy was still 
in possession of the metropolis. Their troops still assessed the 
country ; still plundered the whig inhabitants ; and the loyalists still 
served in considerable numbers in the British array. They still gave 



708 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

aid and comfort to the foe, and deserved to suffer, particularly as, 
by similar processes of confiscation, they had robbed and ruined the 
estates and families of the brave men who were fighting the battles 
of the country. A want of means for the continued maintenance 
of the Continental army, in South Carolina and Georgia — both of 
which States were on the eve of emancipation — justified the mea- 
sure ; even if the wrongs done by the loyalists, and the provocations 
endured by the patriots, had not given it the fullest sanction. 

The term of ofiice for which Mr. Rutledge had been elected had 
now expired ; and as, by the rotation established, it became neces- 
sary to choose a new governor, he yielded up his commission to the 
hands that gave it. He retired from his high and most responsible 
position with an immense increase of popularity. He had amply 
justified the choice and confidence of the country. His exertions 
to repel invasion — in the defence of Charleston — in procuring aid 
from the neighbouring States and from Congress — in stimulating 
and encouraging the people — in sustaining their leaders — in rolling 
back the tide of British conquest — in reviving the legislative and 
judicial authorities, — exhibited powers equally large and various; 
and a courage, decision, and industry, which had never been sur- 
passed. We have shown that these services were greatly acknow- 
ledged by the Assembly. In the termination of his executive duties, 
he was not suffered to retire from public service, but was immedi- 
ately elected as a delegate to Congress. 

Here he was called upon to perform an extraordinary duty. The 
surrender of Cornwallis, in October, 1781, threatened for a time to 
be quite as unfortunate for the conqueror, as for the conquered. 
Assuming the emergency of war to be at an end by this event, the 
States sunk into apathy and indifference. Victory had began to 
paralyze their exertions, ere yet they had fully secured the fruits 
and trophies of the field. They acted no longer with energy and 
vigour. Their contributions to the common cause were withheld; 
and, it became a subject of great and reasonable apprehension, lest 
Great Britain, encouraged by this languor and apathy, should deter- 
mine upon new exertions, and at the last moment withhold from the 
nation the great prize of independence. The renewal of war would 
have been an entire, though temporary, loss of all that had been 
gained. To prevent so dire a result. Congress sent deputations from 
their body to the different States, to arouse them, by proper repre- 
sentations of their danger, to a sense of their duty. In this cha- 
racter John Rutledge, with whom was associated George Clymer, 
was commissioned on the 22d May, 1782, " to make such represen- 






^■0^ 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 709 

tatlons to the several States southward of Philadelphia, as were best 
adapted to their respective circumstances and the present situation 
of public affairs, and as might induce them to carry the requisitions 
of Congress into effect with the greatest despatch."* In the per- 
formance of this duty the delegates were permitted to address the 
Virginia Assembly, and the result was a triumph highly honourable 
to the eloquence of Rutlcdge. So happy was his portraiture of the 
condition of the country, — so vivid and forcible the argument by 
which he urged the necessity of a prompt and vigorous performance 
of their trust, as guardians of a great State and constituents of a 
vast empire, — that the impression which he souglit to make was com- 
plete. His object was gained; and the Virginians, who even in that 
early day were proud, and with good reason, of their orators and 
statesmen, were not unwilling to admit the eloquent Carolinian to 
the same platform with their own deservedly renowned, Patrick 
Henry. 

Mr. Rutledge served in Congress till 1783, and was soon after ap- 
pointed Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to Holland; 
but he declined the appointment; and the year following was elected 
a Judge of the Court of Chancery in South Carolina. The neces- 
sity for this court had been greatly increased by the events of the 
war just ended. Mr. Rutledge framed the bill for its organization 
on a new model, and introduced several of the improvements then 
recently made in the English courts of similar jurisdiction. Hitherto 
his duties had been rather legislative or executive, with some con- 
siderable connection with the military. They were now to become 
judicial. He was destined to occupy all the rounds of responsi- 
bility. Had his performances not been singularly fortunate in his 
previous career, we should, perhaps, have said that the judiciary was 
his true field. He was born a lawyer. His studies in this profes- 
sion had been pursued con amove. He had wrestled with the law as 
one wrestles with a mistress, and had taken her to his heart as well 
as to his lips. His knowledge of principles was profound, his ap- 
preciation of details accurate and immense ; and that large grasp 
of judgment — that comprehensive reach of vision — which enabled 
him to take in at a glance not merely the central proportions, but 
all its several relations and dependencies, eminently fitted him for 
the new career before him. With the facts fairly within his survey, 
his coup d'oeil was instantaneous. His mind seemed to leap to its 
conclusions at a bound. He loved pleadings — could listen, with rare 

* See Burke's History of the War. 



710 LIVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE 

delight, to the eloquence of the specious advocate; but while these 
gratified his sense of the ingenious and the beautiful, they failed to 
persuade his fancy, or to mislead his judgment. His sense of jus- 
tice was invincible. He threaded with ease the most difficult ave- 
nues of litigation — speedily resolved the subtleness of special plead- 
ing — steadily pursued, and finally grasped, the leading principle of 
the case, and rendered his judgments so luminously and forcibly, as, 
in most cases, to satisfy even those who suffered from his decision. 

In the year 1787, Mr. Rutledge was again called to the service of 
the nation. He was required to assist in framing a national consti- 
tution, in place of the advisory system of the Confederation. In 
arranging the provision of that bond of Union, and in persuading 
his countrymen to attempt it, he was eminently successful. Under 
the new constitution he was selected, by Washington, as the first As- 
sociate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. This 
was a distinction sufficiently showing in what estimation his judicial 
talents and virtues were held by the President and by the na- 
tion. It was because of this appointment, we may presume, that the 
Senate of the United States were recently presented with the scheme 
of honouring his memory with a bust. In this office he served till 
1791, when he was called to the chair of Chief Justice of South 
Carolina. Subsequently, he was made Chief Justice of the United 
States. He was thus, for more than thirty years, continually in the 
harness — always in stations of difficulty and great responsibility, 
and passing through the ordeal, in every instance, without a scratch 
upon the ermine of his character, and to the constant increase of 
his reputation for wisdom and ability. He closed his mortal career 
on the 23d of January, 1800, in the sixty-first year of his age ; full 
of honours to the last, and leaving a name among his people which 
they should not "willingly let die." 



OLIVER ELLSWORTH. 



Oliver Ellsworth was born at Windsor, in Connecticut, April 
29th, 1745. His father was a farmer, and his own youth was passed 
alternately in agricultural labours and liberal studies. At the age 
of 17, he entered Yale College, which he subsequently left for the 
College of Nassau Hall, at Princeton. 

After completing his academic course at Princeton, in 17G6, he 



SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. 711 

Studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1771, in the county of 
Hartford, Conecticut, where he commenced the practice, and ac- 
quired in a few years a high professional reputation, that occasioned 
his appointment as State's Attorney. 

From the commencement of the revolutionary struggle, Mr. Ells- 
worth sided with the colonies; he went into actual service against 
the enemy with the militia of Connecticut, and, as a member of the 
General Assembly of that State, took a large share in all the politi- 
cal discussions and measures. In 1777, he was chosen a delegate 
to the Congress of the United States, in which body he continued 
for three years. In 1780, he became a member of the council of 
Connecticut, and, in 1784, was appointed a judge of the superior 
court of the State — an office which he filled for several years with 
great reputation. In 1787, he was chosen by the Legislature one 
of the delegates of Connecticut to the convention for framing a 
federal constitution, to be held in Philadelphia. In this illustrious 
assembly he obtained much influence and distinction. It is believed, 
that the present organization and mode of appointment of the Sen- 
ate were suggested by him. As he was called away by other duties, 
his name is not among those of the signers of the constitution which 
was adopted, but he approved the work, and warmly supported it ii^ 
the State Convention. Two of his very able speeches in its defence 
are preserved in the third volume of Carey's American Museum. 

When the Constitution was ratified. Judge Ellsworth was elected 
a senator to the first Congress, which met at New York, in 1789 ; 
and he retained his seat till 1796, during almost the whole of Presi- 
dent Washington's administration. The bill for organizing the ju- 
diciary department was drawn up by him ; and the part which he 
took in most of the great questions of politics or public economy, 
raised him to a lofty eminence in the eyes of the country. 

In 1796, when Mr. Jay resigned the office of Chief Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, President Washington appointed 
Mr. Ellsworth his successor. To this trust he proved fully equal, 
though he had been long estranged from the practice of his profession. 
All his habits and faculties were specially adapted to the discharge 
of judicial functions. At the close of the year 1799, he was selected 
to be one of the three envoys to France — Governor Davie of North 
Carolina, and the Honourable William Vans Murray being his col- 
league — in order to adjust those differences which had assumed the 
character of war. For this errand he was not so well qualified as 
for the career which he had previously run ; but the convention, 
which was concluded by the envoys with the French government, 



712 ^IVES OF THE CHIEF JUSTIi^ES OF THE SUPREME COURT. 

obtained the assent of the President and the Senate. His health 
was so much impaired by a long and tempestuous sea voyage, that 
he was obliged to pass over to England from France, in order, chiefly, 
to try the efficacy of the British mineral waters. The same cause 
induced him to transmit from England, to President Washington, his 
resignation of the office of Chief Justice. As soon as he acquired 
some fresh strength, he returned to his native country, and retired 
to his family residence at Windsor, in Connecticut. In 1802, he 
entered again into the council of State, and in 1807, was elected the 
Chief Justice of the State, but declined this station. The nephritic 
complaints, to which he had been long subject, attained a fatal vio- 
lence this year, and caused his death in the 63d year of his age. 

Oliver Ellsworth was one of the most distinguished of the revo- 
lutionary patriots of America, of her statesmen, and her lawyers. 
He filled a large space in the eyes of his countrymen. His personal 
character and domestic life were exemplary. His friend, Dr. Dwight, 
has commemorated his merits in his "Travels in New England." 



JOHN MARSHALL. 

For a biographical notice of Chief Justice Marshall, see page 259. 



ROGER BROOKE TANEY. 

For a biographical notice of the present Chief Justice, Roger 
Brooke Taney, see page 430. 



THE END. 



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